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About The daily times. (Columbus, Ga.) 1875-1876 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 8, 1876)
TERMS OF THE TIMES. WYNNE & MARTIN PubliMticr* and Proprietors. DAILY, from Oct. 1 to April l,6tn *4 00 •• three months 2 00 “ one month 75 TUI- WEEKLY, from April 1 to Oct. 1.. id 00 •* three months 1 00 ** one month 40 WEEKLY, one year 2 00 (Shorter terms in proportion.) RATES OF ADVERTISING. One Square, one week $ 2 00 One Square, one month 5 00 One Square, six months 15 00 Transient advertisements SI.OO for first inser >n. and 50 cents for each subsequent insertion. Fifty per cent, additional in Local column. Liberal rates to larger advertisements. Tll DEN S ACCEPTANCE- A SfMIIKI K\|M>Kition Of <OOII (aovernnieul. Albany, N. Y., July 31, 187 G. Gentlemen : When I had the honor to receive a personal delivery of your letter, in behalf of the Demo cratic National Convention, held on the 28th of June, at St. Louis, advis ing mo of my nomination as the can didate of the constituency represent ed by that body for the office of President of the United Slates. I an swered that at. my earliest conve nience, and in conformity with usage, I would prepare and transmit to you a formal acceptance. X now avail myself of the first interval in unavoidable occupations to fulfil! that engagement. The convention, before making its nominations, adopted a declaration of principles, which, as a whole, seems to me a wise exposition of the necessities of our country and of the reforms needed to bring back the Government to its true functions, to restore puritv of administration and to renew the prosperity of the peo ple ; but some of these reforms are so urgent, that they claim more than a passing approval. REFORM IN PUBLIC EXPENSE. The necessity of a reform in the scale of public expense, Federal, State and municipal, and in tile modes of Federal taxation, Justifies nil the prominence given to it, in the declaration of the St. Louis Conven tion. The present depression in all the business and industries of the people, which is depriving labor of its employment and carrying want into so many homes, has its princi pal cause in excessive governmental consumption. Under the illusions of a specious prospect, engendered by the false policies of the Federal Government, a waste of capital lias been going on ever since the peace of 1865, which could only end in univer sal disaster. The Federal taxes of the past eleven years reach the gi gantic sum of $4,500,000,(MX). Local taxation has amounted to two-thirds as much more. The vast, aggregate is not less than $7,500,000,000. This enormous taxation followed a civil conflict that had greatly impaired our aggregate wealth, and had made a prompt reduction of expenses indis pensable. It was aggravated by most unscientific and ill-adjusted methods of taxation that increased the sacrifices of the people far be yond the receipts of the Treasury. It was aggravated more by a Hnan-* eial policy which tended to dimin ish the energy, skill and economy of production, ami the frugality of pri vate consumption, and induced mis calculation in business, and an unre munerative use of capital and labor. Even in prosperous times the daily wants of industrious communities press closely upon their daily earn ings. The possible national savings is, at best, a small per oentago of na tional earnings. Yet now, for these eleven years, governmental con sumption has been a larger portion or the national earnings than the whole people can possibly save even in prosperous times for all new in vestments. The consequences of these errors are, now a present pub lic calamity, but they were never doubtful never invisible. They were necessary and inevitable, and were foreseen and depicted when the waves of that fictitious prosperity ran highest. In a speech made by me on the 24th of September, 1868, it was said of these taxes: “They bear heavily upon every man’s income, upon every industry and every business in the country, and year by year they are destined to press still more heav ily unless we arrest the system that gives rise to them.” It was comparatively easy when values were doubling under repeated issues of legal tender paper money, to bay out of the froth of our growing and apparent wealth these taxes; but when values recede and sink to ward their natural scale the tax gatherer takes from us, not only our income, not only our profits, but also a portion of our capital. I do not wish to exaggerate or alarm. I simply say that we cannot afford the costly and ruinous policy of the Radical majority of Congress. We cannot afford the magnificent and oppressive centralism into which our Government is being converted. We cannot afford the present mag nificent scale of taxation. To the Secretary of the Treasury I said, early in 1865: “There is no royal road for a government, more than for an individual or a corpora tion. What you want to do now is, to cut down your expenses and live within your income. I would give all the legerdemain of finance and financiering—l would give the whole of it for the old homely maxim, ‘Live within your income/ This reform will be resisted at every step, but it must be pressed persistently.” We see to-day the immediate rep resentatives of the people, in one branch of Congress, while struggling to reduce expenditures, compelled to confront the menace of the Senate and the Executive, that unless the objectional appropriation be consent ed to the operations of the Govern ment thereunder shall suffer de tr mentor ceas<; In my judgment, an amendment of the Constitution oughtto be devised separating into distinct bills the ap propriations for the various depart ments of the public service and ex cluding from each bill all appropria tions for other objects and all inde pendent legislation. In that way alone the revisory power of each of the two houses and of the Executive mav be preserved and exempted from the moral duress which often compels assent to objectionable ap propriations rather than stop the wheels of Government, THE SOUTH. An accessory cause, enhancing the distress in business, is to be found in the systematic and insupportable misgovernment imposed on the States of the South. Besides the or dinary effects of lignorant and dis honest administration, it has inflat ed upon them enormous issues of fraudulent bonds, the scanty avails of which were wasted or stolen, and the existence of which is a public discredit tending to .bankruptcy or repudiation. Taxes, generally op pressive in some instances, have eon- VOL. 2. flscated the entire incotno of proper-! ty and totally destroyed its market \ value. It is impossible \thut these evils should not react upon the pros- j perity of the whole country. The ! nobler motives of humanity concur : with the material interests of all in j requiring that every {obstacle be ro-! moved and a complete and durable reconciliation effected between kin dred people, once unnaturally es tranged, on the basis, recognized by the St. Louis platform, of the Consti tution of the united States, with its amendments universally accept,ed as a final settlement of the controver sies which engendered the civil war. But, in aid of results so beneficent, the moral Influence of every citizen, as well as of every governmental au thority, ought to be exerted, not alone to maintain their just equality before the law, but likewise to estab lish cordial and fraternal good will among citizens, whatever their race or color, who are now uniting in the one detiny of common self govern ment, If the duty shall be assigned to me I should not, fail to exercise the powers with which the laws and the Constitution of our country clothe its chief magistrate to protect, all its citizens, whatever their former condition, in every political and per sonal right. CURRENCY REFORM. Reform is necessary, declares the St. Louis Convention, to establish a sound currency, restore the public credit and maintain t,lie national honor, and it, goes on to demand a judicious system of preparation by public economics,by official retrench ments and by a wise finance, which shall enable the nation soon t,o as sure the whole world of its perfect ability and perfect readiness to moot anv creditor entiled to payment. Yhe object demanded by the con vention is a resumption of specie pay ment, in the legal tender notes of the United (States. That would not only restore the public credit and main tain the national itonor, but it would establish a sound currency for the people. The methods by which this object is to be pursued and the means by which is to be obtained, are disclosed by what the convention demanded for the future and by what it denounced in the past. Bank note resumption—re sumption of specie payments by the Government of the United States in its legal tender notes-would estab lish specie payment by all banks on all their notes. Official statements on the 15th of May show that the amounts of the bank notes was $300,000,000, loss $20,- 000,000 held by themselves. Against these $280,000,1X10 of notes the banks held $145,000,000 of legal tender notes, or a little more than fifty per cent, of the amount, but they also had on deposit in the Federal Treas ury, as security for these notes, bonds of the United States worth in gold about $350,000,000 available and cur rent in all the foreign money mar kets, la resumitig, the banks, even if it were possible for all their notes to be presented for payment, would have $300,000,000 of specie funds to pay $280,000,000 of notes, without contracting their loans to their cus tomers or calling on any private debtor for payment. Suspended banks undertaking to resume have usually been obliged to collect from needy borrowers the means to redeem excessive issues and provide reserves. A vague idea of distress is therefore often associ ated with the process of resumption; but the distrust which caused rest lessness in those former instances do not exist. The Government has only to make good its promises and the banks can take care of themselves without distressing any body. The Government is therefore the sole delinquent. LEGAL-TENDER RESUMPTION. The amount of the legal tender notes of the United States now out standing is less than $370,000,000, be sides $35,000,000 of fractional curren