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TUB IMPIKiI STATE
IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
By A. A. Grauldins
TWO DOLLARS IX ADVANCE, OR THREE DOL
LARS AFTER SIX MONTHS, PER ANNUM.
jjp-Office up-stairs over W. R. Phillips &
ldrertisements are inserted at One Dollar per square for
th. first insertion, and Fifty Cents per square for each in-
Ortion thereafter.
A reasonable deduction will be made to those who adver
%lm by the year. ...
All Advertisements not otherwise ordered will be contmu
*4 tilt forbid.
Sales of Lands by Administrators, Executors or Guar
dians, arc required by law to be held on the first Tuesday
la the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and
3 In the afternoon, at the Court House, in the county in
which the Land is situated. Notice of these sales must he
given in a public Gazette forty days previous to the day ol
Bale.
Bales of Negroes must he made at public auction on the
fimt Tuesday of the month, between the usual hou.is of sale,
at the place of public sales in the county where the Letters
Testamentary, or Administration, or Guardianship may
have been granted—first giving forty days notice thereof in
•ne of the public Gazettes of the State, and at the Court
House where such sale is to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must he given in
\lke manner, forty days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must he
published forty days.
Notice that application will he made to the Court of Or
dinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for two
months.
Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published two
•ntlis before any order absolute shall be made thereon by
ha Court.
Citations for Letters of Administration must lie publish
ed thirty days ; for Dismission from Administration, month
ly six months ; for Dismission from Guardianship, forty
dav*.
Notice for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be publish
ed monthly for four months ; for publishing Lost Pa
pers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling ti
tl*s from Executors and Administrators, where a bond has
■•• en given by the deceased, for the space of -three months
JAMES H STAiiK,
ATTORNE YATL AW ,
WILL practice in the Courts of the Flint Circuit, and
in the Supreme Court at Atlanta and Macon.
Pah. 13,'1856....41.... ly
JARED IRWIN WHITAKER.
A TTO RNR Y A T L A IF.
Office front Rooms, over John R. Wallace A Pros., corner
of White Hall and Alabama streets,
ATLANTA, GfiiOKG-A.
January 30,1556... .ts
W. L. GORDON,
ATTORNE Y A T L A W,
OKORGIA,
January 30, 1856 39 ly
HENRY HENDRICK,
A T T O R N E Y A T I. A W ,
Jackson, Butts County, Georgia.
May I, 1555. ts
DANIEL & DISMUKE,
Attorneys at Law,
■Griffin Citoi-fcla.
L. a. DANIEL, *’• “• DISMUKE -.
MayS,lßss. 11 j
~ W. POPE JORDAN,
Attorney at Law,
teuton, •<.<.,• ,
WILL practice in all the counties of the Flint Circuit.
May 3,1855. _
STELLIi beck,
Attorneys at La w ,
.Gcorgl -
AI.L business entrusted to their care, will receive prompt
attention..
*. M. E ‘ W - BE f-
May 3. 1355.
J. 11. MANLHAM,
Attorney at Xiaw 7
GRIFFIS, GEORGIA.
May 3, 1855-ly .... .1
“ ANDREW M MOO RE,
ATTORNEY JiT l a tv ,
LaGRANGE GEORGIA.
WILL practice in the Courts of the Coweta Circuit. All
business entrusted to his care will meet with prompt
attention. „
July 4, 1855.
WM. H. F. HALL,
attorney a t law,
ZEBULON GEORGIA.
Jaly 4, 1855. !K1
’ A. D. NUNN ALLY,
AT T O R N E Y AT L A W ,
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA.
June, 27,1865. ly *
UNDERWOOD, HAMMOND & SON,
attorneys at la tv ,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
WILL give personal attention to all business entrusted
to their management, and attend the Sixth Lncuit
Courtof the United States, at Marietta, the Supreme Court
ait Macon and Decatur, and the Superior Courts m Cobb,
Morgan, Newton, Delvalb, Fulton, Fayette, Spalding, 1 ike,
Monroe Upsott, Kibb, Cftinpbell, Coweta* lion]),
Whitfield and’ Gordon, in Georgia, and Hamilton county,
(Chattanooga,) in Tennessee. MayJ,lNn>. lt
B * rtLLEU -
GRICE & FULLER,
ATTORNEY S A T L A W,
FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA.
December 10th. 1855. 03-tf —
WM. S. WALLACE.
GRICE & WALLACE,
AT T OREEYS AT LA W ,
BUTLER, GEORGIA.
PERSONS Intrusting business to them may rely on their
fidelity, promptness and care. Dec. 10, 55-33-Iv.
