Newspaper Page Text
Cjje dEntpre State*
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA,
Wednesday Sept. !, ISifi.
FOR PRESIDENT :
JAMES BUCHANAN.
OF FFV.VSYI.VAMA.
for vice president :
J. C. BRECKENRIDGE.
OP KENTUCKY
r~# o ♦
Democratic Electoral Ticket.
FOR THE STATE AT LARGE.
ELECTORS. ALTERNATES.
ACM. H. STILES. Henry G. Lamar.
IVERSON L. HARRIS. A. KAVrioht.
ELECTORS. ALTERNATES.
Ist Dist. Thomas M. Foreman \V M Nichols.
2d “ Samckl Hall, J A Ticker.
3d “ J N Ramsey, E J MoGeiiee.
4th “ I. J Gartrell, I F Johnson.
sth “ John W Lewis, I. W Crook.
Oth “ J P Simmons II McMillan.
7th “TP Saffold, _. J S Hook.
Sth “ T W Thomas : A C Walker.
Carroll Lands.
We would call special attention to the adver
meut of Mr. J. C. Benson, to be found in our col
umns to-day, To those wishing to locate in a
healthy, pleasant, well watered section of the coun
try, Mr. Beuson holds out inducements which will
not be resisted by a prudent man. He is anxious
to sell, and offers great bargains. No mistake.
Attention! —Those desirous of attending the
Free Barbecue and political speaking, in Union
District, Spalding county, are requested to assem
ble in frout o ftiie “Empire State” office, on Fri
day morning, the Sth inst., at 7 1-2 o’clock, forthe
purpose of forming a procession.
Flection of Fremont—Disunion.
In these perilous times, when dangers threaten
the existence of this great Confederacy of Ameri
can States, it is well some times to look to the fu
ture, and ponder upon the consequences likely to
follow the happening of certain events. It has
been said in the Congress of [the United States,
“that the election of Fremont would be a dissolu
tion of the Union,” to which a gallant Senator
from Georgia responded, “and ought to be.”—
And so say we. Howmuchsoever we may revere
that glorious Union, cemented by the blood of our
fathers—how strongly wc may be attached to it on
account of the paternal advice of the great Father
of onr Republic, to look upon it as the bulwark of
our safety at home, and onr respect abroad, yet “a
long train of abuses and usurpations” on the part
of a reckless majority, may drive us to the necessi
ty of throwing off this Union, and “providing new
guards for onr future security.” The South being
numerically the weaker section of the Confederacy,
has for many years been in the power of the strong
er section. The subject of slavery has cither di
rectly or indirectly been the great bone of conten
tion between the two. A spirit of fanaticism in
reference to this subject, has always existed among
the people of the non slaveholding States. This
spirit of wild fanaticism, though like the little
eloud in the heavens, which at first was not “larger
than a man's hand,” has gathered and spread out,
until it covers the whole Northern political hori
zon with its black pall, threatening to discharge
itself in merciless fury upon the institutions of the
South, and to lay waste and desolate the fair fields
of onr land, so highly favored of Heaven. Weare
evidently approaching an awful crisis in the politi
cal history of our country 1 A Presidential elec
tion is uow pending, which, we think, will, and
ought to decide the fate of this Union.- The Abo.
lition Party, under the lead of John C. Fremont,
have tendered a direct issue to the South upon this
momentous question. The Black Republican Par
ty has already unfurled the banner of sectionalism,
with fifteen of the stars which have heretofore
twinkled upon our National Flag, blotted out, and
left sixteen remaining, representing the correspond
ing number of free States. This party already
Las control of one branch of the National Legisla
ture. They are making desperate efforts to carry
all these States for Fremont, and fears are to been
entertained that the may possibly prove successful.
In this event, what hope bus the South for future
security ? The response of every intelligent, can
did man, must be-- none. Does it not then become
us as lovers of the soil which gave us birth, to look
his contingency bold in the face, and prepare for
our own safety and the security of our Household
Gods ? . We shall be recreant to every duty to our
selves, and traitors to posterity, if we shrink from
the responsibility which coming events may cast
upon us. “It may cost treasure, it may cost blood,”
but a necessity which we cannot and ought not to
resist, may impel us to take the step. We have
threatened—wc have remonstrated, until our me
naces and our remonstrances have become alike
powerless to operate upon thcjniifds of our North
ern brethren. They will not believe that wc are
in earnest when we tell them that we will resist “to
a disruption of every tic which binds us to this
Union, if they persist in their aggressions upon
our rights. Wc have exercised forbearance—we
have conceded and compromised, until the voraci
ty of our oppressors has become insatiable. And
is Ibcrc to be no end to these things ? We fear
not, unless the Southern people rise up as one man
in their united power and majesty, and hurl defi
ance into the teeth of those- who are bent on our
destruction. Convince the Northern people that
wc are in earnest, when we say we will resist “even
unto blood,” and they will be constrained to con
cede us the rights secured to us by our Constitu
tion. Their interest demands the perpetuation of
the Union much more imperatively than ours. We
have within our own limits the resources of a vast
Empire, capable of sustaining fifty millions of in.
