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THE EMPIRE STATE By A. A. Crauld ing TERMS: TWO DOLLARS IX ADVANCE, OR THREE DOL* LARS AFTER SIX MONTHS, PER ANNUM. JB&*offiee up-stairs over W. Pt. Phillips & Uo.^©sr Advertijjpmonts are inserted at One Dollar per square for tke first insertion, and Fifty Cents per square for each in sertion thereafter. A reasonable deduction will be made to those who adver tise by the year. AU Advertisements not otherwise ordered will be continu ed till foi'bid. Sales of Lands by Administrators, Executors or Guar dians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday In the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and I in the afternoon, at the Court House, in the county in which the Land is situated. Notice of these sales must be given in a public Gazette forty days previous to the day of sale. Sales of Negroes must be made at public auction on the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hoots es sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the Letters Testamentary, or Administration, or Guardianship may have l>een granted—first giving forty days notice thereof in one of the public Gazettes of the State, and at the Court House where such sale is to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like manner, forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Or iiaarv for leave to sell Land, must be published for two nontus. Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published two onths before any order absolute shall be made thereon by he Court. Citations for Letters of Administration must be publish ed thirty days ; for Dismission from Administration, month ly six months ; for Dismission from Guardianship, forty days. Notice for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be publish ed monthly for four months ; for publishing Lost Pa pers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling ti tles from Executors and Xdfninistrators, where a bond has Leon given by the deceased, for the space of three months LEONARD T. DOYAL, A T T O li N E Y A T L A TV, HcDoiioagli, Georgia % WILL practice in the counties of Henry, Fulton, Fay ette, Coweta. Spalding, Butts, Monroe and Newton *TItKFKHKNCK —IliiUSCit'.“i£sl April 2, 1856 48....1y JAMES H. STARK, ATTORNEY A T L A TV , Griffin, Georgia^ WILL practice in the Courts of the Flint Circuit, and in the Supreme Court at Atlanta and Macon. Feb. 13, 1850... 41.... ly JAItEI) IRWIN WHITAKER, A TTO RN E Y A T L A W, Office front Rooms, over John R. Wallace & Bros., corner of White Hall and Alabama streets, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. January 30,155 G... .ts W. L. GORDON, ATTORNEY AT LA TV , GRIFFIN', GEORGIA. January 30, 1850 .39 ly. HENRY HENDRICK, A T T O RN E Y A T L A TV, Jackson, Bulls County, Georgia. May 3, 1855. ts DANIEL &, OISMUrCEj Attorneys at Law, Will practice in the District Court of the United States at Marietta. Griffin, Georgia. L. K. DANIEL, t - - EISMUKK. May 3,185.5. ‘ ts : W. POPE JORDAN, Attorney at Law, Bobulen, Georgia. WILL practice in all the counties of the Flint Circuit. May 3, 1855. J. H. MANGHAM, uSLtt oX*XX O “& Xj 33L. ■\7t7 r v j GIUFPIS, GEORGIA. May 3, 1855-ly 1 WM. 11. F. HALL, A§TO R?s E Y A T LA W , ZEBULON GEORGIA. July 4, 1855. 9~tf ~ A. D. NUNN ALLY, A T TORN E Y A T L A TV, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA. Jane, 27,1855. U ~ UNDERWOOD, HAMMOND k SON, J. TTORNE YS A T L A V/, ATLANTA, GEOItGIA. WILL give personal attention to all business entrusted to their management, and attend the Sixth Circuit Courtof the United States, at Marietta, the Supreme Court at Macon and Decatur, and the Superior Courts in Cobb, Morgan, Newton, DeKalb, Fulton, Fayette, Spalding, Pike, Cass, Monroe, Upson, Bibb, Campbell, Coweta, Troup, Whitfield and Gordon, in Georgia, and Hamilton comity, (Chattanooga,) in Tennessee. May 3,1855. tt 4. c. GRICE, w. B.FCLLEp. GRICE & FULLER, A T TO RNEY S A T LA TV, FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA. December 10th, 1855. 33—ts V. L. GRIt'B, WM. S. WALLACE. GRICE & WALLACE, AT T O RE E Y S A T L A TV, BUTLER, GEORGIA. PERSONS intrusting business to them may rely on their fidelity, promptness and care. Dec. 10, -’55-33-Iy. GARTIIELL & GLENN, ATTOR NE Y S A T LA W , ATLANTA, GEORGIA. njfILL attend the Courts in the Counties of Fulton, De -7V Kalb, Fayette. Campbell, Meriwether, Coweta, Car jsll, Henry, Troup, Heard,JJobb, and Spalding. Lucius J.Gaktkkll, | Lutiier J. Glenn, formerly of Washington, Ga. j Formerly of McDom ugh,Ga. May 16, 1855. 