GARTIIELL & GLENN,
attorneys a t law,
ATL A N'T A, C. BO EC, IA.
Jf TILL attend the Courts in the Counties of Fulton, De
fy Kalb, Fayette, Campbell, Meriwether, Coweta, Car
•ll Henry, Troup, Heard, Cobb, and Spalding.
Li'cius J. Gabtkkll, ‘ LithekJ.Gi.knx,
*rmerly of Washington, Ga. ] FormerlyolMcDonough,Ga.
May 10, 185.5.
TENDERS bis professional services us a Physi usn and
Surgeon, to the citizens of Griffin and vicinity.
Office on the same floor with the Empire State,"s.s
Griffin, March 5, 185(5 44....1y
©. iVL W3LUAMS,
resident physician,
GRIFFIN, REORfiIA.
*®,Officeon Hill Street, over Banks’Boot & Shoe Store.
May 3, 1855. tf ._
DR. H. W. BROWN,
Gilffin, Georgia.
•FFICE in the basement storv, under the Store of Messrs.
w J. A. & J. C. Beeks.
Mar 3, 1855. !L_
Dr KLnott
HAS changed his residence and office to the first lot be.
low Mrs. Reeves’ Boarding House, on the east side of
the Railroad, nearly opposite the Freight Depot, where he
may be found at all times ready to attend to calls, except
when professionally engaged.
Griffin, Ga., May 3, 1855’ ly
Valuable Plantation for Sale
IN South-western Georgia, containing 303$ acres, as good
Land as any in Georgia ; Corn, Fodder, Oats, and Stock
of all kinds sold with the place, if desired.
Mr Lot containing 2 acres, and a large and convenient
DWELLING, in West Griffin. Kg, All indebted will please
; settle. lam determined to close my business, as I
HANDLES Soaps, Starch, Pickles, Soda, Saleratus,Bran
C|! received andfor sale
©iioL
VOL. 1.
BOOK AND JOB OFFICE
TIIE EMPIBE STATE,
G IIJFFIN, GEORGIA.
TIIS PROPRIETOR OF THIS
Having recently received a large assortment of
NKW AND BEAUTIFUL
FANCY TYPE AND BORDERS,
Are now prepared to execute, in the best style, and at short
notice, all kinds of
}%in anti (Dmnmrnfnl printing,
srcn as
je> as: ie* h; Xji es &
Circulars, Labels, Business Cards,
Catalogues, Programmes, Address Curds,
Bill Hoads, Posters, Visiting Cards,
Bank Cheeks, Hand Bills, Freight lulls,
Blank Notes, Legal Blanks, s*<*•> s•<*.,
COLORS
PROMPTLY ATTENDED TO.
bates dr AOVERtlsinfi.
rpHE following are tlie Rates of Charges for Advertising,
.1. determined on between the undersigned, to take effect
from the time of entering into any new contract:—
S~Transient Advertising, $1 00 per square, for the first
nsertion, and 50 cents for every subsequent one.
CONTRACT ADVERTISING,|3 nios.jG mos.|9 mos 12ms
1 square, without change $ 6 00 $ 8 OftjsiO 00 #1,2 00
Changed quarterly.. . 700 10 00 12 00 16 00
Changed at will 8 00 12 00:14 00 18 00
2 squares, without change 10 00 15 00| 20 00 25 00
Changed quaiteriv,... 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00
Changed at wi11,.*.... 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00
3 squares, without change 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00
Changed quarterly... 18 00 22 00 26 00 34 00
Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00
Half column, without change. . 25 00 3ft 00 40 00 50 00
Changed quarterly,.. 28 00 32 00 45 00 55 00
Changed at will 35 00 45 00 50 00 60 00
One column, without change,.. 60 00 70 00 80 00 100 00
Changed quarterly... 05 00 75 00 90 00 110 00
Changed at will, 70 00 85 00 100 00 125 00
flag” Ail transient advertisements will be inserted until or
dered discontinued and charged for accordingly.
A. A. GAULDING, “Empire State.”
A. P BURR “AmericanUnion.”
CABINET
SASH M A KING!!!
I rpilE subscriber takes pleasure in
X cing to the citizens of Griffin and sur
! rounding country, that lie continues tln \/\y YU
i business of CARRIAGE and CABINET Making- t Atilt! A
-1 GBS, BUGGIES, and WAGONS made to order at short no-
S tice. A few of the best made Buggies always on hand.
! He has recently added to his establishment the business of
| SASH MAKlNG—diL‘a[>, and good a* the U*t.
’ ses, newstyle. He will he found at his old stand, always
! ready towait upon Lis customers. Give him a call.