cy. How shall the Government make these notes at all timesas good as specie? It has to provide, in ref erence to the mass which would be kept in use by the wants of business, a central reservoir of coin, adequate to the adjustment of the temporary fluctuations of international balan ces, and as a guaranty against tran sient drains artificially created by panic or by speculation. It has also to provide for the payment of such fractional currency as may be pre sented for redemption and such in considerable portions of the legal tenders as Individuals, from time to time, may desire to convert for spec ial use, or in older to lay by in coin their little stores of money. RESUMPTION NOT DIFFICULT. To make the coin in the Treasury available for this reserve, to gradu ally strengthen and enlarge that re serve, and to provide for such other exceptional demands for coin as may arise, does not seem to me to be a work of difficulty. If wisely plan tied and discreetly pursued, it ought not to cost any sacrifice to the busi ness of the country. It should tend, on the contrary, to a revival of hope and confidence. The coin in the Treasury on the 30th of July, including what is held against coin certificates, amounted to nearly $7,000,000. The current of precious metals which has flowed out of our country for eleven years— from July 11, 1865, to June 30, 1876- averaging nearly $76,000,000 a year, was $832,000,000, in the whole period, of which $617,000,000 were the pro duct of our own mines. To amass the requisite quantities by intercept ing from the current flowing out of the country and by acquiring from the stocks which exist abroad, with out disturbing the equilibrium of foreign money markets, is a result to be easily marked out by practical knowledge and judgment. With respect to whatever surplus of legal tenders the wants of business may fail to keep in use, and which, in order to save interest, will be re turned for redemption, they can bo either paid or they can bo funded. Whether thev continue as currency or be absorbed into the vast mass of securities held as investments is merely a question of the rate of in terest they draw. If they were to re main in their present form and the Government were to agree to pay on them a rate of interest, making thorn desirable as investments, they would cease to circulate and take their place -with Government, State, municipal and other corporate and private bonds, of which thousands of mil lions exist among us. In the perfect ease with which they can be changed from currency into investments lies the only danger to be guarded against in the adop tion of gcnerallmeasures to remove a clearly ascertained surplus, that is, the withdrawal of any which is not a permanent excess beyond the wants of business. Even more mischievous THE TIMES. COLUMBUS, GA., TUESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1876. would be anv measure which affects the public imagination Swith the fear of an apprehended scarcity. In a community where credit is so much used, fluctuations of values and vissitudes in business arc largely caused by the temporary belief of men, even before these beliefs con form to ascertained realities. AMOUNT OF NECESSARY CURRENCY. The amount of tho necessary cur rency at a given time cannot be de termined arbitrarily, and should not be assumed upon conjecture. That amount is subject to both permanent and temporary change. An enlarge ment of which it seemed to bo dura ble happened at the beginning of the civil war, by a substituted use of cur rency in place of individual credits. It varies with certain states of busi ness. It fluctuates with considera ble regularity. At different seasons of the year, in autumn for instance, when buyers of grain and other agri cultural products begin their opera tions, they usually want to borrow capital, or circulating credits, by which to make their purchases, and want these funds in currency capable of being distributed in small stuns among numerous sellers, the addi tion of currency at which time is live or more per cent, of the whole volume, and if a surplus beyond that procured for ordinary use does not happen to have been on hand at the money centres a scarcity of currency ensues, and also a stringency in the loan market. It is in reference to such experi ences that iu a discussion of this sub ject, in my annual message to the New York Legislature of January 5, 1875, the suggestion was made that the Federal liovernment is bound to redeem every portion of its issues which the public do not wish to use. Having assumed to monopolize the supply of currency, and enacted ex clusions against everybody else, it is bound to furnish all which the wants of business requires. The sys tem should passively allow the vol ume of circulating credits to ebb and flow according to the ever changing events of business. It should imi tate, as closely as possible, the na tural laws of trade which it has su perseded by artificial contrivances; and in similar discussions, in my message of January 4th, 1876, it was said that resumption should be ef fected by such measures as would keep the aggregate amount of cur rency self adjusting