3tf DR. WM. M. HARDWiCKr GRIFFIN * GEORGIA. OFFICE AT STORE. Residence, Hill Street, one Door North ol’ the Presbyterian Chinch. Chronic Diseases, Midwifery, and diseases of Women and Children will receive special attention. March 18th, 1856 45 ly Wmmi TENDERS his professional services as a Physician and Surgeon, to the citizens of Griffin and vicinity. ***Office on the same floor with the Empire State,"©ft Griffin, March 5, 1856 44 ly B. M. WILLIAMS, RESIDENT PHYSICIAN, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA. *Qft.Officeon Hill Street, over Banks’Boot & Shoe Store. 3, 1855. ts DR. H. W. BROWN, Griffin,., Georgia. OFFICE, in the basement story, under the Store of Measrs. J. A. & J. C. Beeks. May 3,1855. ts Wjyil BOVXOE. T’lIE subscriber informs his friends and the public gener ally, that he still continues to carry on the Tin and Sheet I r o n Bu sin es % , in all its branches ; that he will attend to roofing, gutter ing, and all job work, with punctuality, and in a workman- U He“ 8 now receiving a supply of FANCY ARTICLES, too tedious to mention—Hardware., Stoves, Castings and Cutlery, which he will sell low. vie him a call and prove for yourself. S AMU LL 1 lLbbU KX . Criffin, Feb. 13, 1856—40....tf fftniMpg, £Bfoh Yol. 1. BOOK AND JOB OFFICE THE EMPIRE STATE, GRIFFIN, GEORGIA . THE PROPRIETOR OF THE ‘e.'CNSxx (mm* Having recently received a large assortment of NEW AND BEAUTIFUL FANCY TYPE AND BORDERS, Are now prepared to execute, in the best sty.e, and at short notice, all kinds of Rlniit nnit (Dmnnicnfnl printing, SUCH AS 2P jQs. 3MC IF 5 IX Xj 23 *3? IS* Circulars, Labels, • Business Cards, Catalogues, Programmes, Address Cards, Bill Heads, Posters, Visiting Cards, Bank Checks, Hand Bills, Freight Bills, Blank Note s, Legal Blanks, fyc., §-c., fy. PBI aT3 fTe IW* COLORS PROMPTLY ATTENDED TO. bates of Afwemstfie. THE following are the Rates of Charges for Advertising, determined on between the undersigned, to take effect from tlie time of entering into any new contract: — j@“Transient Advertising. $1 00 per square, for the first insertion, and 50 cents for every subsequent one. CONTRACT ADVERTISING,j3 mos. 6 mos. 9 mos 12 ms 1 square, without change, $ 6 00 $ 8 00 $lO 00 sl2 00 Changed quarterly... 7 00 10 00 12 00 16 00 Changed at wi11...... 800 12 00 14 00 18 00 2 squares, without change,.... 10 00 15 00 20 00 2.5 00 Changed quarterly,... 12 00 18 00 24 00 28 00 Changed, at wi11...... 15 Oil 20 00 25 00 30 00 3 squares, without change,.... 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00 Changed.quarterly... 18 00 22 00 20 00 34 00 Changed at will, 20 00 26 00 32 00 40 00 Half column, withoutchange.. 25 00 30 00 40 00 50 00 Changed quarterly,. . 28 00 32 00 45 00 55 00 Changed at will, 35 00 45 00 50 00 00 00 One column, without change,.. 60 00 70 00 80 00 100 00 Changed quarterly,.. 65 00 75 00 00 00 110 00 • Changed at will, 70 00 85 00 100 00 125 00 RW AII transient advertisements will he inserted until or dered discontinued and charged for accordingly. A. A. GAULDING, “Empire State.” A. P BURR “American Union.” Cft P. rIA GE, 0 A BIN ST SASH M A KING!! rpHE subscriber takes pleasure in Acing to the citizens of Griffin and sur-fiPK-gSK. rounding country, that lie still continues tin-v Ay ‘ business of CAlilllAf IE and CABINET Making, c Altixl A GES, BUGGIES, and WAGONS made to order at short no tice. A few of the best made Buggies always on hand. He has recently added to his establishment tlie business of SASH MAKlNG—cheap, and good as tlie best. ses, newstyle. He will be found at liis old stand, always ready towait upon his customers. Give him a call. A. BELLAMY. Griffin. Aug. 20, 1855. . . .16. . , .ts J. E. WILLIAMS, JNO. ItnEA, WM. M. WILLIAMS. J. E. WILLIAMS & CO., Successors to J. E. I Villiams, General Commission Merchants, AND DEALERS IN GRAIN, BACON , LARD, FEATHERS, ami TEN NESSEE PRODUCE, GENERALLY, Decatur Street, near the “Trout House,” Atlanta, Ga. Letters of inquiry, iu relation to tlie Markets, Ac., promptly answered. May 16. 1555.-3tl u. h. WRIGHT* EXCHANGE BROKER, ATLANTA, GEO. WILT, attend to collections entrusted to liim, and remit promptly, at current rates of Exchange: buy and sell uncurrent Bank Notes, Coin, Ac. The highest cash price paid for Bounty Laud Warrants. IKS'Apply;* V* •C. Wright, Griffin, Ga., for sale of Land Warrants. REFERENCES.— John Thompson, Banker, N0.2, Wall street, and Cakiiart, Buo. & Cos., New York; Converse & Cos., New Orleans. Atlanta, May 16,’55 ts . J. THKASIIBK, J. M. SOIiSEY J. J. THRASHER & CO., WHOLESALE AND RETAIL Grocers and Commission Merchants, (At the Warehouse formerly occupied by J.K. Williams,) A TLA NTA,iGE OR GIA. 11. 11. GLKNN, W. A. CHAMP,LESS May IG, 1855. 