A. BELLAMY.
Griffin, Aug. 29.1955... .18,.. ts
J. K. WILLIAMS JXO. RHEA, WM. M. WILLIAMS.
J. K. WILLIAMS & CO.,
Successors to J. L. Williams,
General Commission Merchants,
AND DEALERS IN
GRAIN. BACON. PART). FEATHERS, and TEN
NESSEE PRODUCE, GENERALLY,
Decatur Street, near the “Trout House,” Atlanta, Ga.
SlS’'Letters of inquiry, in relation to the Markets, Ac.,
promptly answered. May 16,1855.-3tf
tJ. JL WEIGHT,
EXCHANGE BROKER ,
ATLANTA, GEO.
WILL attend to collections entrusted to him, and remit
promptly, at current rates of Exchange: buy and sell
uncurrent Bank Notes, Coin, Ac. The highest cash price
paid for Bounty Land Warrants. JSST Apply; > TV. C.
Wriglit, Griffin, Ga.. for sale of Land Warrants.
REFERENCES.—John Thompson, Banker, N0.2, Wall
street, and Carhaht, Bho. & Cos., New York; Converse
& Cos., New Orleans. Atlanta, May 16, ’55 tt
. J. THRASHER, J. M. DORSEY
J. J. THRASHER & CO.,
WHOLESALE ANI) RETAIL
Grocers and Commission Merchants,
(At the Warehouse formerly occupied by J. E. Williams,)
ATLANT A, GE ORGIA.
H. 11. GLENN, W. A. CtIAMBLESS
May 16,1555. 3-ts
NOTICE.
THE advertiser would respectfully announce to his cus
tomers and the public generally, that lie continues to
supply the various Magazines named below at the prices
annexed :
Harper, $2 25 ; Putnam, $2 25 ; Knickerbocker, $2 25 ;
Household Words, $2 00 ; Blackwood, $2 25 ; Godey,s2 25;
Horticulturist, (plain) $1 03; Little’s laving Age, $5 00 ;
Frank Leslie’s Gazette of Fashions, £2 25 ; Ballou’s Picto
rial, $2 50; Ladies'Repository,, (Cincinnati,) $1 03; Ar
thur’s Home Magazine, $1 03.
He is prepared also to liil orders for standard and miscel
laneous bonks, whether from the trade or persons in other
walks of industry. Having had an experience of 15 years
in the Book and Periodical trade, he can give satisfaction to
all parties entrustingliim with orders.
Specimen numbers of the Magazines on receipt of six
Post Office letter stamps for the 83 or 82 Magazines, and
for twelve such stamps a sample of the 85 or s<> works will
be sent. Letters of inquiry must contain a stamp for the
return postage. B< inks sent post paid, on receipt of the pub
lisher's advertised price. Address
WILLIAM PATTON’ Bookseller,
Hoboken, New Jersey.
BEING left alone in the managemet of this Institution for
the present, the rates of tuition will be as follows :
Ist Term. 2d Term.
Fr Spelling, Reading, Writing, &c 10 00 8 00
For Arithmetic, Geography,Grammar, &c. .12 00 10 00
Por Algebra, Philosophy,Geometry,&c 14 00 12 00
For Latin, Greek,Trigonometry, &c $lO 00 sl4 00
18$, No extra charges, except for damage to the College
Building
The first term will close about, the 4th of July.
The second term will begin on the 4th of August, and
closeabout the last of November. J. M. CAMPBELL.
Griffin, Feb. 13, 1856....41....tf
IF’mXtQia. rfji'!'■)_ House.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
D. L. GOR DON
January 30tli, 185 G. .39. .ly.
MiHAIL .Ml SMITE’S SHOP.
THE undersigned haveassocia
ted themselves together under the f~v/pA.,
firm name and style of V—jflfeAp
CLARK & MX, wxMk >i*v
For the purpose of carrying on the CARRIAGE MAKING
and REPAIRING, WAGON MAKING and BLACK
SMITH’S BUSINESS, in all their various branches. Their
i Simp is on the corner of Hill Street and Broadway, oppo
ite the Georgia Hotel, down stairs, in the house formerly
| ccupied by A. Bellamy Esq. Promptness, dispatch and
urability of work, they feel confident will secure for them
liberal patronage. GEO. W. CLARK,
S. H. NIX.
Griffin, Dec. 24,1855. .35. .ts
Window Glass J
TT'RENCII Window Glass, of all sizes, for sale by
t f Sept 19, HILL & SMITHtf'SS--
“Ho pool up conflrqcfs oqi* soteei v 3 —Jfce irfcwle taqqOte Gorrfiiiepf Ls
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING. MARCH 19, 1856.