habitants, and so far as our pecuniary interests,
and our domestic peace and ljappines,s are concern
ed, we would be a thousand fold better off without
the Abolition States than with them. They boast
that the South cannot be kicked out of the Union,
and so long as they entertain this opinion of us,
we may expect to remain hewers of wood and
drawers of water to our old task-masters. Though
we thus speak, we still have hope that there iscon
servatisra enough yet remaining among our North
ern brethren, to avert the dire calamity of which
we have been speaking. Wc are not yet prepared
to believe that the National Democracy are not
strong enough to carry a sufficient number of the
free States to elect Mr. Buchanan, with the aid of
the Southern States. Wc know there are yet
thousands of honest., generous, noble-hearted patri
°t*i**^C * forth ’ ar e true to the Constitution
,D ** t 0 ®* ve U 8 oar r *ghts ; but we fear
tK ° f fuuatlcism ma y P r °ve too strong for
° rc ' -1 ’ ‘ Many of them have already fallen
before it, and been efushed to death politically.—
Many of them are still standing in the breach, bold
ly fighting for our rights, but God only knows how
long they may be able to stand. We are no Disu
nionist, per se. We love our Northern brethren,
who are contending with us for the .Union and the
Constitution ; and the only regret we should leel
in suudering the ties which bind us t.ogother would
be at parting with them: We believe the only
means of preventing this catastrophe, is for the
.South to present one united front, and speak one
language of bold defiance. Theu the tide of fa
naticism would begin to roll back, and the Union
may be preserved. Remember the issue now be
fore the country is, Buchanan and the Union, or
Fremont and Disunion.
“To'your tents, 0 Israel.”
Agitation.
The enemies of the Kansas and Nebraska Bill,
denounce that measure upon the ground that it is
the cause of the fearful agitation which now shakes
the Republic from its centre to its circumference.
Mr. Fillmore himself terms the repeal of the Mis
souri restriction, “the Pandora’s box from which
have issued all the evils which now afflict the body
politic. ’ ‘J hese politicians go upon the principle
that it is better to submit to an infringement of
right, than to disturb the peace of society by seek
ing redress. Such is not our doctrine ; such was
not the doctrine of our Revolutionary sires, when
they declared that “these Colonies ought to be
free and independent States,” and “pledged their
lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor,” to
maintain this declaration. Such was not the doc
trine of the heroes of our second Revolution when
they hurled defiance into the teeth of the British
Lion, and declared for “free trade and sailor’s
rights.” Such was not the doctrine of General
Jackson whop Ire vetoed the United States Bunk
and thus saved the country from the rapacity of a
bloated and corrupt moneyed monopoly. And
such was not the doctrine of our Senators and Re
presenatives in Congress .when they said that the
odious Missouri restriction should no longer Dis
grace our statute book. The principle of resistance
to wrongs and oppression, is the only safeguard to
life, liberty and property. The sages of 1820 lost
sight ol this great principle, when they submitted
to the injustice and inequality of the Missouri
Compromise. They restored peace to the country,
bqt it was purchased at too high a price. They
only postponed, the evils and difficulties which now
environ the country, and cast a responsibility up
on posterity which they ought to have assumed
themselves. By the Missouri Compromise, the
South surrendered to the North a vast amount of
I erritory without any equivalent. This outrage
has been submitted to without murmur for thirty
years. This long and undisturbed possession of
their ill gotten gains, has pampered the Northern
people, until what they got by extortion, they now
claim as matter of right. If th% Missouri fraud
was iniquitous at the beginning, no lapse of time
can make it just, or deprive the South of the right
of restitution. If we have, till this late day, sub
mitted to this measure of injustice, it is our mis
fortune to have thus long been deprived of our con
stitutional rights. If an attempt to retreave what
we have thus basely lost, disturbs the quiet of the
country, it is not our fault. The responsibility
lies at the door of our opponents, and upon their
heads be the consequences, ll the assertion of a
great right, the right* of equality in the Union,
cause agitation, let it come : Let the clamor for
“justice to the South,” ring through the land, let
it echo from the mountains, aim rumble through
the valleys ; let every hill top and every plain be
made vocal with the sound ; let it resound from the
palace of the rich, and from the cottage of the pea
sant, and bounding over plains and rivers, staitie
the fanatical hordes of the North m their fatal de
lusion, and drive them back to a sense of reason
and justice. Yes, fct agitation go on until our
rights a*re restored to us, fully and absolutely, and
if a base surrender of our constitutional privileges
be necessary to purchase the quiet of the country,
we say “let discord reign forever.” Such a peace
would be the repose of despotism, and its authors
would deserve the scorn of the world, and the exe
crations o/ posterity.