3-ts NOTICE. npHE advertiser would respectfully announce to his cus- Jl tomers and the public generally, that lie continues to supply the various Magazines named below at the prices annexed : Harper, $2 25 ; Putnam, $2 25 ; Knickerbocker, $2 25 ; Household Words, $2 00 ; Blackwood, $2 25 ; Godey,s2 25; Horticulturist, (plain) $1 03 ; Little’s Living Age, $5 00 ; Frank Leslie’s Gazette of Fashions, $2 25 ; Ballou's Picto rial, $2 50 ; Ladies’Repository,, (Cincinnati,) $1 63; Ar thur’s Home Magazine, $1 63. He is prepared also to till orders for standard and miscel laneous books, whether from the trade, or persons in other walks of industry. Having had an experience of 15 years in the Book and Periodical trade, he can give satisfaction to all parties entrusting him with orders. Specimen numbers of the Magazines on receipt of six Post Office letter stamps for tlie $3 or $2 Magazines, and for twelve such stamps a sample of the $5 or $6 works will be sent. Letters of inquiry must contain a stamp for the return postage. Books sent post paid, on receipt of the pub lisher’s advertised price. Address WILLIAM PATTON’ Bookseller, Hoboken, New Jersey. BEING left alone in themanagemet of this Institution for the present, tlie rates of tuition will be as follows : Ist Term. 2d Term. For Spelling, Reading, Writing, &c 10 00 8 00 For Arithmetic, Geography,Grammar, &c.. 12 00 10 00 For Algebra, Philosophy, Geometry,&c 14 00 12 00 For Latin, Greek, Trigonometry, Ac sl6 00 sl4 00 ftw.No extra charges, except for damage to the College Building The first term will close about the 4th of July. Tlie second term will begin on the 4tli of August, and close about tlie last of November. J. M. CAMPBELL. Griffin, Feb. 13, 1856... .11... .ts Fulton House. ATLANTA, GEORGIA. D. L<. GORi^ONj.Proprietor. January 30tb, 185(1. .39. .ly, CARRIAGE AND SMITH’S SIIOI THE undersigned have associa ted themselves together under the ; firm name and style of CLARK & MX. W For the purpose of carrying on the CARRIAGE MAKING and REPAIRING, WAGON MAKING and BLACK SMITH’S BUSINESS, in all their various branches. Their Shop is on the corner of Hill Street and Broadway, oppo ite the Georgia Hotel, down stairs, in the house formerly ccupied by A. Bellamy Esq. Promptness, dispatch and urability of work, they feel confident will secure for them liberal patronage. GEO. W. CLARK, S. H. NIX. Griffin, Dec. 24,1855. .35. .ts Window Glass S FRENCH Window Glass, of all sizes, for sale by Sept 19, HILL & SMlTlltf’ss-- “ lo psijf up tflicq conflicts oi|Sr Jfee tofoole botjnDfeaa 6o#|opf k oi|irs.” GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 16, 1856. Judge Warner’s Speeds. We have read with much pleasure, the able and lucid arguments of Hon. Hiram Warner, in the House of Representatives, Ist of April, inst., and regret that we have not room tor the entire speech. It was on the question of carrying slavery into the Territories. Alter a masterly exposition of the law of Nations, and the Constitution of tfje United-States on the subject, the Judge concludes as follows : “But, sir, independent of their legal right, my constituents have the equitable right, to take their slave property into the common territory of the Union. That territory is the joint pro perty of all the States, slave-holding as well as non-slaveholding. There are but two ways in which property can honestly be acquired in this country : the one is by labor and indus try ; the other by inheritance or bequest A citizen of Georgia, by his labor and industry, acquires capital money —a citizen of Ohio, by his labor and industry, does the same thing ; the citizen of Georgia vests the proceeds of his labor in slave “property, the citizen of Ohio vests his in merchandise, or in stock, or in whatever he may choose to in rest. They both desire to emigrate to the common territory with the proceeds of their labor ; and we will suppose that this Government shall, by an usurpation of authorit} , pars a law excluding slave property from that common territory.