From the Memphis (Tennessee) Appeal.
Letter of Judge Longstreet.
University of Mississippi, >
Dec 19, 155. )
Rev Win. Win ans, D. D :
“My Dear Old Friend * 5,1 * *
You regret that you have seen but one of
my letters. So do I. Had you seen them all
you would have had more charity for my mo
tives than you evince, and more charity for
yourself, than to have dropped some expres
sions and intimations that I find in your com
munication. You would have learned that my
controversy with the Know Nothings was not
of my own seeking. That it was forced upon
me, by Know Nothing slanders, unmitigated
and unrelenting—slanders wuich struck at my
dearest interests, and my most sacred relations.
Th:• t I bore all these for a long time in silence
and in patience ; even until I saw tnis “politi
cal party,” as you are pleased to call it, while
protesting aloud against my teaching of poli
tics in the University, whispering the students
of my charge in is midnight gatherings, and
there binding them by oath upon oath, to ev
erlasting* fidelity to its own political creed I
now spoke out boldly in my own defence, and
against this party Not against its principles,
but against its mode of propagating* them.-
In str:ct truth there was mu one word of ‘pol
itics” in rny first.’ letter, if 1 understand the
term. I said nothing about foreigners, and no
more than this about Catholics : “I am no
Catholic. Put Methodism and Romanism on
the field of fair argument, and I will stake my
all upon the issue ; but 1 am not such a cow
ard as to flee the field of honorable warfare
for savage ambush fighting ; or such a fool as
to believe that a man’s religion is to be re
formed by hnmissing his person Nor am I
(piite so blind as not to see that when the work
of crushing Churches is begun in tiie country,
it is m>t going to stop with tlie overthrow of
one” Tin's was just such a letter os you tell
me you would have indu ged. Not so with ei
ther the saint- or sinners of the Know Noth
ing parry They assailed me from all sides,
and in all modes Not one of them gravely
answered my objections to the Know Nothing
discipline and dealings. They choose rather
to assail me personally, in language as unbe
coming in them as it was undeserved by me.
Even my literary bagatelle, the amusement of
n y idle hours five and twenty years ago, was
held up to vi w as a test of ray fitness morally
and intellectually, for the sacred office and re
sponsible station to which I have been called.
And yet these pnW c assaults, undetailed in
their severity, were kind, courteous and pious,
compared with the private communications
which were addressed to me under the author’s
names, in answer to this letter. They all
agreed, however, in one particular at least, and
that was, that if I had never medd ed with po
litics before, 1 had done it now, and that this
was a crying sin in an instructor of youth ——
You perceive, then, brother, that you grossly
misrepresent the Know Nothings, when you
accord to me the right of opposing them in
any way
That I should not have a very exalted opin
ion of them, after what I have suffered from
them, I think you wilt own was quite natural.
Have a little charity for me. then, if “no man
damus from a Bishop, no influence of a presid
ing Elder, no dogmatism or dictation of learn
ed Doctors,” no combination of Christians or
politicians, no power of numbers, can awe me
into respect for t! cm
You say, “I defy you, my brother, to specify
anything in Know Nothingism, of equai turpi
tude with this attempt to enlist a Church or
ganization, in a crusade against a political
party, no matter what that party may be.” *
****** if then, j believed, as
I verily did believe, that the Know Nothings
were about to rend Churches, inflame passions,
sunder friendships, and kind e the flames of
civil war, why might I not use my best endea
vors to turn our Church, at least, away from
it without incurring die guilt of “turpitude.”
But this is only by the wav I will show you
presently that jou have mistaken my designs
in this Church matter entirely.
Recapitulating the incidents which enlivened
and cemented our friendships, (wherein you re
presented my feelings in describing your own,)
you say, “we together have warred strenuous
ly against the malignant tendencies of aboli
tion fanaticism, and we suffered togethei in
that ruthless waif ire ” True, your efforts in
that struggle were gallant, noble, powerful ;
mine were ti c weakest of my life, and there
tore, to myself the most mortifying. But
against whom were we contending, brother ?
Against a political party, which had brought
its baneful principles into our Church. What
was onr aim, when argument failed to exact
justice from that patty ? To sot all Southern
Methodism, all parties, all men who respected
religion, right, and fair dealing, against it.—
What was the issue ol our labors ? Tiie al
most entire withdraw aloi Southern and South
western Methodists from all connection with
the Northern branch of our Church, and the
establishment of an independent Southern
Ciiureh which hath no fellowship with it. Was
there any turpitude in all this ? If there was,
.you were a much larger share: in it than I was,
for you were by far the more efficient laborer
of the two. And here let me remark in pas
sing, that one of my strongest objections to
Know Nothingism w as, t hat it united the main
body of Southern Methodists in sworn bonds
of fellowship with that very party who had re
pelled them by proscription, blistered them by
calumny, and cabbaged all the partnership
funds. It was in the land of these law-despi
sing, right abusing persecutors, that Know
Nothing-ism originated, Senator Adams’ ad
ministration to the contrary notwithstanding.
