Newspaper Page Text
s|. Siting, £uiior.
Vol. 2.
THE EMPIRE STATE
IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
By A A. G-auldlnfe.
TERMS: TWO DOLLARS IN ADVANCE, OR THREE DOL
LARS AFTER SIX MONTHS, PER ANNUM.
•SrGlfice ap-stairs over W. R. Phillips & Co.@a
Adrcrtisem(;nts are inserted at One Dollar per quarc for
he first insertion, aud Fifty Cents per square foteachin
ertion thereafter.
A reasonable deduction will be made to those who adver
tise by the year.
All Advertisements not otherwise Ordered will be cwn*m
r ed till forbid.
Sales of LaA'ds by Administrators, Executors or Guar
dians, arc required by *A\V to be held on the first Tuesday
in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and
3 in tlie afternoon, at the Court House, in the cObnty in
whicli the Land is situated. Notice of these sales must be
giVen in a public Gazette forty days previous to the day of
■ale.
Sales of Negroes must be made at public auction on the
.'first Tuesday of the month, between the usual tamua of sale,
‘,at tlie place of public sales in the county where the Letters
’ .Testamentary, or Administration, or Guardianship may
have been granted—first giving forty days notice thereof in
‘.one of the public Gazettes of tlie State, and at the Court
J Huse where such sale is to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in
like manner, forty days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of uu Estate, must be
published forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Or
dinary for leave to sell Land, must be publ.sfied for two
months. *■•■•■
Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published two
onths before any order absolute shall be made thereon by
ho Court.
Citations for Letters of Administration must l publish
ed thirty days ; for Dismission from Administration, month
ly six months; for Dismission from Guardianship, forty
dttVH.
Notice for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be publish
ed monthly for four months ; for publishing Lost Pa- j
pers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling ti-
Us from Executors and Administrators, where a bond nas
keen given by the deceased, for the space of three months
DANIEL &, DISMUKE,
Attorneys at Law,
Will practice in the District Court of the United States
sat Marietta.
tirUfiii, fcUorgln.
1.. K. DANIXL, F. D. DISMUKK;
May 3, 1655. ts
” \V. POPE JORDAN,
Attorney at Law,
-Scfeulon, Geoi-gl si.
WILL practice in all the counties of the Flint Circuit.
May 3,1855. ts
J. 11. MANGHAM,
Attorney a t Xj aw,
GKIFFIN, GKOliOilA.
May 3, 1855-ly 1
WM. 11. F. HALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ZEBULOX GEORGIA.
July 4, 1855. _ 0-ts
J. A. B. ■WXI.xSaWs,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA.
WILL practice in the Counties composing the Flint
Circuit. By permission, refers to Hon. Hiram War
taer, Greenville ; Levi M. Adams, Greenville ; Hon. G. J
•Green, Griffin ; Hon. James 11. Stark, Griffin ; Rev. Will
iam Moseley, Griffin.
June 2ad, 1856 C..... .ly.
JOSKril A. TIIRABHKR,. . , JAMES M. HAMBRICK
THRASHER <fc HA.MBRICK,
ATTORNEYS A T L A W
MeDonougli, Georgia.
April 30, 185 G 1... .ly
V. W. A. DOYLE, *• K - KAN'SON'E.
DOYLE & RAN SON E,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Griffin Georgia.
April 16, 1856 50....3m
J,. T. DOYAL, G. M. NOLAN.
DOYAL & NOLAN,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
McDonough, Georgia.,
WILL practice in the counties of Henry, Fulton, Fay
ette, Coweta, Spalding, Butts, Monroe and Newton
#yßfiFKßKNCK~Them*clvc.s,^&3
April 2, 1856.,,,, .48.,. .ly
’ Q . C . GRICE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW ;
FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA.
May 15,1856 3......tf.
*“ “ JAMES H. STARK,
attorney A T L A W,
Grtffln,. .....Georgia.,
WILL practice in the Courts of the Flint Circuit* and
in the Supreme Court at Atlanta and Macon.
Fab. 13, 1856 ...41....1y
~ JARED IRWIN WHITAKER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
•fflee front Rooms, over John R. Wallace & Bros., corner
of White Hall and Alabama streets,
ATLANTA GEORGIA.