— The citizen of Georgia and tlie citizen of Ohio meet upon the border of that territory. The citizen of Ohio is told that he can pass inti that territory with the proceeds of his labor and industry, and enjoy it ; but tlie citiz nos Georgia is told that he cannot go into that common territory, and enjoy the benefit of his labor and industry. “Why,” he inquires, “have not I obtained my property as honestly and fairly as the citizen of Ohio who has just gone iu ; and am 1 not as much entitled to en joy the benefit of that common territory as he is ?” “Certainly you are, but your property is of a different species, and, therefore, you must keep out.” is that equality, or justice, between citizens entitled to equal privileges, and equal rights, under a common Govern ment ? Can any Government that shall pur sue cuch a course of policy maintain the confi dence of tlie people \ * But, sir, we have been told by those who advocate this line of policy, that they du not dcs re to inteifcre with slavery in the States where it exists ; and yet it is their intention to prevent the extension of slavery, by excluding it from the common territory—to surround the slave States “with a cordon of free territory, and compel slavery, like a serpent, to sting it self to death 1” Now it matters but little with me, whether a ruau takes my property outright, or restricts me in the enjoyment of it, so as to render it of little or no value to me. It is an interference with my rights in either case ; the interference is one of degree only. Any restraint upon the use and enjoyment of my property in as full and ample a manner as I might otherwise do, but for the restriction, is an iuteifeiciicc with it. There is not a slave holder in this House or out of it. but who knows perfectly well that whenever slavery is confined within certain specified limits, its fu ture existence is doomed ; it is only a question of time as to its final destruction. You may take any single slaveholding county in the Southern Stales, in which the great staples of cotton and sugar are cultivated to any extent, and confine the present slave population with in the limits of that, county. Such is the nat ural, rapid increase of the slaves, and the ra pid exhaustion of the soil in the cultivation of those crops, (which add so much to the com mercial wealth of the country .J that in a few years it would be impossible to support them within the limits of such county. Both mas ter arid slave would be starved oat ; and what would be the practical effect in any one coun ty, the same result woidd happen to ail the slaveholding States. Slavery cannot be con fined within certain specified limits, without producing the destruction of both master and slave ; it requires fresh lands, plenty of wood and water, not only for the comfort and hap piness of the slave, but for the benefit of tlie owner. Wo understand perfectly well the practical effect of the proposed restriction up on our rights, and to what extent it interferes with slavery in the States ; and we also un derstand tlie object and purpose of that inter ference. If the slaveholding States should ev er be so regardless of their rights, and their honor, as coequal States, to be willing to sub mit to this proposed restriction, for the sake of harmony and peace, they could not do it There is a great, overruling, practical necessi ty which would prevent it. They ought not to submit to it upon principle, if they could, and could not if they would. It is in view of these tilings, sir,that the peo ple of Georgia have assembled in Convention, and solemnly resolved that, if Congress shall pass a law excluding them from the common territory with their slave property, they will disrupt the ties that bind them to the Union This position has not been taken byway of threat or menace. Georgia never threatens, but Georgia acts, whenever it is necessary and proper for her to act for the protection of her constitutional rights, and the rights of her peo pie. She will not act hastily or rashly, but not the less firmly cn that account. She in tends to place herself right in the face of the world, in regard to this question. She Ims delegated me, in conjunction with my abler and more experienced colleagues, to make known her rights here, and to proclaim them to the American people. She desires to maintain those rights within the Constitution, and for that purpose invokes the support of the friends of the Constitution in every portion of the country, in order that those rights may be re spected aud observed. I have endeavored to present those rights to the consideration of this House to-day, in good temper, and as be comes the representative of one of the old thirteen States of this Confederacy. i concur in the sentiments uttered by the senior member from Ohio, [Mr. Giddings,] that we should discuss principles here; and 1 will add, after we have discussed them, we should regulate our conduct by them, not only here, but everwhere. My constituents have no desire to force their institutions upon those who do uot like them; all they ask is to be unmolested in the enjoyment of those rights which were guarantied to them by the Consti tution, not to be recognized as superior, nor as inferior, but simply as equals in this confcder