Startling news from Kansas.
Our accounts from Kansas are of a most inter
esting character. Civil war, exists in that Terri
tory, with all its horrors. The pro-slavery men
who had settled in that country for the purpose of
pursuing the peaceful avocations ofAgriculture and
the mechanic arts, have been driven from their
quiet homes by merciless hordes of arm and Aboli
tionists and forced to fly for shelter and protection
to the more humane and merciful Indian tribes.
Recent letters report the probable massacre of
Capt. Grant, from Upson county, Ga., and of
young Hamilton, son of Dr. Hamilton, of Cass co.,
Ga, We learn that the family connexions of young
Hamilton, are raising a company to proceed with
all possible dispatch to the bloody scene to avenge
his death. Other emigrants from Georgia are said
to have been murdered, their homes burnt to ashes,
their little property destroyed, and their wives and
children driven out'to seek sustenance and protec
tion among the charitable Indians and Missouri
ans. W e trust that these accouts may be exage
rated, but we have good reasons to fear they may
be substantially true. Will not such accounts as
this arouse the people of Georgia to a sense of their
duty ? W ill.not our slaveholders furnish the means
to send out our young, bold, adventurous men, to
fight the battles of the South, upon the soil of
Kansas? Missouri has done more than her part
in this struggle, and is willing to do more, but she
can’t stand alone much longer in this contest. Un
less her sisters of the South come up to her assist
ance, and that speedily, she must yield to superior
numbers, aud when Missouri is conquered, the
death knell of Southern institutions will be sound
ed. Apathy on the part of Southern men, in this
crisis, is criminal. Arouse up then Southerners,
and strike one blow for your homes aud your fire
sides.
Our Picture Gallery.
Mr. Henry J. Willianson has deposited in onr
office a splendid likeness of the Hon. James Buch
anan, the candidate of the National Democratic
Party for President of the United States. It is a
magnificent picture, elegantly encased in a beauti
ful gilt frame, and we proudly place it in our pic
ture gallery, the observed of all observers, and the
admired of all admirers.
♦—#*—>
> t
Heavy Gale.
On Sunday morning, 31st ult., about 8 o’clock,
A. M , a heavy gale of wind, accompanied with
rain, set in from the North-East, and continued
without cessation, until night. Considerable dam
age has been done to cotton and fodder,’ as well as
fruit and shade trees. .
Large Apples.
Our friend Thos. B. Williams, of Monroe, left
at this office, a few days since, .specimens of the
“New England Pippen” Apple, which excel any
thing in the apple line we have seen for a long
time —the largest measuring 13 inches in circumfe
rence. The taste and flavor is as fine as any ap
ple we ever saw. By proper cultivation, great im
provements in.„ut be made in the raising <>t the
various kinds of fruit grown in this country. It
is very important that every farmer should know
exactly when to plant, how to manure and when
to work. These things can only be learned by dil
gent application.
We tender our acknowledgements to the
Hon. Howell Cobb, for several distinguished fa
vors, consisting of speeches and valuable Congres
sional documents.
“ Porter’s Spirit of the Times.”
From a circular recently received, we learn that
W. T. Porter, for twenty six years the able Editor
of “ The New York Spirit of the Times,” will issue,
about the first of September, inst., a weekly Sport
ing and Literary Journal, to be called “Porter’s
Spirit of the Times.” The high reputation of the
old Paper conducted by Mr. Porter, will, we doubt
not, secure a large patiouage.
The Meeting on Friday, sth inst.
. A free barbecue will be given at W. D. Reeves’
in Union District, Spalding county, on Friday,
the sth inst. A grand rally of the people is ex
pected on the occaston. Gol. Jas. A. Russell, of
LaGrange, L. J. Glenn, Esq. Atlanta, ami other
distinguished speakers will be present am! address
the meeting. The friends of Buchanan and all
others favorable to Southern interests, are invited
to be present.
Col. McGee and Capt, Jones.
We had the pleasure, a few days since, of mak
ing the acquaintance of the above named gentle
men. They have been sent out by the Georgia
Emigrants, to ask aid for the cause of bleeding
Kansas. Many of those who are “bone of our
bone and flesh of our flesh,” have gone to that dis
tant land, and staked their all upon the Issue now
pending over .that devoted country Difficulties
and dangers unforseen and unexpected have been
thrown in their way, and they are cmpelled to ask
assistance from their friends and brethren whom
they have left behind. Col. McGee and Capt.
Jo’nes have been commissioned by them to lay their
wants and their necessities before the people of
Georgia, and solicit from tligpi that aid which
they *0 much need. Shall this call go unheeded ?
Shall this appeal be made in vain ? We trust not.