January 30,1856... .ts
~ ~ w. L GORDON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
GEORGIA
January 30, 1856..... .39 ly
“ HENRY HENDRICK,
ATTORNEY AT LAW ,
Jackson, Baits County, Gtotgia
May 3, 1855. “
* A. D. NUNNALLY,
AT T O R.N E Y AT LAW,
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA.
June, 27,1865. Uj
UNDERWOOD, HAMMOND & SON,
attorneys at law,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
WILL give personal attention to all business entrusted
to their management, and attend the Sixth Circuit
•Courtof the United States, at Marietta, the Supreme Court
at Macon and Decatur, and the Superior Courts m Cobb,
Morgan, Newton, PeKalb, Fulton, Fayette, Spalding, Pike,
Cass, Monroe, Upson, Bibb, Campbell, Coweta, Troup,
Whitfield and Gordon, in Georgia, and Hamilton county,
t(Ghattanooga,) in Tennessee. May 3,1855. tt
MV. L. GRICE, WM. s. WALLACE.
GRICE & WALLACE,
ATTORNEYS A T L A W ,
BUTLER, GEORGIA.
PERSONS intrusting business to them may rely on their
•fidelity, promptness and care. Dec. 10, ’65-33-ly.
GARTIIELL & GLENN,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA. .
WILL attend the Courts in the Counties of Fnlton, De-
Kalb, Fayette, Campbell, Meriwether, Coweta, Car-’
fail, Henry, Troup, Heard, Cobb, and Spalding.
Lucius J. Gartrkll, I Luther J. Gunn,
formerly of Washington, Ga. | Formerly of McDonr ugh, Ga.‘
May 16, 1855. 3tf
WHITE LEADf
■|AA KEGS No. 1, Extra and Pure White Lead, just re
Mi eeived and for sale by HILL k SMITH.
Stiffin-, Sc'pt ID, ’55 ts
(Emprr lili §>tat t.
From the Baltimore Republican, Sep. 15.
Speech of Gov. 11. V. Johnson, at the
Great Democratic Mass Meeting
in Baltimore, Sep. 12th.
Fellow-citircns of Baltimore and of Alary land :
To-night, as I understand closes the anni
versary “of a day full of pibffid recollections to
your noble city It is not for me to eulogize
the deeds of tlie 12th of September, 1814.
That task has already been performed by your
distinguished fellow-citizen who has just taten
his seat. But allow me It) say that the glo
ries of this anniversary belong not alone to the
people of Baltimore. Ever, mmi w T ho has a
true American heart throbbing within his bo
som, claims a part in that proud heritage.—
( Applause.) It is not my purpose on thisoc
easion to consume any of the time in dwelling
upon the rich recollections which are awaken
ed by the event to whi< h I have alluded.
We have assembled here foroth r purposes,
for the contemplation of other themes, “e
have to do with the present, and, as far as may
be, to throw our minds forward into the fn
tore, and enquire what is the destiny that pro
bably awaits us as a free people. So far as
the surface of affairs presents itself to the con
templative mind, all for the present is calm
and beautiful as the silver lake that slumbers
beneath the moonbeams. The past is full of
glorious rem niscences. And it is only when
vou go down beneath the surface and look in
to the true state of affairs, and consider the
great questions which agitate the popular mind
fr>.m one extreme of this broad Republic to
the other, that we can appreciate properly the
perilous position in which we stand at the pre
sent hour, and in the present political cam
paign. Above me spans a beautiful arch of
thirty-one sovereign States, emblamatic of pn=
litical fraternity, of political brotherhood, of
the Union as a motiumetit of the wisdom and
the patriotism of the past, if it may not, like
a beacon-light, point to glorious trophies of
the future. (Applause.)
You have been told to-night that the great
question involved in the pending Presidential
canvass, is as to the existence of the Confede
racy of sovereign States. Shall it be perpetu
al ? Are We to remain together as a united
people as we have been in time post, of are we
to witness tlie sad and doleful spectacle of one
star after another plucked from our National
Banner, until each one ‘diali assume ihe ] osi
-1 ion of an independent, separate State ?
(Cries of‘no/ ‘no ’) Yon answer “no,” and
from rny heart of hearts I pray Almighty God
that your answer may prove true : But in or
der to make it so, in order to make your nega
tive response become the verification of the
future, I tell you that the patriotism of this
land, North, South, East, and West, must tal
ly to the support of the Constitution. There
are questions involved in the pending canvass,
upon the decision of which, is suspended the
destinies of this great Republic. Neither my
time nor your patience will justify an elabo
rate discussion of all these questions in their
various aspects.