acy. But it has been said here, that the South acted in bad faith in consenting to the repeal of the Missouri compromise. What is the his tory of that compromise ? That act was for ced upon the South by the aggressive policy of the North. The Louisiana Territory was slave territory, aud Missouri was formed out of that territory; ihe North resisted her ad mission into the Union, because slavery was recognized by her constitution; and, for the sake of peace and harmony, the South consen ted to the line of 36 deg. 30 min. North of which slavery should be excluded. The term compromise necessarily implies a surrender of legal rights for the purpose of settlement —a waiver of constitutional rights for that object; no more was ever intended by that act. The South always maintained that it was unconsti tutional; bul acquiesced in it solely upon the principle of compromise, with the understand ing that it was to be applied to all the territo ry of the Union; and it was so applied at that time. Missouri was admitted as a slave State. lowa, formed out of the Louisiana I enitory, which was originally slave territory, has been admitted as a free State. But how did the North regard this sacred compromise at the time, and since? On the 6th of March, 1820, the act was passed, au thorizing the people of Missouri Territory to form a state constitution,by the eighth section of which act slavery was excluded north of 36 >leg. 30 min. Outlie 3d of March, IS2I, the House of Hepresentatives passed a resolution providing tor the proclamation of the Presi dent, upon certain conditions to be performed by the Legislature of that State, when nearly the whole body of northern Representatives voted against the resolution for her admission; and yet they now pretend to say, that they have sacredly kept that sacred compact, when it was repudiated by their votes during the same session at which it was passed; aud the contemporaneous history ot that period shows that this same compromise, now so sacred in the estimation of many northern politicians, was condemned and denounced by the entire North. The next ten’itory that was acquired was Texas, which was also slave territory. The compromise line was extended through that territory,the North appropriating all the slave territory north of 36 deg. 30 miu to freedom, as she did from the slave territory of Louisiana The South,acting upon the understanding that the compromise line was to be applied to all the territory of the Union, carried out that understanding In good faith iu regard to the slave territory of Texas. The next territory which was acquired was from Mexico; that was Irce territory. The South was still willing to abide the compro mise line, and extend it tlirougn to the Racitie but the North refused—willing to abide it so long as slave territory could appropriated to freedom, but wheu that compromise line was to inure to the benefit of the South, its binding obligation was denied and repudiated. Thou it was that the South became released from all obligation to abide by that compro mise, and was remitted to her original consti tutional rights in respect to the common terri tory It has been said that the South receiv ed the benefit of the admission of Missouri in to-the Union as a slave State. Tiie reply is, that lowa has been admitted into the Union as a free State, with this marked difference, how ever, that Missouri was originally slave terri tory, and lowa, which was originally slave ter ritory, is now a free State. The South has gained nothing, and lost the State of lowa as slave territory. The impartial historian will beat no loss to discover who it was that first repudiated the Missouri Compromise, in re spect to the common territory of the Union. After the Missouri Compromise had been repudiated by the North iu regard to the ter ritory acquired from Mexico, the South voted for the Kansas Nebraska Bill, which contains ihe true principles of non intervention by Con gress with the question of slavery as it exists in the United States, in regard to the common territory of the Union—the true principles of the Constitution, which recognize the equal rights of the people of all the States to the en joyment of that common territory That act ought to be maintained, not only because it is right, just, aud equal in its provisions to tlie people of all the States, but because it will have the effect to suppress agitation by dema gogues, both North and South, of the ques tion of slavery. To use a common expression, it will take the wind out of tlie sails of that class of politicians in both sections, who will then be unable to navigate in still waters ? Jn the