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PAGE 4, AUGUST 31, 2009, THE ISLANDER
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When will the Heath-Care Debate start?
By Sheldon Richman
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I’m waiting for the health-care
debate to start. The preliminaries have
been spirited and loud, but how about
a debate?
You may think there’s been a debate,
but if you’d been listening carefully,
you’d realize it’s a fake, like profes
sional wrestling.
To be of value a real debate requires
fundamental disagreement. But this
pseudo-debate is between one side,
led by President Obama, that wants
more government control than the
large amount we already have, and
another, the Republicans, that thinks
we already have the right amount.
What kind of debate is that? The
status quo is a health-care system
dominated by government in every
way. It’s been like that for generations.
So the alleged debate is more a spat
between two sects of the Church of the
Omniscient State. The only alterna
tive to the statism we have — the free
market — is nowhere to be found on
the Official Table in Washington, D.C.
No wonder. Politicians hate to see their
power reduced.
You would perhaps be surprised to
hear Obama described as a defender
of the status quo. But as Washington
Post economics columnist Robert Sam-
uelson writes, “One of the bewildering
ironies of the health-care debate is that
President Obama claims to be attack
ing the status quo when he’s actually
embracing it. Ever since Congress cre
ated Medicare and Medicaid in 1965,
health politics has followed a simple
logic: Expand benefits and talk about
controlling costs. That’s the status quo,
According to Ballotpedia.org, a wiki-
based website created by the Citizens
in Charge Foundation to track ballot
initiatives, referendums and recalls,
this year voters have already launched
more than twice as many efforts to
recall public officials than occurred all
of last year.
In Flint, Michigan, voters were set
to recall the mayor for corruption,
mismanagement and more. Ten days
before the vote, the mayor resigned.
In Tuolumne Comity, California,
voters removed an entire school board
that failed to account for $16 million in
bond revenue.
After failed attempts to remove
mayors in Toledo and Akron, Ohio,
the Akron city council is now trying to
dramatically increase the petition sig
natures needed to start a recall.
In Kimberly, Idaho, a campaign to
recall the mayor and two city councilors
for jacking up utility rates fell short of
the needed voter signatures. But now
the police are investigating whether
town officials illegally obstructed the
effort.
In Cincinnati, no process yet exists
for recalling officials, so the local
NAACP is poised to launch a petition
drive to establish one. County Repub-
and Obama faithfully adheres to it.”
The Republicans express dismay
about how the new costs will be cov
ered, but they also support expanded
coverage, just not as fast or in quite the
same way as the Democrats For exam
ple, Obama’s government-run insur
ance plan — the so-called public option
— is too overtly statist for Republicans.
They prefer more subtlety, such as tar
geted tax credits, so they can maintain
their free-enterprise image. It’s govern
ment tinkering by another name. You
also don’t hear Republicans talking
about scaling back Medicare, much less
abolishing it, though even Obama had
to acknowledge it’s “socialized medi
cine.” Indeed, they expanded Medicare
under George W. Bush.
What’s so insidious about the fake
debate is the method by which the
real debate is avoided. Most politicians
talk as if the problems in the system
were caused by too little, not too much,
government. The insurance industry
has come in for the harshest criticism.
There’s no need to take the free-mar-
ket alternative seriously if you can
convince the public that it has already
failed.
But there is no free market in insur
ance. Every state in the Union is a pro
tectionist fiefdom in which insurance
companies enjoy government-granted
monopoly privileges in return for com
plying with regulations. The key power
is licensing, which limits the number of
companies. Regulatory agencies dictate
how the companies do business, includ
ing what services they must cover. In
some states companies have to accept
Detecting fraud is one of the most
important roles for government. But
our friends in power tend to be incom
petent at it.
This becomes clear in light of that
most costly Ponzi scheme, Bernie
Madoffs.
Before he was caught, Madoff — who
now paints signs in prison — perpetrat
ed one of the longest-running scams in
investment history. It wasn’t an invest
ment scheme that lost its way. No, it
was a fraud through and through. It
cost his marks billions.
Joseph Cotchett, a lawyer for some of
Madoffs victims, interviewed the fraud
ster at length. Cotchett calls Madoff
“charming” and “no dummy.” But he
noted that his fraud was not a great
work of sophistication: “It is amazing
how simple it was.”
lican leaders are “studying” the issue.
The county’s Democratic Party chair
man opposes recall, saying, “I’d hate to
see a situation where the mayor could
be recalled any time he made a contro
versial decision.”
That’s a straw man. Recalls have
been used very rarely. Besides, none of
our political problems stem from voters
demanding too much of politicians. “I
all comers regardless of health and
can’t set premiums according to risk.
Federal law forbids you and me from
buying policies offered in states that
pile on fewer unwanted coverage man
dates. Regulation and licensing deprive
us of the innovative, lower-cost prod
ucts that competition and entrepre
neurship would generate.
This is why Obama’s promise to
create competitive markets with a pub
lic option and insurance exchanges
is patently ridiculous. Government
prevents competition. So why aren’t
the professed devotees of competition
working to end the restrictions on free
dom? Let’s try real competition before
we let the government start an insur
ance program that will be an incipi
ent universal Medicare. After all, the
original Medicare will soon bankrupt
the government.
You don’t hear the insurance com
panies saying that, because they love
the shelter from competition and they
favor the mandatory coverage. Why
innovate to better serve customers if
the government will compel people to
buy their product?
It’s the same with the pharmaceuti
cal companies. They are licking their
chops at the prospect of government’s
compelling everyone to have drug plan.
It’s a myth that big companies like
free markets. They like the status quo,
including most of Obama’s plan.
Every bad thing about the health
care system is the government’s doing.
All the major participants are invested
in the status quo. That’s why there
won’t be a real debate.
Sheldon Richman is policy advisor
to The Future of Freedom Foundation
(www.fff.org) and editor of The Free
man magazine. □
Still, the regulators responsible for
finding this kind of fraud didn’t see
it. Early in the millennium, Madoff
thought he might get caught. In 2005,
the SEC sat down with him, and he
thought the gig was up. Regulators,
insists Cotchett, did not dig “to the next
level, and the next level was not deep by
his own admission.”
Lots of folks clamor, these days,
for more regulation. Here’s my advice:
Improve the most basic form of regula
tion — protection against fraud — and
build on success. Leave complicated
micromanagement stuff alone until
governments get competent at the very
basics.
If you cannot detect an unsophisti
cated fraud, how can you run a very
sophisticated economy? □
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