But I. cannot acquit myself upon this occa
sion without respectfully inviting your consid
eration to one point which seems to me to stand
out boldly and prominently as the great idea
of this canvass I refer to the political equal
ity of the States of this Confederacy. Let the
proposition be established by the popular will
at the ballot box that one-half of the States of
this Union are to be degraded from thei posi
tion of equality, and if you preserve the Union
in the name, still it will be destroyed in fact,
the bond of brotherhood will have been sever
ed ; there can be no more harmony, no more
political prosperity.
Are the States of this Union political equals ?
When the colonies of 1776 declared their in
dependence of the mother country, they were
then equals. When they united in that declar
ation, they united as equals. They were equals
under the articles of confederation, and when
the Constitution, under which we now live,
was formed, they ratifi and that Constitution by
States, as equal. Each State was equal to
every other State before we came into tlie
Union j each State surrendered to the Gene
ral Government precisely the same privihge*
and powers. And it you take equals from
equals the remainders must be equal. There
fore when this Confederacy Wav formed by the
adoption Ot the Constitution, t’ e States equals
before, remained equals afterwards. I assert
therefore that the equality of the States is an
idea which pervades the whole Constitution of
our country Without that equality being
fully recognised and affirmed by the Constitu
tion, this Union fie'er could have been formed.
Destroy that equality now. and you strike
down the main pillar of constitutional liberty
Then, if the States of this Union are equal, I
hi Id that every col lateral proposition, every
corollary that springs from that, must partake
of that idea of equality ; that i* to say, if
equals in whole, they must be equal.’ in all the
parts ; if equals in general, equals in every
particular. For instance, the Mates are bound
to share in equal proportion to population hi
the burdens of the Government in taxation,
and in war, if we be as-ailed by a foreign foe,
and if they mnst participate equally in the
burdens of Government, they have a right to
participate in like manner in its immunities,
its privileges and its blessings. ( ‘pplause )
Therefore to come down to a specific illustra
tion : if the States in their collective capacity
of sovereigns, own a common and joint proper
ty, upon the principle I have announced, each
is entitled to a just participation in its fruition.
Destroy th s equality, and you destroy the Con
federacy.
Again, I assert another proposition. This
principle of the political co-equality of the
States of this Union, is a national princip e, u
is a principle which as I have stated pervades
tlie Constitution. And whatever is there to
be found, I take it as national. Now it that
proposition be admitted, you mnst also admit
to be true, all the corollaries which sprang
from it. If it be true that this principle of po
litical equality is a national principle, then all
the rights of the sovereign States which are
Covered by and irtvolvcd in this general propo
sition, partake of the same character of Nn
tXdhality. Therefore, when the States own
Territory, the general principle of equality
which entitles each to a just participation
therein, is national, and those who maintain
that proposition, are not advocating scctional
“ tfo psof i|p tyliq copffycfc oiilr —Jhe toltelsJ>oiindless 3 01(1*3.”
GKIFFIX, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 8, 1856.
ism ; they &re D’aintaining a national right ;
they afe bn thb affirmative sMe of a great na
tional question. Now I beg you to bear in
mind tne impositions ; first, of the equaiity
of the States ; second, the nationality of the
equality cf the States ; and thirdly, the corol
lary springing from it, that every right which
is sheltered by that general proposition, is a
national right. (Applause.)
How then stands tl-e question of slavery up
on this view of the subject ? They tell us in
the North that we arc waging a sectional fight
—that we are extremists —that slavery is a lo
cal, geographical, sectional question. I deny
that. I affirm, upon the propositions which I
have already submitted, slavery in the United
States, in all its forms, is a national question.
I admit to vou that tlie interest of the owners
in slave property, is a local interest ; but the
right to its being protected, Is h Rational right
(Applause ) Then away with this everlasting
cant that the Southern States are waging a
mere local, sectional contest in the pending
Presidential canvass. We claim the protec
tion of slavery under the Constitution as a na
tional right. But 1 maintain that slavery does
not depend for its nationality alone upon the
general principle I have asserted. It is na
tionalized in tlie Constitution itself in express
terms. How? That instrument declares that
three-fifths of the slave population shall be re
presented in Congress ; that Constitution de
clares that if a slave escapes from Maryland
Into Pennsylvania, or any other free State, it
shall be recovered and brought back ; that
Constitution further declares that in case of
domestic insurrection, the entire military of
the Union is put in the hands of the President
for the purpose of its snppre-sion, And what
does ‘ domestic insurrection’ 5 meati, unless it
has reference to the insurrection of out slave
population, as well as to other kinds of insur
rection ?