during all pro cesses without creating at any time an artificial scarcity and without ex citing the public imagination with alarms which impair confidence, con tract tho whole large machinery of credit and disturb the natural opera tions of business. MEANS OF RESUMPTION. Public economies, official retrench ments and wise finance are the means which the St. Louis Convention indi cates. Asa provision for reserves and redemptions the best resource is a reduction of the expenses of the Government below its income, for that imposes no new charge upon the people. If, however, the improvi dence and waste which have con ducted us to a period of failing rev enues, oblige us to supplement the results of economies and retrench ments by some resort to loans, we should not hesitate. The Govern ment ought, not to speculate on its own dishonor in order to save inter est on its bonds—promises which it still compels private dealers to accept at a fictitious par. The highest na tional honor is not only right,, but would prove profitable. Of tho public debt— s9Bs,ooo,ooo bear interest at 6 per cent, in gold, and $72,000,000 at. 5 per cent, in gold, the average interest is 5.58 per cent. A financial policy which should se cure the highest credit wisely availed of, ought gradually to obtain a re duction of 1 per cent, on the interest on most of the loans. A saving of 1 per cent, on the average would be $17,0(10,000 a year in gold. That sav ing regularly invested at 4 j per cent, would, in less than thirty-eight years, ext inguish the principal. The whole $1,700,000,000 of the funded debt might be paid by this saving alone, without cost to the people. PROPER TIME FOR RESUMPTION. The proper time for resumption is the time when wiso preparations shall have ripened into perfect abil ity to accomplish the object with a certainty and ease that will inspire .confidence and encourage the reviv ing of business. The earliest time in which such a result can bo brought about is the best; even when the pre parations shall have been matured, the exact date would have to be chosen with reference to tho then ex isting state of trade and credit opera tions in our own country, the course of foreign commerce, and the condi tion of exchanges with other nations. The specific measures and the actual date are matters of detail having ref erence to ever-changing conditions that, belong to the dominion of prac tical administrative statesmanship. The captain of a steamer about start ing from New York to Liverpool does not assemble a council over his ocean chart, and fix an angle by which to keep the rudder for the whole voy age. A human intelligence must be at the helm to discern the shifting forces of the waters arid the winds— a human hand must be on the helm to feel the elements day by day, and guide to a mastery over them. PREPARATIONS FOR RESUMPTION. Such preparations are everything. Without them a legislative command fixing a day—an official promise fix ing a day, are shows, They are more—they are a snare and a delu sion to all who trust them. They destroy all confidence among thoughtful men, whose judgment, will at least, sway public opinion. An at tempt to act, on such a command -on such a promise, without prepara tion, would end in new suspension. It would be a fresh calamity, pro ductive of confusion, distrust and distress. THE ACT OF JANUARY 14, 1875. The act of Congress of the 14th of January, 1875, enacted that on and after the first of January, 1879, the Secretary of the Treasury shall re deem, it) coin, the legal tender notes of the United States on presentation at the office of the Assistant, Treas urer in the city of New York, It authorized the Secretary to prepare and provide for such resumption of, specie payments by the use of any surplus reserves not otherwise ap propriated and by issuing in his dis cretion certain classes of bonds. More than one and a half of the years have passed. Congress and the President have continued ever since to unite in acts which have legislated out of existence every pos sible surplus applicable to this pur pose. The coin in the Treasury claimed to belong to the Govern ment had, on the 30th of June, fallen to loss than $45,000,000, as against $59,000,000 on the first of January, 1875, and t.ho availability of a part, of that now is said to be questionable. Tho revenues are falling faster than appropriations are reducing, leaving the Treasury with diminishing re sources. Tho Secretary lias done nothing under his power to issue bonds. The legislative and the of ficial promise fixing a day for re sumption have thus far been barren. No practical preparations towards resumption have boon made. There lias been no progress. There is no economy itt the operations of gov ernment. Tho homely maxims of every-day life are the host standards of its conduct. A debtor who should promise to pay a loan out of a sur plus income, yet be seen every day spending all lio could lay his hands on iu riotous living, would lose all character for honesty and veracity. His offer of anew promise, or ills profession us to the value of the old promise, would alike provoke deris ion. The resumption plank of the