I cannot stop to prove it at large. Suffice it for
the present, that Chase says it originated in
the “Free .-states.” The first Know Nothing
formulary of the Grand Council was issued
troin the press of Damrell & Moore, No. 16,
Uovenshire Street, Boston. Baltimore would
not have sent its bantling to receive its swad
dling bands in Boston The infamous Judson,
(according to the papers,) was recently intro
duced to a Council in Pennsylvania, as the fa
ther of the Order, and he was received with
plaudits. The thing has no Southern feature.
But enough of this.
I think 1 hazard nothing in saying that when
■ L wrote my last letter, at least seven-tenths of
the members of onr Church Had joined this
party. For wliat ? To accomplish its avow
ed aims, of course And what were they ?
Why to “enlist” every Protestant “Church or
ganization” in the land in a “crusade against”
one of the weakest Churches, numerically, in
the whole country. He was the first object of
the Know Nothing party ; and the second
was to oppose foreigners Will you say this
is a combination against a Church, and not of
a Church against a party ? Which is the
worst ? Which savors most of turpitude ?
But unf rtunately for the distinction, the com
bination is against a political party, too, as its
acts demonstrably show, whatever may be its
professions In honest truth, it was the main,
if not the exclusive object of it. The first in
timatiou that the world had of its existence,
was its onslaught upon Democrats in general
and Nebraska men in particular. And please
remembci'f<is’.we pass along, who suffered first
from it, when it had neither a name nor a
platform ? For when asked why fighting un
der an antl-Catholic flag they killed nobody
but Democrats, they said it was because the
Democrats fought against them. * * *
Your doctrine is monstrous, brother, and,
coining from one of the best heads ot our
Church, it proves demonstrably that Know
Nothingism, as it was when I took the pen
against it, is indefensible. Whether it be right
or wrong to array a Church against a political
party, depends entirely upon the character of
that party. If it intermeddled with Churches
—if it form coalitions with Churches against a
Church —if its professed object be to rob a
Church of its civil privileges —if it be immoral
in its constitution, and revolutionary in its ten
dencies—then it is the duty of every Christian
individually, and every Church collectively, to
oppose it. And if it displays all these un
comely features in the only manifestation which
it is pleased to make ol itself, while it conceals
from the public view its counsels, its plans, its
machinery and its membership, the duty be
comes imperative, and the most imperative the
stronger the party. Such 1 regarded the
Know Nothings. It was reserved for this par
ty to work in the dark - to unite religion and
politics- to gather recruits by whispers—to
nose for them about Schools and Colleges—to
cement political bonds by oaths —to devise a
plan whereby Ministers of the Gospel might
become politicians without reproof, and perse
cute without discovery—-to put the conscien
ces of some men in the keeping of others—to
bii and its members uot only to vote, but to fight
under dictation. Such is the inner working of
the Order. What the outward ? Hissing,
bleating and coughing down such men us Wise
and Douglas ; destroying ballot-boxes, and
butchering, in and around their blazing dwel
lings, men, women and children *
It spreads its taint through all the depart
ments of Government Witness the scenes
now* enacting in Washington ; the legislation
of Massachusetts ; the criminal trials in New
York. Can a native expect justice from a
judge or jury of foreigners, or a foreigner from
these native officials ? A Protestant from
Catholics, or a Catholic from Protestants ?
At a trial in Massachusetts, Know Nothings
excused themselves from testifying to tacts im
portant to justice, on the ground that their
testimony would subject then to (Know Noth
ing) pains and penalties. And the Judge de
cided that these volunteer, self-assumed respon
sibilities placed the witnesses within the rule
“that no man is bound to testify to facts that
will criminate himself.” They testified, how
ever, very freely against the Catholic who was
on his trial. What confidence will those who
remain in the Lodges have in those who left
them in those who remain in them ?
Before the magnates of the Order, gathered
at Philadelphia, were pleased to release the
members (themselves included of course) from
so much of their oaths as required them to
conceal their membership and iho membership
of their fellows, the Know Nothings must have
mustered at least 500,000 strong It is safe
to assume that each one of them was question
ed as to its membership, or the membership of
others, at least ten days on an average. How
did they meet these questions ? How were
they obliged to meet them under their oaths ?