I tell you therefore, that slavery in the Uni
ted States is a great national institution. We
are told that it is confined to the f-outh that
it is merely local But it is nationalized by
the fact that it. is protected under the broad
principles that I have announced, and by tlie
fact that it i- fully recognized by the Constitu
tion of the United States itself. (Applause.)
Now, that being irue, where is the sectional
ism of the South ? Where is the man who
loves the Constitution of the country, and who
has the moral honesty to admit the force of its
plain and undet/able pi ovi.-ions, that can stand
up iu face of day and say that slavery, as it
exists in the South, is merely a local, ge<>
graphical and sectional in crest ? Bin that is
not all 1 will show you that it is national in
another point of view. Do you remember
that when the Constitution of the United
States was adopted, every State eicept one
was a slaveholding State? Twelve out of the
original th fteeit States, had slaves on the ve
ry day of the adoption of the Federal Consti
tution
I suppose it could not have been called a
sectional instkii'iou tiicn, beffitiiftfi it pefvrtdtld
the entire geography of (he Confederacy ; and
if it was not sectional then, it >3 not sectional
now. It was not sectional then because it
was recognized by the Constitution of tlie Uni
ted States. It is not sectional now, because
the same Constitution recognizes! it to, its ful
lest extent It is unchanged—its abolition bv
a part of the original thirteen had not altered
a word of the < onstitution. Then my South
ern brethren be bold ; stand up firmly in the
face of impudent Abolitionism, and wtienthey
•aunt yon with advocating sectional rights and
sectional interest*, hurl the Constitution in
their teeth, and ask them if the Constitution is
sectional And if the Constitution is not sec
tional, then slavery is not sectional. (Ap
plause.^
Fellow-citizens, I feel that I stand upon a
rock hi reference to these questions ; an earth
quake cannot shake me from it. And I would
go to the North ; to Boston to-morrow, or
any other day, and meet any Abolitionist in
that oodly city upon this question, and would
prove to any twelve honest, men, sworn to ren
der a truthful verdict, that slavery is not sec
tional, bttt as national and broad as the Con
stitut ; on itself. That is where we stand. As
a Southern man I dare utter it here, or any
where else, and defy successful contradiction.
It goes with our flag upon land and upon sea,
and is as much entitled to its protection in the
Territories as in the States, froth the assaults
< f Abolitionists abroad or at home.
Having presented this view of the equality
of the States to your minds, and having, as I
trust, made myself understood in r-ference to
the great corollaries which grow out of it, I
am prepared to approach another view of the
canvass, and that is tlie enquiry which party
n presents these gfctlt .Rational propositions
which I have announced. In my hutiibleopin
ion, the National Democratic Party is the only
party now in existence that represents these
great national ideas. Aud it is not necessary
to dwell long in elaborating this assertion. A
reference to a very few points will sati-fy eve
ry unprejudiced mind of its justness and pro
priety. ,
ui the One hand fellow-citizens, the demo
cratic Party maintain affirmatively the equality
of the States ; the right of Southern States to
an equal participation in the common Territo
ry of the Union, and the right to have this
species of property, if not positively protect
ed, certainly unassailed by the action of the
Federal Government. These are doctrines of
the Democratic Party. On the other hand it
is very easy to perceive that neither the Black
Republican nor the Know Nothing Party ad
mits these propositions ; but, on the contrary,
they deny them all, both by their policy and
their contemptible platforms.