South, that class of meu claim to he the exclusive friends of slave institutions, aud ask for a seat iu Congress to protect that particular interest exclusively. In the North that class of men claim the support of the people, cause they are the exclusive opponents ot the opponents of the slavery aggressions of the South, as they are pleased to represent them selves ; and the resuit is, wh.n they meet here, the country is kept in a continual excite ment, the legitimate business ot the country neglected, that they may make political capital for themse.vcs at home, iu order to obtain place and pow’er. I do not intend to be understood, sir, assay ing that there are auy of that class ot uuu here now, from either section ot the country —the present company, you know, sir, is al ways excepted. lam only speaking ot what might happen, aud probably will happen, il this question of slavery agiiatiou be not with drawn from this Hull, aud referred to the peo ple of the territories, where it legitimately be longs, and where the Kansas Nebraska act re fers it. It is, sir, for maintaining tlie salutary provisions of this act, so essential for the peace and best interests ol this great country, as well as the obligations imposed on him by the Constitution, that the President of tlie United States has been denounced as a doughface.—- Far better is it for him, sir, as a man, and for his reputation as an officer, that he should be denounced as a doughface, in maintaining the Constitution of his country, than that lie should have given occasion to have been de nounced as a perjured traitor to that Consti- JeHrns—l2,oo, ft SJb^nce. tute which he had solemnly sworn to sup port and maintain in all its sacred provisions. Nigger worsSiiping Mania in the US. From the Christian point of view, an Egyp tian, worships an ox, a cow, a dog, a snake or a monkey—a Hindoo who propitiates a devil —a Mussulman who bows down before a pair of britches—is a barbarian, a heathen, a brand that is to be snatched from the burning, at any expense. Large sums of money are subscribed for the outfit, transit and subsistence of youth ful divines, whose mission it is to preach tlie gospel to the poor heathen, and bring his un tutored mind to a proper understanding of the Christian religion. The United States and England have been foremost in this good work. Exeter Hall and the Tabernacle have yearly spent their tens of thousands, and sent forth hundreds of volun teers. We cannot say that the cause of mis sions has materially advanced. The savage mind seems incapable of receiving the subtile doctrines of the sects—it prefers something practical, and still worships the Deity disguised under some tangible substance. This ha been practically proved in the Sandwich Islands, where the lessons of Christian missionaries have taught the King to pet prize fighters and drink cheap whiskey, and in tlie Feejee dominions, where grape shot has been found the most ef fective argument. Still we admit that some thing has been accomplished ‘J he inutility of foreign missions, however, having been proved in part, we may be excus’ ed for pointing out to those who continually overflow with philanthropy and the cream of human kindntss —who make pocket handker chiefs for the Foo-foo islanders, and let the Manhuttaners run about without shoes—tve say we may be pardoned for pointing out to these good people a vent by which their sur plus benevolence may escape. We propose that they should go to w r ork and convert the Nigger Worshipers, ‘i bis ve ry dangerous lieie.-y owes its origin to Mr. Wilberforce, who, alter Great Britain had made a great deal of money out of the slave trade, suddenly ascertained that it was wrong. Mr. Wilberforce said so iu his place iu the House of Commons, and straightway fell down at the feet of the negro and worshiped him.— Tlie government emancipated the god of Mr Wilberforce, aud thereby impoverished one of its richest and most productive colouies. A little while after this the mania broke out in this country’ the chief priest being an English man, named Garrison, vlio set up a nigger Worshiping newspaper in Boston—who was there mobbed, and made’liimself a blessed o,d ladies’ martyr ■in consequence. Garrison re etiivod aid and combat from England, and the league was made perfect iu 1840, when the English Nigger Worshipers held a meeting at Exeter llall. Here resolutions were adopted censuring the slavery system of the United Stales, and pledging tlie leaders of the meeting to labor for the abolition of involuntary servi tude for the African race wherever it mig t exist. Up to this time, it will be noticed, Nigger Worshipping