St. Louis platform denounces the failure for eleven years to make good the promise of legal tender notes. It de nounces the omission to accumulate any reserve for their redemption. It denounces ttie conduct which dur ing eleven years of peace has made no advances towards resumption, no preparations for resumption ; but in stead of it,, has obstructed resumption by wasting our resources and ex hausting all our surplus income, and while professing to intend a speedy return" to specie payments has an nually enacted fresh hindrances thereto ;|and having first denounced tho barrenness of tile promise of a day of resumption, it next denounces that barren promise as a hindrance to resumption. It next demands its repeal, and also demands the estab lishment of a judicious system of pre paration for resumption. It cannot be doubted that tho substitution of a system of preparation, without the promise of a day, for the worthless promise of a day without, a system of preparation, would be the gain of the substance of resumption in exchange for its shadow, nor is its denunciation unmerited of that improvidence which the eleven years since the peace ,has consumed ! $4,500,000,000 and yet could not afford to give the people a sound and stable currency. Two and a half per cent, on tiie ex penditures of t hose eleven. years, or even less, would have provided all the additional coin needful to re sumption, and relieved the business distress. The distress now felt by the people in all their business and industries through it, has its princi pal cause in tho enormous waste oi capital occasioned by the false poli ties of our Government, and has been greatly aggravated by tho misman agement, of the currency. Uncer tainty is the prolific point of mis chief iu all business. Never were its evils more felt, than now. Men do nothing because they are unable to make any calculations on which they cau safely rely. They undertake nothing, because they fear a loss in everything they undertake. They stop and wait. The merchant dares not to buy for the future consump tion of his customers; the manufac turer dare not make, fabrics which may not refund his outlay. He shuts his factory and discharges his work men. Capitalists cannot lend on se curity they consider not safe, and their funds lie almost without inter est. Men of enterprise who have credit of securities to pledge will riot borrow. Consumption has fallen be low the natural limits of a reason able economy. Prioesof many tilings are under their range in frugal specie paying times before the civil war. The vast masses of currency in the banks untouched. A year and a half ago the legal tenders were at ttieir largest volumes and tho $12,000,000 since retired have boon replaced by fresh issues of $16,000,000 of bank notes. In the meantime the banks have been surrendering about $4,000,- 000 a month, because they cannot find a profitable use for so many of their notes. The public mind will no longer ac cept shams. It has suffered enough from illusions. An insincere policy increases distrust. An unstable pol icy increases uncertainty. Tho peo ple need to know that the Govern ment is moving in a direction of ul timate safety and prosperity, and that it is doing so through prudent, safe and conservative methods, which will be sure to inflict no new sacrifice on the business of tho coun try. Then the inspiration of new hope and well founded confidence will have the restoring processes of nature and prosperity will begin to return. The St. Louis Convention con cludes its expression in regard to rite currency by a declaration of its con victions as "to the practical results of the system of preparations, it de mands. It says, we believe, .such a system well devised and above all in trusted txXcompet.ent hands for execu tion, creating at no time an artificial scarcity of currency and at no time alarming the public mind Into a withdrawal of that vast machinery— erdit— by which 95 per cent, of all business transactions are performed, a system open, public, jand inspiring general confidence, should, from the day of its adoption, bring healing on its wings to all our harassed indus tries, set in motion tho wheels of eomtncrce, manufactures and the mechanic arts, restore employment to labor, and renew in all its natu ral sources the prosperity of the peo ple. The Government of the United States, in my opinion, can advance to a resumption of specie payments on its legal tender notes, by gradual and safe processes, tending to relieve the present business distress. If charged by the people with the administration of the Executive of fice, I should deem it ajduty so to ex ercise the powers with which it has been or may be invested by Congress as best and soonest to conduct the country to that beneficent result. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. The convention justly affirms that reform is necessary in civil service necessary to its purification—neces sary to its economy arid its efficiency, necessary in order that the the ordi nary employment of the public busi ness may not boa prize fought for at the bal’ot box a brief reward to party zeal instead of posts of honor, assigned for proved competency and held for fidelity in the public employ. The convention wisely added that re form is necessary even more in the higher grades of the public service. President, Vice President, Judges, Senators, Representatives, Cabinet officers—these and all others in au thority, are the people’s servants. Their offices are not a private per quisite-they are a public trust. Two evils infest tho official service of the Federal Government, One is the prevalent and demoralizing no tion that ttie public service exists, not for the business and benefitofthe whole people, but for the interest of the officeholders, who are, in truth, but the servants of tho people. Un der the influence of this pernicious error, public employments have been multiplied. Tho number of these. gathered into tho ranks of the officeholders, have been steadily in creased beyond any possible require ment of tho public business, whilo inefficiency, peculation, fraud and malfeasance of tho public funds, from the high places of power to tho lowest, have overspread the whole service like a leprosy. The other evil is the organization of the official class into a body of political mercenaries, governing tho caucus and dictating nominations of their own party, and attempting to carry the elections of tho people by undue influence and by immense corruption, by funds systematically collected from tho salaries or from the office-holders. The official class in other countries, sometimes by its own weight, and sometimes in alliance with tho army lias been able to rule the unorgan ized masses, even under universal suffrage. Here it has already grown into a gigantic power, capable of stifling the inspiration of a sound public opinion and of resisting any change in the administration, until mis-government becomes intolera ble and public spirit has been stung to the pitch of a civil revolution. The first step in reform is the ele vation of the standard by which the appointing power selects agents to execute official trusts. Next in im portance is a conscientious fidelity iu the exercise of the authority to hold to account and displace untrustwor thy or inoapuble subordinates. The public interest in an honest, skillful performance of official duty must not bo sacrificed to the usufruct of the incumbents. After these immediate steps, which will insure the exhibi tion of better examples, we may wise ly go on to tho abolition of unneces sary offices, and, finally, to the pa tient, careful organization of a better civil service system under the lists, wherever practicable, by proved com petency and fidelity. While much may be accomplished by those meth ods, it might encourage delusive ex pectations if withheld here, by the expression of my conviction that no reform of the civil service, in this country, will bo complete and per manent until its Chief Magistrate is constitutionally disqualified for re olootion, experience having repeated ly exposed the futility of self-impos ed restrictions by candidates or in cumbents. Through this instrumen tality only can he be effectually de livered from his greatest temptation to misuse the power and patronage wit.li which the Executive is of neces sity charged. CONCLUSION. Educated in the belief that it, is tho first duty of a citizen of the republic to take his fair allotment of care and trouble in public affairs, I have, for forty years, as a private citizen, ful filled that duty. Though occupied in an unusual degree, during all that period, with the concerns of Govern ment, I have never acquired the habit of official life. When a year and a half ago, I entered upon my pres ent trust, it was in order to consum mate reforms to which I had already devoted several of the best years of my life. Knowing as I do, therefore, from fresh experience, how great is the difference between gliding through an official routine and work ing out, a reform of systems and poli cies, it is impossible for mo to con template what needs to be dono in the Federal administration without, an anxious sense of the difficulties of tho undertaking. If summoned by tho suffrages of my countrymon to attempt this work, I shall endeavor, with God's help, to bo tho efficient instrument of their will. Samuel J. Tilden, To Gen. John A. IMcClernand, Chairman, Gen. W. B. Franklin, Hon. J. J. Abbott, lion. H. J. Shaun horst, Hon, H. J. Bedfield, Hon. F. S. Lyon and others, Committee, etc, , >—— — . Ni:\V YOUKNEWN. New York, August 7.—The striking longshoremen to-day* made some very threatening movements towards new hands who have been employed in their stead, but were effectually prevented by the police from making any assault. Commodore Vanderbilt was quite feeble this morning. His chief dif ficulty is trouble with the prostate gland and inflamationof the bladder. He has suffered from this ailment for nearly forty years. This afternoon he felt much easier. Thurlow Weed, Dr. Deems and otiiers called during the day. Agents of the Lehigh Valley Rail road Company are in this city with reference to the rumor that coal mining would be totally suspended in Pennsylvania districts to-mor row. They state that they do not know of any movement to suspend mining. They believe the rumor has been started to affect tho price of coal stocks. The thermometer reached to-day 95 degrees. Several suntrokes oc curred. A, Leary, the pedestrian, who started at the rink this a. m. to walk 500 miles within six days, was be hind time at noon, having only ac complished fifty miles. He is quite fresh, however, and confident of suc cess. - —— Fight With the Indians. Chicago, August 7.