You remember that iti the year 1850 a i-e
----ries of measures were adopted by Congress
called the •‘cornpro uise measures.” We had
acquired an extensive territo r y upon the Paci
fic coast as the result of our war with Mexico
In that contest, the South lmd participated far
beyond her quota of men and money. When
victory was achieved, and the treaty iat Bed,
the South felt that they had a right to an
equal, just aud fair participation in that com
moti Territory thus acquired But how were
the South treated there, and how nobly and
h6w patriotically did the Southern States, for
the sake of the Union, acquiesce in the adjust
ment which was proposed to her as the final
settlement of the slavery agi ation ? Califor
nia, a large Territory, capable of me king, per
haps, ten States as large as Maryland, was
brought into the Union as a free State. The
fugitive slave law was passed. Territorial Go
vernments for Utah and New Mexico were or
ganized with the expressed and avowed under
standing on all i and*, that thereafter Territo
ries asking admission into the Union as States,
should come in either with or without, slavery,
as their people might determine. That was
the proposition propounded to 11s, and as we
loved the Union, we agreed to submit to it.—
What did we get ? The recognition of the
popular right of the people of the Territoiies
to form their own State Constitutions, and
adopt such domestic institutions as they might
deem proper ; and also the passage of a law
for the rendition of fugitive slaves.
The South has performed her dirty in refer
ence to that, legislation I defy any Aboli
tionist, or any Freesoiler, within the wide li
mits of this Republic, to put Ills linger upon a
single instance in which the Southern States,
either individually or collectively, in Congress
or out of Congress, have ever done one solita
ry act in derogation of the compromise of 1850.
And remember that it was promised from
Maine to the far off shore of the Pacific, that
that -hould be a final and conclusive adjust
ment of the slavery agitation ; and that thence
forever we were to have brotherly peace smi
ling upon our broad land.
Who violated that Compromise ? We re
member that a few brief months ago Kansas
and Nebra-ka were erected into Territoral
governments, and in the bill passed for that
purpose, this principle of the compromise meas
ures of 1850 was not only distinctly recogniz
ed, but practically applied. And how? It
not only declared that tlie people of the Terri
tory, when they should come into the tjiiiofi,
should come either with or without slavery, as
they might determine, but that the Missouri
restriction of 1820 was not to be so construed
as to defeat or to limit this great popular prin
ciple In terms, that restriction was repeal
ed and practical vitality given to the princi
ple in the Kansas Nebraska act. I ask you
fellow-citizens, did the South on that occasion
violate the Compromise of 1850, or ask the
violation ? Was the repeal of the Cornpro
inise restriction a proposit.cn corning from a
Southern man ? No. Ab the South then
asked was what she always asked, and always
implored at the hands of Congress, to be let
alone; hands off, non-intervention; let the peo
ple settle this question for themselves; and let
us remove it forever from the council- of the
Federal Legislature. And in a spirit of fideli
ty and of devotion to principle and ediisioten
Cv, the noble hearted Douglas, of Illinois,
(cheering and applause,) when he introduced
the bill, fdt himself bound, as an honest man,
to declare that even the Missouri restriction
of 1820 was not to be permitted to defeat the
great popular principle which lay at the foun
dation of t he ( omnromise measures of 1850.
Aiid yet lio sooner was that bill passed thro’
Congress than a perfect iiofid Was raised in the
dens of Abolitionism of violated pledges; of
broken compacts: of bad faith, and repeal, re
peal; restoration, restoration of the Missouri
Compromise, rang from one end of the North
t$ the other Restore a restriction which the
North always repudiated except when it inur
ed to their benefit.
Now, what would be the effect of its res
toration ? Why, it v ould be to replant upon
the brow of the Southefr! Stats that brand of
inequality which was put there in 1820—to
distroy the great principle of equality which I
have announced to you, as indespjmsibie to the
perpituity ot the Union. Now, I ask you who
are the representatives of that side of the is
sue ? Who are the parties that are urg
ing the restoration of the Missouri restriction,
and thus the restoration of the brand of degra
dation upon the South ? It is the miserable
Black Republican party, and the scarcely less
odious organization mis-called American party
(Applause ) Who, on the other hand, are
urging acquiescence in things as they are—who
say let us stand by the Kansas Nebraska bill;
let us stand by the principle of the Compromise
of 1850—who announces to the country that
the people of the territories in forming their
State constitutions, shall determine, without
any intervention by Congress, the question of
slavery for themselves ? Thank God, it is the
great Democratic party of this country. (An-
I lause ) You have on the one hand the Black-
Republican and American parties assailing this
great, doctrine of Mate equality, seeking to
brand the South and place her in a position
of degradation On the other hand, the na
tional Democratic party, contending for the
equality of the States and the constitutional
rights of the South.