The liberality of our people is proverbial. Let
their munificence be commensurate with their
means
Oratory—Henry M. Law.
PflfsrtAnt to plf-etious notice, this gentleman ad
dressed a portion of our citizens, at the Synodical
College Chapel, on Saturday flight last. The in
clemency of the vveather prevented fltany, \?ho
otherwise would have been there, from being pres
ent. He is a finished speaker—a gOfld orator—a
profound scholar, and understands ids subject—
“ Oratory,” well. It is emphatically a treat to heat
him. He is* no humbug, but in reality whflt he
pretends* to be—an Orator
The weather permitting, he designs giving the
citizens of Griffin another opportunity of listening
to his enchanting and rapturous strains of elo
quence, to night, (Wednesday) at the same place.
Let none stay away. A “feast of revson and a
flow ol soul” may be expected on th e occasion
Our Neighbor.
The Editor of the American Union, pays us quite
a compliment in the last issue of his paper It how
ever, smacks a little of the sour fruit which we
read of in the fable of the Fox and the Grapes.—
When our neighbor calls to mind the fact that we
have no secret, oath-bound party ties, binding us,
we hope he may dismiss his fears as to our indepen
dence.
Death of an Editor.
John W. Wolfe, Editor of the Albany Patriot,
died at his residence, on the 27th ult. In his death,
the church of which he was a member, has lost one
of its bright ornaments, and the Democratic Pres
one of its strong .pillars.
True Nobility—A Momentous Deci
sion.
All work, even cotton spinning, is noble. Work
is alone noble. Be that, here said and asserted
once more,” so Carlyle says. But we must remem
ber that there are degrees in nobility. The high
est nobility is the nobility of beneficence. An ho
nest man, says the poet, is the noblest woik of
God. We have no hesitation in extending the
apothegm. The noblest work of God is the man
who is not only honest, but who does the greatest
good. The greatest of all temporal blessings, is
health. And, as the mental condition is controlled
by the physical, the effects of health can hardly be
regarded as .terminating with a mere temporal ben
efit.
Ihen who is the greatest of all human benefac
tors ? He obviously who enables us to restore
health that has been deterioated, and to preserve
health that is good. The secret of restoring and
preserving health, has been the ’great aim of the
modern philanthropist, as it was the philosopher's
stone of the ancient alchemist.
The secret has been discovered, its discoverer
proving himself thereby not only the greatest phi
losopher, but the greatest philanthropist the world
ever saw. The question “Who is he ?” has been
asked my millions, and answered to them:; and
they have rejoiced. Professor Holloway has con
ferred more blessings on humonity, than all the
“soi-disant” social reformers, and pseudo.philan
thropists the world ever saw. The fame of his
Pills and Ointment has penetrated to the remotest
confines of the earth, and their use has diffused
health, and all the happiness that follows health
over countless thousands. From the ice-bound
capes of Lapland to the shores of the Meditterra
nean, from the hoary summit of the Ural Moun
tains to the eastern shores of the Atlantic, there is
not a city, town or village of any note, in which
they arc not met with. The missionary takes lit
tle else in his medicine chest ; the sailor never
needs a more varied supply for his. They are pe
culiarly adapted to the diseases incidental to the
American climate. They have never failed here or
elsewhere. Friends, we indulge iq no exaggera
tion ; we defy contradiction, because we state
what we know to be true. If you aio ill, try these
mediciues, and then say whether our statements
are baseless. We are confident of your decision.—
N. 0 . Picayune.
; ‘ •’ • ■>’ Ki *
Prof. Wood’s Hair Restorative.
This Restorative for making the hair grow, stop
ping its falling out, and redeeming bald heads from
their nakedness, is becoming celebrated. All the
quack nostrums are giving way before it Three
fourths of the mixtures for restoring and beautify
ing the hair, do it more iujury than good. They
buru it up— life at its roots, make the hair
tall off, and produce mature baldness. But Prof.
Wood’s Restorative may be relied upon, as con
taining nothing which can in any manner be inju
rious to the hair, while its success is accomplishing
what it pretends to be able to do, has been verified
in hundreds of cases. We advise bald heads, and
beads getting bald —all who wish to save then’
wool, or obtain anew stock, to get a bottle of
Wood s Restorative* —Evansville Journal.
#■
Mr. Fillmore a sworn Know Noth
ing.
Let the people not forget that Fillmore, like the
“private Secretary,” is a sworn in Know Nothing.
Gustavus Adolphus Scroggs, of New York, ad
ministered the oaths to him, and he belonged to
Lodge No. 177. Brownlow, a great leader of
Sam’s thus admits and endorses the fact in his pa
per :
“Since Mr. Fillmore's retirement from the Pres
idency. he was initiated into Council 177, in New
York, and took the three degress of the Order—
took the oaths of the party, if the reader please—
and if again elected to the Presidency, as we are
confident he will be, he is just .the man to carry
out his engagements, aud to comply with his obli
gations. And mat ail who wish the information,
may know what obligation Mr. Fillmore has taken
upon himself, we subjoin extracts from these , obli
gations :
OBLIGATION OF FIRST DEGREE.