in the United States had been theoretical. But, iu 1840. it assumed a practi cal form, aud Mr. James G. Burney was run for President, receiving about 7,000 vote. In 1848, encouraged by aid from abroad aud by disaffection iu the democratic party, the Nig ger Worshippers made another stand, nomina ting Mr. Van Burden. He did not receive ihe electoral vote oi a single State, aud in 1852 the Nigger Worshippers were swept away by the whirlwind of patriotic enthusiasm which carried Mr. Pierce into the Presidential chair. As the result of the noxious teachings of Garrison, and others of the same clique the highest place in the -iegislatve department of tlie Government of the United States is occu pied by a Nigger Worshipper, who said that, under the circumstances, he would* let the Un ion slide.’ As the result of the preaching and teachings of the ; Nigger Worshippers at home and abroad one hundred and three members of the lower house, and several Senators, who have been led away by false gods, are doing homage to Seward, Garrison, Birney & Cos. ‘I he Nigger Worshippers have thus seized upon an important branch of the government, aud have partially succeeded in their principal object —to get a chance at the public funds. It may be held that there is a difference ‘be tween a political Nigger Worshipper of the Seward sohooi and a theoretical Nigger Wor shipper who believes in the dogmas of Garri son. But we assert that this is simply a dis tinction, uot a difference: aud that as they both employ the same influence and both look to the same final result, namely, the uncondi tional emancipation of the negro, and the dis solution of ihe Union, they arc both equally guilty. W e shuli find them during the coming Presi dential contest closely united in the endeavor to form anew party upon a geographical basis Their leaders—Hale, Summer, Bailey (of the Era.,) and others, are all united upon the sen timent of their glorious leader, ‘to let the Union slide.’ T'iey hope to get ‘old Bullion’ into their camp by holding out to his son-in law, Col. Fremout the empty honor of a sec tional nomination. It cannot be denied this deluson has been practised on many intelligent persons at the Nortli. Men are prone to run alter strange gods, and it makes but little difference in what shape they appear, therefore, we are not at all surprised that the Nigger Worshippers have managed to organize a lormidable section al party. But il will not last, and we warn its latest victims to beware how they fall into the grave which has been dug for them. In England the Nigger Worshippers arc very strong, and for good reasons. The slave ry question is the only one threatens to disturb peace, prosperty, and union of England’s greatest rival —the United States. It is no wander, then that English politicians should endeavor to agitate this question and thereby breed discord among us. It is for this reason that the dukes and duchesse, earls and coun tesses, lords and ladies, form in great societies to ameliorate the condition of tlie slaves and to stir up treason among freemen of this Union Ihe leaders of the Nigger Worshippess on both sides of the Atlautic aro iu constant cor- respondence, ana the movements made here are all prompted from abroad. Our loss is England’s gain, and without foreign aid the Nigger Worshippers would be without force Os vitality. After a recital of these facts, it is not ap pearant that we have heathern among us meaner and worse than the Hindoos, the Egyptians, the Africans, and the Feejee island ers ? Is there not a greater field for mission aries in the tJnited States than on the banks of the Nile, the Indus, the Yang-tse-Kiang, the shores of the Mediteranean, the Indian Ocean or the South Pacific ? Can there beany thing meaner or more disgusting than the Nig ger Worshippers ? And does it not seem mon strous that sensible, enlightened, refind, educa ted men will allow themselves to be taken in so miserable a snare ? Decidedly, we cannot spare any more mis sionaries for China or Hiudostan. Hints Intended to Promote Peace and Farmony In a Family. —l. We may be quite sure that our will is likely to be crossed in tho day, so prepare for it. t . .. 2. Everybody in the house has an ein nature as well as ourselves, and, therefore, we are not to expect too much. 3. To learn the different temper of each individual. 4. To look upon each member of the family as one for whom Christ died. 5. W hen any good happens to any one to rejoice at it. G. When inclined to give an angry answer to lift up the heart in prayer. 7. It from sickness, pain, or infirmly, we. feel irritable to keep a very strict watch over ourselves. 