Now, fellow-citizens of Maryland, where
should you stand in a contest like this ? But
why ask that question ? I have felt from the
day of the nomination of Buchanan and Breck
inridge that these Was absolutely a want of
material from which a southern man could
make a speech. To prove that a Southern
man, in this crisis, ought to co-operate with
the Democratic phrtv is like proving that two
and two make four, lixe entering into an eab
erate argument to demonstrate the plainest
axiom in mathamatical science; and therefore
wheti caflfe'd upon to address a Southern audi
ence I have felt that I did not know how to
begin; that it would be an insult to the under
standing of Southern men to attempt to make
the path of duty plainer.
I believe that so far as the State Cf Mary
land is concerned there are but few men who
in their hetrts desire that Fremont should be
elected. I believe their are but few men, from
Maryland to the far off borders of Tex >s who
desire the success of the Black Republicans ;
and I believe there are fewer still who, if they
de-ire it, can bTook the stern rebuke of their
neighbors by making the avmvaf. But tliero
are those in the Southern States —a small band
of men, perhaps in Maryland a strong and for
midable party—who believe that Fillmore
ought t6‘be elected President of the United
States. Now I ask you here, just to pause
for a moment To Fillmcre men I make the
appeal.’ I a-k them to consider what is the
ground upon which, as friends of the South,
they advocate his election. Remember that
in former times other questions mingled’ in the
Presidential compaign besides that of slavery;
that as Whigs and Democrats, we were divid
ed upon the questions of the tariff, the bank,
internal improvements, others of like charac
ter; and, therefore, whilst that of slavery may
have been an important feature, it never until
now has been the same issue, the overshadowing
the all controlling, the all sobering question
of the campeign. I ask you then where is the
excuse to vote for Millard Fillmore? Ilou
say you do not like Fremont. Why? Because
yon say, he is opposed to the extension of sla
very into the territories of the United States;
you cannot vote for Fremont because be be
lieves it to be the duty of Congress to prohibit
slavery in the territories of the United States;
you refuse to vote for Mr. Fremont because
lie and his party avow that there is to be no
more extension of slave territory, no more ad
mission of slave States into the Union; you
refuse to vote for Fremont because he declares
that he is opposed to the Kansas Nebraska
bill and is in favor of the restoration bf the Mis
souri Compromise.
Well, these are all valid and sufficient rea
sons why Voii shbiTd oppose the election of Mr
Fremont; thev are reasons Which operate po
tentially upon my own mind and the militia of
Southern riieti generally But I would ask
you to point me to some testimony that Mr
Fillmore occupies a different position upon all
the questions from that occupied by Mr Fre
mont. Is Fillmore in fsitbr of extend
ing slavery into Kansas ? Is Fillmore oppos
ed to the restoration of the Missouri Coriipro
mise ? Is Fillmore opposed to the abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia ? Is Fill
more opposed to the prohibition of slavery in
the territoiies ? If lie be, where is the evi
dence of it ?
Now, My Fillmore friends, if the Slavery
question was not the great question, and in
fact the only question of the canvass, if there
were other issues that came in as principals
and the slavery question wa3 collateral and
secondary in importance, then I coulcl under
statd why, as old line whigs, you could vote
for Fillmore. But when it is so palpable that
the ;latei*y issue is the great question ot the
canvass, and profess before your neighbors
and fellow citizens to be southern men with
southern sentiments, identified with southern
institutions, I do not see how you can vote for
Fillmore when, so far as his record is concern
ed he occupies the Same position in relation to
to the questions touching slavery as is occu
pied bv Fremont. Who can say that Fremont
would sanction ai y bill that Fillmore would ve
to ?
I therefore say to you, fellow-citizens, one
and all, if yon believe in the co-eqnality of the
States, and that the Southern States are en
titled to an equal participation in the territo
ries of the Un ted States, if you believe that
the Kansas Nebaaska bill passed in pursuance
cf the principles of the compromise measures
of 1850, is right; if you believe that the re
peal of the Missouri restriction was right, then
there is not an inch of ground for you to plant
your self upon outside of the democratic party;
for the representative of both the other fac
tions, the Fillmore party, and the Fremont
party, maintain the negative of all these ques
tions, white Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvanift,
is the personification of their affirmative. Then
I ask you, not ns matte? of local prejudice, not
as sectionalists, not even as democrats, (for
before Gtod lliis great question infinitely tran
scends every consideration of a mere party
character,) but I ask you as Southern men,
devoted to the Constitution, devoted to the
Union, devoted to your firesides and your do
mestic altarS, to, rdlly under the banner of
Buchanan and Breckinridge. (Applause.)