‘ln the presence ot Almighty God and these wit
nesses, you do solemnly promise and swear that
you will uot vote, nor give your influence for any
man, for any office in the gift of the people, unless
he be an American born citizen in favor of Amcri
cans ruling America, nor if he be a Roman Catho
lic ; that you will,-in all political matters, so far
as this order is concerned, comply with the will of
the majority, though it may conflict with your
personal preference, so long as it does not conflict
with the Constitution of the United States of
A merica, or that of the States in which you re
ride.’
OBLIGATION OF SECOND DEGREE.
‘You do solemnly and sincerely swear, that if it
may be done legally, you will, when elected or ap
pointed to any official station conferring on you
the power to do so, remove all foreigners, aliens or
Roman Catholics from office / place, and that you
ivill in no case appoint such to any office or pldce in
your gift.’
Since Fillmore is alone their platform, it is well
to see some of the solemn obligations he has taken,
and that “m all political matters,” the will of the
majority of the Order he has sworn upon the Holy
Bible to obey, though it.may conflict with his per
sonal preference. Late abolition and freesoil move
ments of that order North, show unmistakably
where he has to go, or perjure himself.
Old Line Whigs—American Democracy—inde
pendent Freemen every where, look at these things.
Can such a K. N. man be the proper head of thir
ty-one Sovereign States ? Stump orators may try
to veil the hideous fact by attempted deification of
Fillmore, but that he is an oath-bound Know-
Nothing, sworn in secret—after rising to public
life as a great anti-Masot, and a denouncer of secret
societies—sticks to him like the garment of Neme
sis.—So. Banner .
. [For the Empire State.]
Facts for People of Georgia to
ponder on.
Every one who votes for Mill.nrd Fillmore, votes
for a Presidential candidate nominated by. Aboli
tionists, Black Republicans. Native Americans,
Free Soilers, Nigger Stealers, and Southern anti-
Kansas men. Proof : The Convention in .Phila
delphia that nominated firrti
Every one who votes itii Millard Fillmore, votes
for a man who took an oath to do as he was com
manded by his secret Council in all things politi
cal—oaths of Know N othingism that was begot
ten by abolitionists of Free Negroists, now dead
and stinketh, the issue is.. See Gen. Suggs for
proof.
Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes
for a man who stood by the side of -John Quincy
Adams and Joshua R. Giddings in all their hellish
designs on the South—voted with them on every
proposition they made to ruin the South—frater
nized with those traitors in all his Congressional
career. See Congressional Globe for proof.
Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes
for a man who never gave a vote in favor of the
South, when it came in conflict with the North on
the slavery question—never, no never in favor of
the South. Out of CO or 70 votes, he cast every
one of them against us. Proof: See Congression
al Globe.
Kvery one who votes for Milliard Fillmore South,
votes with Freesoilers North against the interest
of the South against Kansas being a slave State
—to put in office those who deplore the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise, and who will, restore
it when they get the power. Proof: Every North
ern Fillmore man, except two, has already pledged
themselves on the record to do so. See Congres
sional proceedings.
Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, will
do so with the certainty that no more fugitive lie-*
grocs will ever be recovered, and white rogues who
steal them, will be pardoned out of jail. Proof :
See Drayton and Seay case.
Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes
for a man in layer of taxing salt, sugar, coffee, and
all other necessaries of man in humble life, while
he is in favor of admitting free of tax, gold watch
es, breast-pins, striped stockings, and other jim
cracks worn by the*proud and wealthy.
Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore, votes
for a man who is opposed to the rich paying their
honest debts Proof : His vote in favor of the
Bankrupt Law, and his vote against its repeal.
Every one who votes for Millard Fillmore in the
South, does so to aid their Freesoil cousins North
to get him in the House of Representatives, where
they can make a bargain with the Black Republi
cans for office. Proof: Senators Pearce au Pratt,
of Maryland
Every one who votes for Millard Millmore and
A. J. Donaldson, votes either for a bad man, Free
soiler, enemy of the South, in the person of Fill
more, or for a great slanderer in the person of
Donaidsott. Proof : Donaldson s opinion of Fill
more.