Why by , What shall I call them, bro
thcr, to speak truth without giving offense ?
I will call them untruths, knowing no softer
name for tli'-m. Here were 5,000,000 un
truths, scattered broadcast over the whole sur
face of the Union, as the first fruits of Know
Nothingism. IManv, very many of them,
dropped from the lips of Christians ! llow
were the most of these 500,000 got into the
Order ? By members pretending ignorance of
it ; for they were under oath not to acknosvl
edge their membership, or to disclose the se
crets of the brotherhood They must, there
fore, have been guilty of wilful deception with
every proselyte they gained. Say that 300,
000 were gained over in this wa>, and we have
300.000 more untruths distributed through
the country, as the price of so many converts
to Know Nothingism. Thousands and hun
dreds of thousands have lett the Order, and
they almost unanimously testify that they
found it not to be what it was represented to
he. For a time, all who withdrew and spoke
against it, were denounced as perjured knaves
and traitors This was true or false, accord
ing as they found the thing to agree with the
representations of it made to them ; a candid
representation of it, as we have seen, could
not have been made to them, by the law of the
Order. If true, what a Hood of iniquity pour
ed out of the Order when they left it ! If
false, what language is too severe to character
ize the calumny heaped upon them by their re
cent brethren !
Mr. Simon Wolf, of Pa , who writes like a
man of wisdom and truth, after detailing the
flattering but delusive representations by which
he was induced to join the Know Nothings,
thus concludes : “/ now declare, that in a life
of sixty years, I have never so in private or
in public, in politics or out of it, in Chutch or
in tState, as much deceit, falsehood and corrup
*From the volume of affidavits published by the Louis
ville Journal to show that foreigners were the aggressors m
the Louisville riots, there is one which is of awiul import
and painful instruction, It is that of Thomas Jeffrey and
Robert H. Haines, who testify that they were door-keepers
of the Seventh Ward polls. That the rule was to admit
not more than fifteen or sixteen at a time. That an Irish
man insisted on passing when seventeen were in. That lie
became boisterous, when Thomas Jcttrey, to prevent vio
lence, struck him on the head. This from Know Nothings.
JeHio 3—52,00, jfn
tion, as I found in the self-styled American
parly .”
‘\ o this let me add the testimony of a man,
a little older thau Mr. Wolf, who never did
join the ‘‘American party.”
I was born and raised in the State of Geor
gia, where there now over 43,000 Knotv
Nothings, not on&#f whom, I will venture to
say, will assert that he knows a blemish on my
moral character. I have mingled much and
disputed much in politics, and mure in law I
have been twenty-eight years a member of the
Methodist Church, and sixteen years a minis
ter of the Gospel, and 1 never was called a do
tard or fool, or likened to a clown,under men’s
own signatures, or charged with falsehood and
turpitude by Methodist preachers, until I came
in conflict with Know Nothings. Nor have I
ever been, in the whole course of my life, as
much calumniated, as I have been by Know
Nothings and their champions in the last nine
months. Never did 1 see such intolerant., ar
rogant, insolent, overbearing, inconsistent, vin
dictive party as this. It belies me into oppo
sition to it, and then tells me that, as a minis
ter of the Gospel, I have no right ttf meddle
with politics,l reply,then the hundreds of those
who are in it should come out of it. It rejoins
that it is religious in its character. I again
respond, if it be religious, I surely, as a relig
ious man,have a right to discuss its orthordoxy
and to counsel my brethren who belong to it;
and it again repeats that it is political! Its
leligion is reduced to one article. ‘No office
for Catholics-’ So of its politics: ‘No office for
foreigners.’ Its religious exercises consist (oc
casionally) in rummaging into ladies’ ward
robes, riding Catholics on rails, mocking their
services, assaulting their persons, and battering
their houses of worship Its political exercises
consist (occasionally) in killing foreigners, Arc
ing their houses, and giving their bodies to the
flames. Its professed instrument of reform is
the ballot box; and if the ballot box will not
work to its liking, it destroys the ballot box.
One would suppose that a party might determ
ine not to vote for Catholics or foreigners with
out any apprehension of more serious opposi
tion than is common to political parties gener
ally; and certainly had the Know Nothings
done no more than this, I should never have
interfered with them. But what do they do ?
Why they substitute anew government for
that which our fathers bequeathed to us—a
government secret in its operations, despotic
in its principles,and revolutionary in its tenden
cy. Hear the sovereign power speak: ‘This
organization [not party, bi other] shall be
known by the name of the Grand Council, of
the United States of America, its jurisdiction
and power shall extend to all the Mutes, Dis
tricts and Territories of the United States of
North America.’ This Grand Council is com
posed of a President, and Vice President, Sec
retary, and other officers, with fixed salaries,
and a Congress of Delegates from the States.