--Troops near the Rio Grande in Texas attacked a camp of hostile Kickapoos and Lipans on tho fourth irist., killed ten and captured four Indians, and took 100 ponies. -- - - The Win! her To-lln y. Washington', August 7.- During Tuesday, in the South Atlantic and Gulf States, rising, followed by fall ing barometer, slight changes in temperature; soutwest to southeast winds, and clear or partly cloudy weather will prevail, with possibly rain areas in tho southwest and Caroiinas. NO. 134 CONGRESSIONAL. MTt ninv, AtietsT stii. SENATE. Washington, August 6.—A long discussion was had in tho Senate, be tween Morton, Thurman, Patterson and others, on the motion of the former to print 10,000 copies of the President’s Hamburg message. The printing was ordered. HOUSE. The Banking and Currency com mittee reported a bill repealing the resumption clause of the act of 1875. The bill was passed by a vote of 100 yeas to 86 nays. Yeas -Messrs. Ainsworth, Ander son, Atkins, Banning, Bland, Boone, Bradford, Bright, Brown of New York, Brown of Kentucky, Cabell, Caldwell, of Alabama, Caldwell of Tennessee, Campbell, Cannon. Cate, Caulfield, Clark, of Kentucky, Clark, of Missouri, Clymer, Cochrane, Col lins, Cook, Cox, Dibrell, Douglass, Durham, Eden Evans, Faulkner, Felton, Finley, Forney, Fort, Frank lin, Gauze, Goode, Gordon, Gunter, Harrison Hantzell, Haymond, Henkle, Hereford, Holman, Hooker, Hopkins, House, Hubbell, Hunton, Hurd, Jones of New York, Landeirs of Indiana, Lane, Lawrence, Lewis, Lynde, Mackey, Marsh, McFarland, McMahon, MHleken, Mills, Morgan, Mutchlet, Neal, New, Payne, Phelps, Poppleton, Randall, Rea, Reagan, Reily, Rice, Riddle, Robinson, Sav age, Sheakley Singleton, Slemons, Smith of Georgia, Southard, Spring er, Steuger, Stevenson, Stone Teese, Thomas, Throckmorton, Tucker, Turney, Van Vorhees, Vance of Ohio, Waddell, Walker of Virginia, Walsh, Wells, Witthorne, Williams of Indiana, Williams of Alabama, Wilshire, Wilson of West Viginia, Yeates and Young-106. Nays—Abbott, Adams, Bagby, G. A Bagley, J. 11. Bagley, Baker, Bal lon, Banks, Bell, Blair, Burohard of Illinois, Cawell, Chittenden. Conges Cronnes, Cutler, Banford, Davy, Du rand, Eanies, Ely, Freeman, Frye, Gibson, Hale Hancock, Hardebergh, Harris of Massachusetts, Henderson, Hewitt of New York, Hoar Hoge, Ilyram, Joyce, Kasson, Kehr, Kim ball, Lamar, Laphan, Levy, Lynch, MoDougall, McCreary, Meade, Met calf. Miller, Monroe, Morrison. Nash Norton, Obrien. Odell, O’Neill, Pack er, Page, Pierce, Piper. Platte, Pot ter, Powell, Ramsey, Ross, Rusk, Sampson, Schleicher, Sinnikson, Smalls, Smith of Pennsylvania, Strait, Stoweli, Thompson, Thorn burg, Townsend of Pennsylvania, Tufts, Wait, Walker of New York, Ward, Warren, Wells of Mississippi, White, Whiting, A. Williams of Michigan, Willis, Wilson of lowa, and Woodburn—Gß. Mr. Cox then reported a bill for a commission of three Senators, three Representatives and three experts, to to inquire, First—lnto the change that has taken place in the relative value of gold and silver, the causes thereof, whether permanent or otherwise, the effect thereof on the trade, com merce, finance and productive inter ests of the country, and on the stand ard value in this and foreign coun tries. Second—lnto the policy of the re storation of the double standard in this country, and, if restored, what tho legal relations between the two coins (silver and gold) shall be. Third—lnto the question of the policy of continuing legal tender notes concurrently witii metallic standards, and their effect on the la bor, industry and wealth of the country. Fourth—lnto the best manner of providing for facilitating the re sumption of speeio payment. The commission to report on or be fore the 17th of January. An hour and a half took place, turning chiefly on the question whether the bill demonetizing silver was or was not passed through the House surreptitiously and without reading, the afirmation of the ques tion being held by Bland of Missouri, Holman, of Indiana, Fort, of Illi nois, and the negative by Kasson, of lowa, and Townsend, of Pennsyl vania. Mr. Fort declared that tho author of the bill demonetizing silver, was a London gentlemen who came to Washington and spent the winter there. Finally the question was taken and the bill passed. MONDAY, AUGUKTItIi. SENATE. Washington, August 7.