Citizens of Maryland, I waiit tb know if
yoni’ noble State is to be an exception, isolat
ed frbifi the great Southern phalanx ? You
have heard the voice of Kentucky, a State that
was confidently claimed for Mr Fillmore up
to the very hour,of the late election, a States
that has never swerved frotn the Old Whig
creed, a State that litis never disobeyed .the
eloquent voice of the immortal Clay. Sou
have heard from Kentucky, and she has de
termine 1 that in this crisis she will not stop to
enquire which is whig and which is democratic
to look at this question, that or the other,
but only her duty as a slave holding, a South
ern State Kentucky in the face of all her
ancient whig history, has boldly announced to
the Union that she is for Buchanan and Breck
inredge (Applause.)
Yon have heard from old North Carolina,
sometimes on tlie one side and sometimes on
the other; old North Caiolina, that is called
the Rip Van Winkle of-the South. She has
awakened from her long leaden slumber, and
has proclaimed herse fin favor of the election
of Buchanan and Breckinridge. (Applause.)
And I am here to night to tell you that lain
fresh from mingling with the people of the
State of Georgia* She in times past has some
times veered first from the Whig side and then
to the democratic side. But I tell yon when
Know; Notiiingism was sprung upon us, and
*he great question of civil and religious liber
ty was invol ved,by ten thousand votes she took
her position side by side with Virginia. (Long
and continued cheering.) And ;ts a Georgian
I am here to night, familiar tvft.li the sentiirientS
Os my people, with their devotion to the Uni
on, with their devotion to the interest and
rights ot the J'ontli—l am here to night to
proclaim to old Maryland that Georgia will
stand by Buchanan and Breckinridge with a
majority of fifteen thousaud next November
I want you, Marylanders,’ to tell me where is the
sodthern State that will not be found rallying
to the time honored banner of Democracy in
this contest ? Is it Maryland? (Cries of ‘no’
‘no.’)
Will Maryland forget her Southern 9isters
and leave them in this hour of peril ? Let
lief bear it in miiul that all the other Southern
States have token their position definitely, so
that, there can be no doubt about the result,
and are now looking with intense, nntitterable
interest to the declaration you will make at the
ballot box.
One other vietv 1 wish to present to you
and I have done. I have shown you that slave
ry is not a sectional question, and that rq far
as State rights are concerned, all the rights
of the South involved in the contest are great
national rights, because they are sheltered by
the bryad agis Os the Constitution of the’ coun
try But who, fellow citiaens, are battling
Jeirhf)^ — % fttoyiea.
for us in the Northern States. Can yon point
to a single Fremont man or a single Fillmore
man who is friendly to the South, and willing
to stand by the constitutional rights of the
Southern people ? Is there a solitary Fill
more or Fremont man theta who voted for the.
Kansas Nebraska bill, and is haw in favor of
it ? Where is he ?—who )e he ? (A voice—
‘can’t find him,’) No; and you may take a
search warrant and the best constable in your
midst and search till doomsday, and you can
not find him-.
Wbb are the gallant men prepared to stand
bj the South in this issue, and rally around
the stars hndstripeß of this glorious confedera
cy? Who are they. Go to Maine, go to
Vermont; tb NeW .Hampshire; Counetticut; to
Rhode Islahd; to New York; to New Jersey;
to Pennsylvania; to all the non-slaveholdfng
States; who are they in those States—troddeu
down it may be, by a heartless and unpatriot
ic majority—who are they, that in the hour of
peril, when the Unioh is threatened and the
Constitution is spit upon, when they have to
breast public sentiment and misguided philan
thropy, domestic prejudice and sympathies
that are yet prepared to stand by the South
in this great trial and in this mighty crisis ?