This Council has ‘power to form State, Terri
torial and District Councils;’ to determine the
‘mode of punishment of members, &c. to grant
charters to subordinate Councils that may be
formed; ‘to adopt cabalistic characters for writ
ing or telegraphing:’ to decide upon all mat
ters pertaining to National politics;’ (!) ‘to fix
and establish all signs, grips, pass words, and
such other secret work as may seem to be ne
cessary;’‘to adopt any and every measure it
may deem necessary tc secure the success of
the organization.’ We know the emanations
from tiiis august sovereignty; State, county,
beat and city governments all over the coun
try; subjects sworn to paramount allegiance
to tbeir governments —taxed to pay their ex
penses—branded as perjurers and traitors if
they disclose their secrets.’
Now sir, if you can find nothing worse in
all this than an appeal from me to my church
to have no connection with Know Nothingism,
you are not to be argued with. If you believe
that all this political machinery was manufac
tured and set in operation merely to keep Ca
tholics and foreigners out of office, you
have a much more cotemptuous opinion of
Know Nothing sagacity than I have. You
stultify them, while I only oppose them. From
their peculiar idiosyncrasies, they will doubt
less give the preference to you; but whether
any other party would do it,is questionable. If
you can see no difference between such a com
bination and parties generally, and it is plain
that you do not, you should not have referred
to your own ‘history’ to pi ove that you ‘con
sider it the right of Christians and Christian
preachers to meddle with politics;’ for it prov
ed something more than your liberality, to wit:
that when you ‘mcddldd with politics,’ you did
both politics and yourself a sad dis-serviee. I
believe the people of your district forestalled
this inference, didn’t they brother ? .
You say, in continuation of what I have just
quoted from you, ‘but I do not believe that a
eliorchorganization has such right, nor pardon
my frankness,that any man can excite a church
to such a course without political delinquency,
which I will not characterize as 1 think it de
serves.’ You certainly have the most profound
reverence lor political parties of any man of
your ‘history’ that ever lived. In the defence
of them, you seem to forget all the interests of
self respect, all the duties of your calling, all
the claims of brotherhood, of controversy. You
had already charged me with turpitude, i. e.,
with moral baseness, extreme depranty; and
here you insinuate that there is yet something
in the act thus characterized so unspeakably
deprived that even your lips refuse to give to it
its proper name. Flanked as you are by a
legiion of Know Nothing Methodists, and ve
ry many legions of Know Nothing politicians,
you may feel confident of your security in the
church, and of a clever popular support while
you indulge in such defamation of a brother.
But you would do well to remember,that there
is another tribunal, not far distant from you
and me, where words are not weighed by tbe
standard of Methodism or the world.
Did you understand my letter, simply be
cause it was headed ‘To the Methodist Church
South,’ as designed to exci e the church in its
corporate character, and through its official
organs, its bishops and its Conferences, to take
action against the Know Nothings? It would
seem so, and if this be your idea, I do more
than pardon your candor—l commeserate your
understanding. Where do you find the word
or syllable in my whole piece which indicates
- such a design ? He who addresses the church,
addresses the members thereof, and in what
character they are addressed, whether as an
‘organization’ or as individuals,is to be collect-*
ed from the body of the address, and not from
the caption alone Had yon read my letter
with any other design than to find in it
grounds of censure and abuse, you would have
seen clearly that its whole and sole aim was to
get the preachers and members of onr church
out of and away from a political party, and
not to excite a church organization against a
political party But then you would have lost
the laufereWlnch you have gained in this
contest, the everlasting gratitude of the Know
Nothings, and the thanksg.ving ofone or two
hundred thousand Methodists, for your unlook
ed for interposition in their behalf.
The very first, sentence in my letter showed
you it was one of a series, the antecedents of
which had been addressed to the preachers of
our church. Had you seen these, you would
have found that they were addressed to { TM
Know Nothing Preacher's’ exclusively. This
is decisive of the fact that, however you may
have understood it, my design was not to act
upon- the church in its aggregate character at
all, or to unite it in action at all. Your posi
tions are as preposterous as your language is
unbecoming: ‘worse than anything in Know
Nothingism, ‘formally to address a church in
its aggregate capacity upon a political ques
tion ! Could you succeed in this design,” (of
arraying the church against the American par
ty,) ‘the very fountain of political power
would be immedicably poisoned by a union of
Church and State !” Did such paradoxes
ever come from a Doctor of Divinity ? I sup
posed a man in this country might address any
person, any number of persons, in any charac
ter, upon any subject, without crime, if the
address be not of a nature forbidden by the
laws of the land. Dwight used to discuss po
litics with his pupils: Uverett. Cooper, Way
land, and other Presidents of Colleges, have
written on politics without blame; but the
same privileges is not granted to me Very
far from it. J may not speak or write on poli
tics, either to the public or to my church—not
to the public, by tlie edict of the Know Noth
ings— not to the church but to the bull of Dr.