—Senate met at 11 a. m., with less titan half a quorum present. Mr. I<!ernan, from Committee on Finance, reported Senate bill to amend section 239 of the revised stat utes, to allow repayment of tonage tax in certain cases, and it was placed on the calendar. On motion of Mr. Edmunds, the joint resolution in relation to the wreck of the United States Monitor Tecuraseh was taken up, amondod and passed. Mr. Sherman reported bill to fur ther extend time for redemption of lands sold for direct taxes with the recommendation that the House amendment be concuraed in—agreed to. Mr. Boutwell, from the select com mittee to investigate the condition of affairs in Louisiana, submitted a re- port. Tho reading of the report was postponed. Mr. Maxey presented resolutions of tho Legislature of Texas relative tothedoath ofGon. Custer—ordered printod. On motion of Mr. Wright, the Sen ate took up the bill far the payment of the Southern Claims Commission. A largo number of amendments were agreed to, and hill passed. On motion of Mr. Sherman, the House bill repealing the resumption ary clause in the act of January 14, 1875, and the resolution providing for a gold and silver commission, were referred to tho Finance Committee. Tho regular order was demanded, and the Senate resumed considera tion of the resolution to print 10,000 copies of the President’s Hamburg massacre message. Mr. Edmunds continued his re marks in arraignment of tho Demo cratic administration of the Govern ment of Texas. Mr. Allison, at tho conclusion of Mr. Edmunds’ remarks, submitted a report from the Committee of Confer ence on the River and Harbor Appro priation Bill, which was ordered to be printed and laid over. Mr. Allison submitted a memoran dum showing that the appropriation for certain works had been reduced from the amount in the Senate five millions, and others had been in creased to a like total amount. Mr. Logan then addressed the Sen ate, delivering a great speech upon tho general political situation. Mr. Eaton criticized the action of the President in responding to the resolution, sending, as he charged, extraneous matter and going out of tho lino of duty to arraign the people of two States of the Union about whom no inquiry was made by the Senate. Mr. |Eaton defended the letter of Tilden accepting the nomi nation from an attack made upon it by Mr. Edmunds, and without con cluding his remarks gave way to a motion to that effect, and at five o’clock the Senate went into execu tive. session, and soon thereafter adjourned. s HOUSE. The Speaker proceeded at once to call States for bills and resolutions for reference only. The reading of each bill was demanded to consume time, and hence but few were intro duced. Among them were the fol lowing : Mr. Ballau, of Rhode Island—to promote the efficiency of the United States Navy. It provides for the appointment of civil engineers. Mr. Douglass, of Virginia—resolu tion to amend the rules so as to allow all comittees of investigation to re port at any time during the present session of Congress. Mr. Hurlbut, of 111.,, made the point of order that under this call simple resolutions could not be of fered. The Speaker overruled the point of order, on the ground that resolutions to amend rules were ox cepted. Mr. Hale, of Maine, moved to refer it to the Committee oa Appropria tions. Mr. Cox made the point that all propositions to amend rules must of necessity be referred to tho Commit tee on Rules. The Speaker overruled the latter point, and Mr. Hale appealed from the decision of the chair, and Mr. Springer, of 111., moved to lay the appeal on the table. On the latter motion no quorum voted on a rising vote, and the yeas and nays were ordered. The vote was 24 yeas to 11 nays. No quorum, as the opponents of the resolution refrained from voting. On motion of Mr. Holman, a call of the House was then ordered, end a quorum appointed, 193 members having answered to their names. Tho question then recurred again upon laying the appeal upon the ta ble. Mr. Hale appeared for the with drawal of the resolution. He said the minority would not object to the presentation of reports of Commit tee Investigations, provided no ma jority report was made unless the minority were ready with their reports, If this rule was adopted, however, the majority could take ad vantage and report any time. Mr. Cox hsked Mr. Halo if he would give assurance that his side would not object to the presentation of reports. Mr. Hale was not authorized to give that assurance. He could only say that no objection had been made when the minority was ready. The roll was again called, and the motion to lay tho appeal on the table prevailed. Hitch on the Legislative Appropriation Bill. Washington, August 7.—The con ference committee on the Legislative Appropriation bill held another meeting this p. m. They seem to be as far from an agreement as ever. The report that they had agreed is incorrect. This afternoon the indi cations were that the committee had agreed to disagree; that the members of tho Senate committee indicated their ultimatum, and left it to the members of the House committee to decide whether they would accept it or not. It is generally believed that Mr. Randall, of House commit tee, is the great stumbling block in the way of an agreement, and that were it not for him tho committee would soon agree. As the ease stands, it seems almost unnecessary to appoint anew conference commit tee. The present one has exhausted every means to agree, but owing to tho stubbornness of the members of the House committee, have beenuna ble to do so.