Every one who votes for Miiiard Fillmore, votes
for bquatter Sovereignty and alien suffrage, as
proven by the admission oi Cunlornin, and the’
Utah and New Mexico Bids, making Mexican cit
izens eo instauter, and allowed to vote without one
day’s probation —tut lirst President whose admin
istration inaugurate*! a.- a earumai doctrine there
in Squatter Sovereignty and alien suffrage. Proof:
Compromise Bibs m
Every one who vid.es lor Millard Fillmore, votes
fora ma who would wuhuold Irom the South a
boon, the right ol ( quality ; a Southern man not
the equal oi a Yautue Abolitionist. Proot : Ro
cheste- speech
Every man who votes lor Millard Fillmore, votes
for an Abolitionist. Prooi : Henry Ciay, the im
mortal Statesman, delining who were abolitionists,
said there were three classes—the Freesoilers. then
gradual and ultra Aboiitionists. The ultra Aboli
tionists he said were those men for immediate ae
tion. Do you accept his opiniqn ? You once be
lieved in him strongly,
Millard Fillmore in his Erie Letter (and no one
can show where he lias ever modified the remark,)
said when asked this question, “are you in favor of
immediate legislation for the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia ?”
lie answers, I AM.
Henry Clay’s definition proves him to be not
only au Aboiitionist, but an ultra Abolitionist !
What native Georgian will vote for an Aboli-:
twnist ? I will not, will you ? . ‘ ‘ • *
For the Empire State.
Mr. Editor: After my compliments to the
Editors of the Columbus Enquirer, American
Union, and all concerned, please say to them
that the Old Ploughman chooses to follow the
directions of the Bible rather than the notions
of Party editors, which says” Acts sth chap.
29th verse, “we ought to obey God rather than
men,” and his Divine Master has said, Luke
20th and 25th verse, “Render therefore unto
Caesar the things which be Caesars, and unto
God the things which be God’s !” Then read,
if you please, the 2Gth verse, so the old Plough
man, recollecting that God is the same yester
day, to-day and forever, and that he used Mos
es, Joshua, Samuel, David and others in a tgo
fold way, will,if permitted, labor at Fellowship
church, Ain., on the 3d. Sunday in Sept, for
the peoples spiritual good, and on Monday for
their National good. And be it known untoyou
men and bi’e.uren from Maine to California,
that he cannot Opiate with a party who came
into being bound by cWths to secrecy,and whose
track has been marked by deception, false
hood, immorality,brute TITOo, fire, sword, blood
and death, for ii is said in UJ’ Scriptures, Ha
bakkuk the Ist chap. Kith vc!k’* “thou art of
purer eyes than to behold evil, unu °anst not
look upon iniquity, wherefore looked thou
upon them that deal treacherously and
thy tongue, when the wicked devouerth tiw
man that is more righteous than he?” So not
withstanding 1 voted for Mr. Fillmore in 1848,
at the ballot box and in the Electoral College,
as he approves of the American platform, with
the 12tn section stricken out, and is openly
opposed to the Kansas Nebraska act, and in
favor of the restoration of the Missouri com
promise, by which the South is deprived of an
equal participation in the common property of
the country, contrary to the Constitution, to
justice and State rights, 1 must be excused for
not voting for him now, and I cannot see how
any Southern State Rights man can be consis
tent, and do it. But Mr. Editor, I do not
think Mr. Fillmore will get a single Southern
State, and how he can get a Northern one
when the same principle exists there that de
feated him in the nomination before, I am at
an utter loss to conceive, unless-he lias changed
his notion of things: and when I see the many
influential men that have left the Know’ Noth
ing or American Tarty, and eoine over to the
support of Buchanan • and the Constitutional
rignls of the South, and then recollect the ma
jority of the democracy last year, I am con
strained to believe, if the Election was to come
off now, Buchanan would be 20,000 ahead in
Georgia. Perhaps you will hear from me again
soon, Yours to serve,
WM MOSELEY.
The U ashiugton Monument.
Many months ago, when the popular huzza
was sounded throughout the land the ‘Ameri
can’ party had inaugurated anew born zeal in
behalf of American interests, national pride
and honor, and when many persons were silly
enough to believe that their vaunted pow er
and infiuance were based upon something more
substantial than ‘airy nothings,’ this party ob
tained control of the National Washington
Monument Association at the Federal Capitol.
The mode by which this was accomplished is
still fresh in the recollection of our readers.-
the Know Nothings, by their secret machinery
of lodges and oaths organized a Know Noth
ing ticket, of which the outside public had not
the slightest suspicion. Thus, for . the first
time in the progress of this great National
movement, to erect a monument in honor of
Washington, it was made it a subject of party
scramble. The disgraceful scheme succeeded—
the eoniftfl of the Monument Association was
thus surreptifuo'nsly obtained, and Know No
thingism was substituted in place of a general
National sentiment ns the presiding influence
over this grand ovation to the Father of his
Country.