Fellow-citizens of Maryland, they are the
lion hearted and iron ribbed Democracy of the
free States (Long and ethusiastic cheering
and applause.) And I ask you will you for
sake them wheti they are prepared to peril all
for you ? Who ate they that have been
stricken down in the Congress ot the United
States and the places filled by the vilest and
most foul mouthed Abolitionists that ever dis
graced the human form ? The Black Repub
licans, and odious Abolitionist and Free-soilers
occupy the seats of noble democrats who stood
by you in the last Congress, who voted for the
Kansas Nebraska bill, who voted to sustain the
compromise of 1850, and to preserve the consti
tutional rights of the South and of the Union.
They have been stricken down by the over
powering influence of fanaticism in the free
States.
But prostrate though they, tony be, it is but
a temporary fall. They are engaged in a pow
ful struggle for the Constitution and the Uni
on; and they are pledged to patriotic fidelity
to the great principle cf State equality, ko
deaf to the South. Shall the south forsake
them ? Will you not stand by them when
they are encountering the perils of political
martyrdom for you ? (Cheers of ‘yes, yes’
and applause-) Remember that the South
unaided is in a hopeless minority iu the federal
legislature.’ It is only bv the cordial sup
port of the true toen of North that we can
maintain onr rights in the Union. Let us
cherish their friendship; for with it the star of
hope still gilds the horizon, but without it we
must meet either degrading submission to ag
gression or the deplorable alternative of disso
lution.
Fillmore and i’remont Coalition-
Startling Declaration.
The American Sentinel a Fillmore paper of
Westminister,, Carr oil County, Maryland, con
tains -the following bold and startling advocacy
Os a fusion of the Know Nothing party in Mary
land with the Black Republicans. Southern
Fillmori men concentrating with the Fremont
party, and denouheibg all w r ho object ! We
have all along alleged ajid now maintain, that
the t Northern Fillmore and Fremont party were
both equally hostile to the South—but we w*ere
not prepared to find sncli. an atrocious conspira
cy published in a slaveholding State, as the fol
lowing extract shows: —[Ex.
‘ There is nothing in the i cay at present to
prevent an eiitiH Unity ‘of action. between the
friends of Mr Fillmore and Mr Fremont, and
uo man who is really not for Buchanan, will at
tempt to prevent the concert of action. If any of
those wlro pretended to the leadership among
the Fremdftt men should show a disposition to
defeat a utiidii, they should at once beset down
as at heart for Buchanan; and if any of
the Fillmore men should do the same thing,
they should be placed in the same position.—
tilios. -
Small punctilios ! 1 A betrayal of country
and section; a small punctilio. The foul and
treacherous bargain of Benedict Arnold a small
punctilio ! Were ever such dangerous doc
trines permitted in the South ? Suppose a
Georgia paper were to invite the Fillmore men
in Georgia to make an arrangement with Fre
mont, whilt would our people do and say ?
Southern men, whatever be your party affili
ations is.|[ not time that shaking off the shack
les of party tha* surround you, you should
arouse yourselves to a full conception of the
perils that beset your section, your rights and
your prosperity; The danger is approaching
nwuffcr and nearer, and you will soon b,e sold
by some Judas like brother into the hands of*
the enemy. As has often been remarked a
foe in the camps is worse than a thousand in
the ranks of the belligerents. Let ns rebuke,
the abandonment of our cause as southern, and
visit upon those who would sell us for a few of
fices, that merited punishment which this trea
son so justly deserves— lntelligencer .
—. . _
Will Yk. Bcchanan WitfiPiuw-,- r F l or &
satisfactory reply to this oft-reiterated inter
rogatory, the pious editor of the Evening Bul
letin , for some days past has evidently been
on the “anions bench.” Again arid,. again
is the question asked, and answer derated.—
If it be any relief to the editor of thatjo'urflal,
we will state that we are authorized to reply
to his question in the affirmative. Mr. Buch
anan dose iutehd to “withdraw ” In obedience
to the call of the American people, on the 4th
day of march; in the year of Lord 185 TANARUS, it is
his purpbsfe to “withdraw” from his calm
and peaceful retreat at Wheatland, to take
possesion of tho White House, at Washington,
in the capacity of President of tho United
States'. This is the only witlnlrawl, however,
that Mr. Buchanan has in contemplation. Ia
the editor of the Bulletin satisfied, or dose he
repeat the silly question Jw his prater ?—Pen
nsylvania n.
The Virginia and Tennessco Railroad
will be completed to thy Tennesse line by the
Ist of October. Tho event will be a uotable
one for Virginia—it will be the consumaon of
one of her greatest
No. 24.