8 lo observe when others are so suffering, and drop a word of kindness and sympathy’ suited to them. 9. .To watch lor little opportunties. of pleasing and to put little annoyances out of the way. ~ 01. To take a cherful view of .everything of the weather Ac., and encourage hope. . 11. To speak kindly to the servants, and praise them foi little tilings when you can. 12 In all little pleasures which may occur to put self last. 13. To try for“ the soft answer that turneth away wrath.” 41 When we have been pained by an unkind word or deed, to ask oursveles ‘‘Have I not often done the same, and been forgiven?” 51. In conversation not to exalt ourselves,’ but bring others foward. IG. To be very gentle w itli the younger ones, and treat them with respect. 17 Never to judgeone another, but attri bute a good motive when we can. Pensacola in the Future. —The Pensaco la Gazette is jubilant over the future prospects of that city. Property which last year was in’ market for the smallest possible price, is now: so valuable that it hardly can be bought, and. property which was valuable before, has now risen to be beyond purchase. Two lots was sold on the 22d ult , lot $1,025. This favora ble state of thing*, is in consequence of the certain success of the Pensacola & Montgom ery Railroad, the surveys of which are rapidly progressing. Within the space of two yeais, ‘‘there are to be six trains per day between Montgomery and. Pensacola, Winging thous ands of bases of cotton and tons of produce* from the interior of Alabama and Mississippi” to the latter city ; in a few years it will be “ne cessary for people in New Orleans to send to us for the necessaries of life, and Mobile would be desolate only for us.”— Sav. Georgian’ llon. James Buchanan’s Letter.— A letter has been received and published from Hon. James Buchanan, in which he comes out de cidedly in favor of the principles of the N’cr braska bill, and regards them as the only final settlement of the slavery question. No. 50. The Seminole War. —We learn from the Tallahassee Sentinel, says the Savannah Geor gian, that Gov. Brqfnne, despairing of accom plishing any tiling in reference to the Indian difficulties, by correspondence, has gone to Washington to state the ease in person to the President and Secretary of War. If he fails, he w ill immediately convene the Legislature. He has no money, and no means of raising mo ney. He is powerless, and cannot afford ade quate protection to the frontiersmen without authority of law. Senator Iverson’s Speech. —The letter of. “Imperial” gives a favorable notice of Senator Iverson’s speech on the action of the Xaval Board—yet not more favorable than others.— The Washington correspondent of the Charles ton Courier, says : “Mr. Iverson, of Ga., made, perhaps, the strongest speech against the Boa*! which has been delivered iu the Senate ” The United States and Austria. —Amcrig the reports brought by the steamship Canada from Europe, is a statement by the Vienna cor respondent of the London Times, that an American commercial company is about to bo formed to effect a direct trade between the U. States and Austria, for the importation of cot ton and other products, lie intimates that a treaty of commerce will soon be completed be tween the two countries. Shocking Cruelty. —We have to record one of the most violent manifestations of filial iu gratitude that ever came under our notice.— Mr Longfellow, fresh from the Indian country, says that a warrior, having got “very angry,” ‘ Seized his grandmother and threw her Up into the sky at midnight. Right against the moon he threw her: ’Tis her body that you see there.’, Grinjibbewawanseloola. the deputy sheriff of that tribe was on the track of the villain at the last accouuts from Hiawatha. —Ex An apprentice, sent by his master to piu*- chase two sausages ate one on. his way home. “Well, where’s the other?” said the master, seeing him with only one. “The other?” replied the youngster, naively: “oh? there! that's the other!’ England and the United .Statvs —lt i& stated that Mr. Buchanan’s letters by the Arabia announce that the feeling in political circles in England is much modified towards the United States on the present differences. The reaction is even stronger than is indicated by the press, and is favorable to a reasonable adjustment. No difficulty is now anticipated on that score, although there had been no very recent confereuc.es, owing to Lord Clarendon’s’ absence at Paris. Lord Palmerston’s gover rnent is regarded as totteriug; it having bepn twice beaten in Parliament, including th. 6 peerage question, aud one police measure whipU was withdr awn,