The name and the memory of Washington
having been thus desecrated for party purposes
it might reasonably have been expected that,
from very shame of failure, the Know’ Nothings
would have been stimulated to some creditable
exertions to redeem their loud promises to the
public. The merest dictates of party interest,
any one would have supposed, would spur them
on to do something toward the grand reseult,
and stave of the ignominy and disgrace which
failure would entail on Know’ Nothingisra.—
But the party which could violate the sacred
sentiment of national gratitude to the illustri
ous dead, seemed incapable of realizing the dis
gust which a gross neglect to redeem their
promises would inspire.
The Washington Monument, it was vaunt
ingly said by the Know Nothings, w’ould rise
rapidly to completion from the day that ‘inten
sely American’ party took charge of the w’ork.
It was to lift its towering summit to the skies
by means of the voluntary subscriptions of the
Know Nothings alone. From every member
of their lodges ancl Councils throughout the
land was to be a contribution to the work.—
This, when completed, w’as to be not solely,
and we suspect not chiefly, a monument to
Washington, but a grand electioneering sign
post to which Know Nothings were to point,
and boast of their superior patriotism. *
Behold now’ the fruits of their ridiculous ar
rogance—their impertinent folly. Silence
broods over the spot—the hum of industry is
hushed—the sound of the artizan’s hammer is
no longer heard.
The blocks awaiting the disposal cf
constituted guardians of the
quent tokens of a people’s love and reverence
for their great champion and hero, stand there
untouched, mute but scathing witnesses of
Know Nothing factiousness, presumption and
irnpotcucy. The melancholy Spliynx—the
broken columns and crumbling arches of ancient
Thebes as they rise from their sandy beds in
which they are half buried bespeak a glory once)
• resplendent and complete, and the modern trav
eller bows liis head in honor to the mighty
deeds of the past, But what must the travel- j
ler think of Know Nothingism as he pauses be-’
ton the Washington Monument, and beholds
real eloquent evideneee of the delinquency of
Los grandiloquent and loud vaunting party.
That party which professed to have risen up
from the ruins of the two great parties that
pieecdeu it, and would not hold itself respon
sible lor the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of
either , is it sell now a unique, brokeu and scat
tered ruin. Its dismembered fragments are
seen in all parts of the Union, having some pe
culiar characteristics common to all, but. in
most respects dissimilar, disjointed, discordant;
irreconcilable, repugnant. They never could
have formed a homogeneous and symmetrical■
whole. They were from the beginning iucapa-l
bio of being moulded iuto a shape that • would
be either useful or ornamental. The party has
turned out a miserable deformity—a hideous
monument of fanaticism, demagogueism, pro
scription and intolerance.
Who is to be responsible for the obnoxious
acts and violated pledges of the Know ‘ Noth
ing party ? .
Kansas Affairs.
By the confession of both the pro and anti
slay ery parties, says the Savannah Georgian &
Journal, the late outbreak in Kansas was the
work of the Freesoilers. Lane having march
ed several hundred outlaws into the Territory,
they signalized their advent, and illustrated
courage, by an attack on the little town
of Franklin—defended some accounts sat, by
20 others by 80 men.
After a light of several hours in which four
pro c a'cry men were wounded, and one or
more abolitionists killed, the latter canturod
the place and plundered it of its arms ?
Ahe tollowiug ap^a l Ws boon sent to the
at“ 1 "I w believe
.it Llu_a 0 0. Cautiously as it is worded, it fore
shadows very (tetmctly thenar now Wingwn
ged by- the freesoilers over their opponents
Georgians, does this appeal suggest nothing
to.you ? Your friends are being' butchered by
tltotabolition hordes* marched into the Territo-
that purpose, from the North West.
Can you do nothing ? Are there no men who
will go.£ is there no more that can be sent
to the grief of the assailed ?
But here is the appeal :
Lawuexck, Kansas, Aug. ‘l3, 1850.
Lo the National Kansas Committee—-
Gentlemen : The emigrant train which left
i lo'ya a few weeks since, has, we , understood,
a.'bed in safety Topeka. The presence oF
so la., ‘'a a OC L V of men, and the prospect of
still niOK following in their footsteps, is highly
encouraging our people. In other respects,
our cause in \ht> State, and at Washington,
seems to brighten. c would gladly a wait the
complete organization operatic** of your
scheme, and the sure opera °F otfvt? cau
ses for our preservation, but a jessing *mer
gency conipells us to anticipate thcJ,~ and Wo 1
appeal by a special messenger to you for morA
prompt and efficient aid iii men, anus, ammuni
tion and provisions.
Ihe contest is upon us, and instant action -
alone can save our people from destruction. It
scem to you a premature movement but
we sre forced in it. The’details will have to be
explained to you by the bearer, Esq
who is fully acquainted with all the facts, ami
upon whose statements you may fully rely.
The leading facts of the case we will briefly
state. A\ e have three statements upon the
most idialilc authority, and no heresay re
port. J
Since the attack upon Lawrence of May the
21st, last, with executions of a few skir
mishes, matters in the Territory have remained
m comparative quiet. The presence of the Go
vernment, troops, which is secured to impose a
cheek upon the designs of our enemies, has
served them with an opportunity to make’morc
extensive preparations. Provisions, arms both
guns and cannon, and ammunition, have been
severally introduced into and stored in different
parts of the Territory, bands -from 50 to 200
men each from Missouri and the South, are for
tifying themselves into a continuous line thro’
the settled portions of the Territory, in readi
ness for a simultaneous descent by night upon
our scattered and defenceless people.
1* nil} satisflod that this extreme danger im
pended over us as we appealed to the military
to afford us‘protection by the dispersion of these
armed bands. This has been refused us in the
case of a band of upwards of 100 men encamp
ed about six miles from this place, on Washing
ton Creek. We must have immediate help.—
The hordes from Missouri, and other parts of
the South, will be in upon us. Wc shall stand
by our homes to the last.
To the neighboring free States, and to the-
National Committee, we look for relief. Shall
we not have it ? The battle, as you are alrea
dy aware, is not for Kansas alone*, but for free
dom of the entire North. Suffer us not, then,
w e entreat you, to be overwhelmed for want of
timely aid. We will do our duty. If the re
ports our friends bring us be true, the North
is alive to its danger and duty, and will stand
by us.
Commending our cause to the immediate at
tention, and to the Almighty, we remain yours
&c. ‘ ’
Shameful —The Hon. Percy Walker wat ”
hung in effigy in Yobile a few days since. The ■
figure was suspended on the telegraph wires
opposite the Battle House, and bore the in- -
script ion of “Percy, the Traitor!” We presume
the speech delivered by this gent/crann in the
House of Representatives, on the sth inst., in
which lie announced his determination to vote
for Mr. Buchanan, gave rise to this disgraceful
off ir The trea on of Mr Walker consist, as
much in the expression of the followhg seuti
mcm any thing else, we opine :
“in the great struggle in 1850, I took the
ground in ray own State, that, in my judgement
this-Union—all glorious as it had been, the
object of my love and revrence, filled as I was
with ihe thoughts of the great deeds of the
men who gave it to us, looking upon it as of
only less value tnan the principals which gave
it being—l said then, that rather than submit
to an unjust compromise I would see the Union
shivered int-fragments. Aifd I say now tbo’
I am no disunio ist—that yplueing my
own rights, and, l trust, properly regarding
the rights of others—yet, I say uow, in all
calmness and -olenmess to northern gentlemen
thai in ray judgement, if the restriction referred
to bv tlie gtti.tiem.in, [die Missouri restric
tion,] should bi renewed upon the South—if
that i> to bo ii.c finale of this fierce sectional
Strife- it would load to a disseverance of thfr
Un on. Isay, further, that in the consumma-
tion ot tnc eve t tbo gentleman supposed, if my
voice had potency, t-Mould ring from everv
| liill-tOj* and every vale in the South. I would
I ligi* the beacon Arcs ot revolt on every sou
j them s. earn, and, if need be, cut with the
j sword the bonds that linked us with our
I • ‘ppi o v. .> i e>, in saying this, I would invoke
. Htau n >n ii t.iat dark day away from us.
| I womu ot only live in peace, but cultivate,
| fwi . s fe'tehial concord and hfwiac.
j ny. !> : .t t tea only be achieved, it oaty 7
j l,e i : e-ervod by a determiuatieu upon rHI sides •
to await, to each State its full equally,, audr
| to tne citiz us oi each State full an and perfect, 1 ,
equadiy, t,n w rit the other. Gover omentsare
t wur li live, f.,i unless thegrer *t objpots of
►I. e eat orr n- carried out, n 0( j w j t li us
equality le.n.i g, fundament “ A \ jj oa . The
t .- U. -t .Ot be Shorn of thej j. sovereignty,
nor widens abridged In *l, e ir rights.”*
uoh - t.if ■ language of -‘Per. .y Hie Traitor!* ’
&nc fte anguugeof tne mr J
‘ “ a South (6TB aiiy, and call
ttaito: , Aias! tor Know Not jdngiwn \ People
a a di, iHce >- ill begin to tl ti nk tb * t ,Mobile,
maac p ot a strangepopu- One day a,
.Cos .mvss, nan, who express’ M sentiments.
1 ,!! v ‘T’ l \ huas mes fiigy and branded as
traitor, and tbe next, / a e ma n i s suffered,
. mem ly t“ Me. art, UI ibwig and uuwhipt,
.rom tr •.r city, ~fer ve odin/abolition publi
■4 ; t I . |H ‘ r (!trut, 3 outrage
sin.ul, , . ! i,. eqout, ‘ sent along in the.
.ike t ftnr cklantl, f6r . . *tiev are “bone of his ;
bone, and flesh of bi fl es h,” —Advertiser
| C rdzettc *