Winans. I should have thought you a hard
master, Doctor had you believed that my letter
was likely to array our church, bodily, against
the party of your love. But you tell* me cut
tingly, that no power on earth could do that.
VVhat, then, is the sin for which yon anathe
matize me so cruelly ! Why, I wrote a letter
which might perchance, lead the public to sus
pect that I thought it was possible for somebo
dy to move the M. E. Church South, conglcm
eratedfy, against a political party. Papal su
premacy would be a luxury compared with
your government, brother, if this be a sped*
men of it. But suppose that every M ethodist
in the United States could be induced to take
a united stand against the ‘American party;’
how would this produce a union of Church and
State? What legislative, executive, or judi
cial power would attach to them in this posi
tion; or what attribute of a State would they
assume ? The only possible result of this state
of tilings must be, that the members of the
church would either not vote at all, or vote
against that party. How near this would
bring the Church and State together, I leave
you to determine.
In all that I have written, you will not find
a word or syllable which intimates a design on
my part to interfere witli my brethren’s right
of suffrage, or their right, in a proper manner,
to discuss political questions, or to oppose Ca
tholics. It is then- clanship witli ail charac
ters, their letting themselves down to Know
Nothing drills, their night-working, their need
less swearing, their man-serving, party-schem.
iug, office hunting, stump-speaking, anger stir
ring, brother-wounding and church-inflaming,
that I object to
Now I put it to you as a man and Christian,
to say whether these things are right in your
brethren ? You will not, you dare not say so.
Then why do you countenance them ? You
have taken very good care (os you are partic
ular in letting the public know) to keev your
self aloof from the signs and grips, and pass
words, and squalls and oaths and flag fribble of
the Order; and yet you hold me up to the pub-
No. 46
lie as a culprit, for counseling our brethren to
follow your professed example.- ITow far you
are competent to defend the Order, when con
fesssedly you do not belong to it, I leave the
public to determine.
As to your fears of the Catholics from their
increase, &c., Mr. Wesley gives yon a recipo
for them, for the success of which he dpleges
bis life, lie guarantees that,if strictly follow
ed, it will ensure the conversion of every Ca
tholic. Here it is: “Let all the Protestant
clergy live like the Apostles, and preach like
the Apostles, and the thing is done.” Most
certain it is that Know Nothingism, which
fellowships with them where they are weak,
midnight conspiracies to rob them of their con
stitutional rights, personal violence, mockery,
ridicule and contempt, will never check their
growth or bring their religion into discredit.—
If I wished to raise Romanism, on the ruins of
Protestantism, these are precisely the ageu
cies that I would adopt.
A. B. LONG STREET.
A Speech from Parson Drownlovr.
The following, says the Georgia, Telegraph ,
was Brownlow’s ratification speech in the Phil
adelphia Know Nothing Convention:
* ‘Loud cries were now made for Brownlow,
of Tennessee. On taking the stand in re
sponse, he said that his speech on this occa
sion would be, like all his former speeches,
short and sweet. For seventeen years he had
performed the dreadful service of editing a po
litical paper, and he could say in that connec
tion that his paper had the largest circulation
of any political paper in Tennessee. He had
fought hard and long for the Whig party, but
he had seen fit to leave that organization.—
B hv, with Millard Fillmore to lead, and even
with Josh. G hidings behind him,we could car
ry our State. But with this large patriotic,
greasy Tennessean, fpointing to Maj. Ponnel
son,) the Pierce party will be a transcendental
nothing. He should go home with tho deter
mination to jump higher, and squall louder
than any man in Tennessee, and would open
the ball at Knoxville, on Monday next. [Ap-
plause and laughter,] It had been understood
as arranged that Maj. Donnelson would be pnt
on the ticket with Andrew Jackson in big let
ter’s and Ponelson invisible, and then the old
line Democrats would think that old Hickory’
had come to life again. He then proposed
the party should disperse, having done tho
good work.
The idea delveloped by Parson Brownlow
may thus be carried out:
ANDREW JACKSON donnelson.
1 mi i
UST’The New York Express makes the fl
lowing reluctant admission in regard to the
true character of the Philadelphia know
nothing convention: