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Weekly Georgia citizen. (Macon, Ga.) 1860-1861, July 20, 1860, Image 2

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SPEECH OF It. BILL, Ddlvwd i> Shod. June Mtfc, 1860. Vr President ami Friends: —The city pa- j ners have announced that I would speak to | this meeting to-day. The announcement j was without mv knowledge or consent. I * refer to this for the purpose of saying that , mv appearance now shall not be regarded as'a precedent requiring me to respond to ; similar calls in the future. lam no politi cian to fill bills to order, but if I were 1 should draw my own bills. Do net suppose I speak thus, because I am not settled m tnv convictions as to what we ought to do in this canvass, for on that point I have no hesitation or doubt; nor yet because I would not regard respectfully the wishes of my ; friends. Whithersoever the changes of the | future may drift us, the affection I feel tor every true American, with whom I have struggled so long for those truths which make up patriotism, is part of my heart, and the two must live and die together. But mv health, though almost entirely re stored, is such that I must be allowed to di rect my own actions during this canvass. The very distinguished gentleman (Gov. Johnson) who addressed you last night, said his mission was to speak to the Democracy, Ins own divided brotherhood. Mine is very different. 1 shall speak to the people. Dem ocrats, Whigs, Americans—countrymen all, mv word of warning is to you! this land of the free Is full of corruption, strife and ■ distraction. Party, party, party has done it oH! Oh, that the God of the patriot would cast out from our people these seven devils of party, which have already well nigh ru ined us! If I shall utter a word on this occasion which shall appear to be harsh, I assure you Ido not intend such a meaning. I certain ly have no such feeling. . . Let us determine first what great princi ple is involved in this canvass, which we ought to -support, and secondly, for whom, as patriot.-, we should vote, in order most effectually to secure and promote that prin- ciple. .. . j in mv opinion, the wnole nation is now * called oil, the first time in its history, to de- ; decide at the ballot box, what power has the General Government over tlie subject of t slavery? This question lias often been vo ted on in Congress, in State Legislatures, and by factions, but now tlie whole nation must Vote upon it directly at the ballot box. Whatever may be our opinions as to tlie ■wisdom, or necessity, or good or evil to re sult from such an issue, still politicians and events have thrust it upon us, and we must , decide it, as far as the Ixdiot box ran dxcule Then, in mv opinion, as the issue is made, the people ought as National men and pat riots, by this election to declare that the ted , rol Government- “has no power ocer the sub ject of slaeery except the power, coupled with the duty, of guaranteeing and protecting the owner in his rights. “ , . We ought so to declare, first because it is law. The supreme judicial tribunal of the nation has, in language, so declared. If we do not maintain it. we shall simply subject the stability of the law to the whims of tlie multitude, and are in anarchy. We ought -O to declare, in the second place, because ii is right. i Protection to the person and property ol | the citizen is the first duty of every Govern- ; mem, and it is the whole and sole power and i duty of tlie Government of the U. States. It vvas made for this only, and it can do no- j thing else. Every act of every department of tile Government can have no other scope, purpose or interpretation. Government can create nothing, and destroy nothing, unless creation or destruction in a given specified instance be necessary to secure general pro tection. Whether it declare war or make peace, whether it build a navy or levy an impost —whatsoever it does must be done for tliis end. Tlie wisdom of every speech, the redress of every wrong, the duty of every office, the legitimacy of every action, must depend upon and be measured by its fitness for, and its directness towards the one great goal—the protection of the person and pro perty of tlie citizen. Human Government has no other claim even to existence, and that form of government most be the most secures this ’But Ido not demand a sla re code. South ern men who demand it, I think, reason bad -1,. They leap over truths, and jump to a conclusion which, if granted, might render even the right questionable. The demand for a separate specific slave code, admits that the tenure to slave property is peculiar different from that by which other property is held, and therefore needs a different qual ity of legislation. The great original ground tor this demand is taken from t lie idea that slavery is the creature of, and solely depend ent upon, municipal laws. It is upon this doctrine that non-action is said to be effectu- Somo persons sav if there be no law direct ly to authorize slavery, it cannot exist—the slave without law is, free. Therefore, if the Legislature will proride no law—do noth ing— non-act, slavery is excluded. If we ad mit the premise, the conclusion is irresisti ble. This is the foundation argument of all abolitionism. 1 cannot admit it, because I do not believe it correct. Slavery is the creature of Divine law. He who original ly gave man dominion over tlie beast of the field, and the fish of the sea, and the fowl oi the air, aftertv aids made Japhett the mas ter of Canaan and decreed Canaan to ser vitude forever. The first decree is older in date, but not higher in authority, than the last, and it is not for me to question the wisdom of either, lie knows best, and there can be no wisdom or right which does not submit to His will. The slave, then, is prop t ty. Ihe title is not made by human law. It 1 had only hu man law for my title or right to my human slave, I would loose him before the sun went down. Slave property differs from other property, not in the right, but in its ■use. He who made the servant, prescribed rules and injunctions for his human treat ment, and for this the master will be respon sible, and surely for its abuse he will be pun ished. I demand of government that which ■w hare—a properly code for protection of all property, and therefore of slaws. But, again, I will not now demand of Con gress a slave code, because the laws as they now stand, outside of the Kansas bill, are sufficient for our protection. If the govern ment is honestly administered, the citizen lias ample protection under tho remedies now provided. On a former occasion, I ex plained this. It i3 sufficient at present to state the general fact, that we have sufficient legal remedies for present purposes, (outside of Kansas and Nebraska, m which protec tion to slavery was refused by the organic act.) But it may be said, if we have suffi cient laws already, why now insist on the power and duty of Congress to protect. We must insist upon it, first, because this right and duty have beeu denied, and they who deny are seeking to get control of the government. Their success is a triumph of the denial. Already has this doctrine of protection been denied by actual legislation in one case—in the Kansas and Nebraska bill. Again, all experience shows, that reme dies which arc sufficient for tlie present, be come inefficient under the changes of ever progressing and aggressive event*. Why do your Legislatures meet annually? Simply to pass such new laws and to remedy such defects in existing laws as time and experi ence constantly show to be necessary. Thus in 1793, Congrest enacted a fugitive slave law. to carry out a plain constitutional pro “"Visionf"-cLiVr end for years after that day, that act was sufficient, But the every-growing madness of anti-slavery fa naticism, and the interference of anti-slave rv Legislatures, rendered utterly nugatory the remedies provided by the act of 1793. Hence.it became just as much a necessity. and just as much a duty, tQ pass anew and more efficient law, as it was to pass the ori ginal act. What would now have been our condition had our fathers agreed to be sat isfied forever with the laws of 1793. and re leased Congress from its duty of further protection? So, though the legal remedies are now sufficient, how soon may the perverseness of the human will, the ingenuity of aspiring demagogues, the invasions of a mad anti slavery, world wide sentiment, and the pos itive intervention of unfriendly Territorial Legislatures and people, render present re medies utterly nugatory? We must insist that government, every department in its appro priate sphere, shall keep our remedies effi cient for all time and against all enemies, wherever tho authority of that government extends. I have given reasons enough to show the correctness of the great leading thought to be insisted on as the true solution of the question in this canvass. The next enquiry is, for whom shall we vote in order most effectually to secure the triumph of this principle? To secure this triumph and make it effectual, we must have a constant and honest eye to two things: First. We must enforce the principle by our vo e. Secondly. We ought so to endorse it, as to restore peace to the country, quiet the ng 1 Itation, and thus preserve the stability oft he j J Government \ It is needless to say we cannot support! I Mr. Lincoln. But why? Because he says j it is the right and the duty of Congress to j prohibit slavery in the territories. This is j a claim of power other than to protect, and I .nerefore, one which we deny; and because, also, his election will not restore peace, but > : increase distraction, and endanger the gov- : i eminent. It is idle to debate the propriety, the right or the wrong, of the fact. If tlie ! experiment is forced, the fact will turn out to be, in my humble judgment, that this ! Government and Black Republicanism can not lire together. If our Northern friends ■ wish to imperil the Union, they can vote for ! Mr. Lincoln. If they wish to insure the j | continuance of the first, thev must make i certain the defeat of the latter” At no peri- I *d of the world’s history have four thou sand millions of property debated whether it ought to submit to the rule of an enemy. The South may furnish the first example, but wise men w ill not precipitate the hazard. We cannot support Mr. Douglas. True, he says, Congress shall not prohibit slavery. 1 But he says the Territorial Legislature, a : provisional arm of the Federal Government, { may prohibit slavery in two ways—by non ; action and unfriendly legislation. I have i explained his non-action theory and the pre mise on which it is based. I deny the cor rectness of both the premise and the con clusion. Unfriendly legislation is not only to deny the duty of protection, and the right : to refuse such additional remedies as time i and circumstances may show to be necessa f ry, but may also interfere w’itli and render nu i g'atory existing remedies. He claims this pow ier under the Kansas bill. It is claimed that | the South has agreed to the non-intervention and denial of protection clauses and doc ! trines as contained in that bill. Here, my : brothers of the Constitutional Democracy, ; is the fight for you to make. It is not for me. All the world knows, we never agreed Ito that. No, thanks to the sweet recollec . tions, which struggles for truth always fix in the mind, we were no parties to that agree- i ment, nor partners in its spoil. We cannot, therefore, support Mr. Dou glas. The difference between us is one of j i principle. It is radical, fundamental, and I j fear, incurable—certainly so, unless he shall ; change. As I intend this day to speak can- i : didly, and do full justice to even an enemy, I will add that outside of this question, I see much in Mr. Douglas to admire. On other questions, and on many occasions he has beeu a bold, able and fearless defender Jof our rights. lie certainly fights the Re- j 1 publican party most manfully, and if there j is a man North of Mason Sc Dixon’s line, j i whom, above all others, I couid wish to be, 1 not almost but altogether such as we are, ! j that man is Stephen A. Douglass. But on i ! this question I have always differed with j hint, widely, and must continue to differ. — j I will do him the further justice to say, I j never mistook him. His friends South liave | ruined him by denying, in 1836, that he held these opinions. He was too honest to affirm their denials, and the truth is now manifest. The masses of the Southern Democracy i have been deceived, and for that deception ! ; they curse Mr. Douglas. Tho curse should be on those who deceived them, rather than ! on Mr. Douglass. The issue is thus narrowed down to Mr. ; Bell and Mr. Breckenridge. With a perfect | willingness on my part to support the elec tion of whichever of these two, would most | effectually secure the principle enunciated, and restore peace to tlie country, I ha ve ex amined this question, and have arrived at a j conclusion to which, I think, unprejudiced investigation will bring every Southern man. In no event will I make voluntary war on | Mr. Breekenridge, but I am fully convinced j that tlie best policy and tho safest patriot* j j ism, require us to support Mr. Bell. I will j I proceed to give my reasons, and beg you, | J fellow-citizens, to leave party and prejudice j ! behind while you listen to me. j I admit here that the new platform on j which Mr. Breekenridge stands, is, on this 1 | subject, sound. Ilia record is not sound.— ! j This Gov. Johnson proved last night and | ; could have proved much more conclusively i | than he did- But, for myself, if Mr. Breck- ! enridge gets on the platform and thus re- j j cants his errors, I will admit him as sound as i the platform. No issue with me here. Mr. Bell’s platform does not define this question. His platform is tho Constitution, the Union and the Laws. To know how lie interprets the Constitution, and what laws he wall enforce, we must go to his record.— • If his record fails, then he and his platform I must f. i. If his record is sound, it gives meaning to his platform and strength to him. To this record, he refers us in Ins let- i ter of acceptance, and to the record let us ! go. My first proposition, and which I shall establish without a doubt is, that John Bell ! is as sound as the platform on which Mr. .i D... -1. ... ,‘4kc Jh? v iiAlxtuttcd, This platform contains three distinct pro positions: 1. That Congress has no power to abol ish slavery in the Territories. 2. That the Territorial Legislature has no such power. 3. That, on the contrary, it is the duty of the Government to protect property (slave ry understood) wherever necessary. These are three sound propositions, and cover the whole ground of power and du ty. About tlie stli day of June, 1850, Mr. Seward, of New York, offered the follow ing as an amendment to the Compromise measures in the Senate: i “Neitherslavery nor voluntary servitude, ; otherwise than by conviction for crime,: j shall ever be allowed in either of said Teri ritories of U tah and New Mexico.” This is the Wilmot Proviso. John Bell voted no, j and thus endorsed, under oath, the first pro- ] position of the platform, On the same day, Mr. Berrien—that great j man—from Georgia, offered the following amendment: “But no law’ shall be passed Interferring ’ with the primary disposal of the soil, nor establishing or prohibing A'friean slavery.” This was against Squatter Sovereignty’.— I John Bell voted yes, and thus endorsed the ; second proposition of the platform. On the 3 1 th of May’, of the same vear, Mr. j ! Pratt, of Maryland, and Mr. Davis, of Mis- i i sissippi, agreed upon, and Mr, Davis offer- i ; ed, the following amendment to the same | bill: “Provided, that nothing herein contained ! shall he construed so as to prevent said Ter- ! ritorial Legislature from passing much lows 1 as may be necessary for the protection of the ; rights of property of every kind, which j may have been or may be hereafter, confor mably to the Constitution and laws of the United States, held in, or introduced into said Territory.” Mr. Davis also prefaced this proviso with some remarks, declaring his object to be to assert the duty of the Government to protect slavery. On this proviso Mr. Bell voted yes; thus j i asserting, under oath, tlie duty of protec- I | tion when necessary in the very language of \ 1 the platform. j For Mr. Davis’ proviso, see Congressional I | Globe, voLBI, part 2, page 1074. For all i ! the votes, see same book, page 1134. There- ! : fore, to an actual demonstration, Mr. Bell is ! certainly as sound as the Breekenridge plat i form. My next proposition is, that Mr. Bell is i sounder than tliis platform. Now to the j proof | This platform, of course, says nothing j about slavery'as a political, moral or social ! good or evil’; nor does that platform assert I any good in slavery to the country, or ascon i tributing to its prosperity'. But on the 6th dav of July, 1850, in his I place in the Senate, Mr. Bell made a speech | in w’liicli, after asserting tlie right to protec tion, to be constitutional and “unquestiona blehe proceeds to give his views on slave ry itself. A better argument has never been made in defence of slavery'. He proves it right by the law's of nature and of God, and a political, moral, social and religious good! I beg every man in the South to get away from demagogues and party—sit down with a pure and honest heart, and read that speech before he votes against Mr. Bell or stultifies himself by calling him unsound.. Nothing ; like it can be found In all the fife of John C. Breekenridge. Thus Mr. Bell is sounder than the plat form, and sounder than Mr. Breekenridge and his platform together. Now, fellow-citizens, I will say here in general terms without taking up your time to read so much, that there is nothing in all Mr. Bell’s record inconsistent with this. I care not how designing editors and dema -1 gogues disgrace themselves with garbling : falsehoods, and moan perversions to the i contrary, this is true, and there lives not in j all the South a purer, sounder, better states- I man for the South and the Union than John ‘ Bell. But you will say how is it that Mr. Bell with such a record has been declared to be unsound so often at the South. Tlie grounds | of this charge has been two —his votes ! against the Kansas bill, and the Lecompton Constitution; and also the general feet that every body not a democrat is habitually de nounced as unsound by the small men of that party. In 1956, they burnt we ip cfS* i~"■ “ - ‘ , | gy as an ally of the Republicans, and last night they hung Gov. Johnson for the same reason, I suppose. To the Governor I send greeting, with the hope that four years j hence, he may stand as fully vindicated as I j do to-day. Bat why should our Breekenridge friends j condemn Mr. Bell for voting against the ; Kansas bill? He did honestly believe and fully declare that that bill would be evil and only evil to the South and the Union. Do you not all admit it? When you seceded at Charleston, you put on record the reasons ! for that secession, and in looking over your | reasons, I find many epithets applied to the ! Kansas bill and the Cincinnnati platform, ! such as “cheat,” “swindle,” humbug,” and a ! “deceit upon the South.” On this bill, then, i why condemn Mr. Bell? The only differ | ence 1 can see between you and Mr. Bell on i this point is, that it required six years of i bitter experience and earnest warning to i teach yon what Mr. Bell saw from the be j ginning! ; Then as to the Lecempton issue. Mr. ! Bell did not vote against this bill because |it contained slavery! He honestly believed jit was fraudulent.’ Whether so or not, he , believed so, and so believing, was it not his ! duty to vote against it? We ought not to | require a man to be corrupt, even to gratify | our own feelings. Every man who con -1 demns Mr. Bell for this vote, only impeach ! es his own reliability , doubtless without in ! tending it. However, we might differ with I Mr. Bell as to the fact of frauds, yet the ! vote itself proves nothing; except that Mr. Bell was honest, yea, honest enough to do j right against his'own prejudices. I admit I but few politicians will understand how this :is possible! I know of no greater virtue, I nor one more needed at this time in our pub ! lie men. Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, said i this Lecompton bill ought to have been kiek ied out! Why not call him unsound too? He is a Democrat! There is another reason strongly favoring the claims of Mr. Bell, which we cannot consider too seriously. Mr. Bell is a na- tional man, and his election will nationalize | our principles. But how happens it, that he ; is so sound and yet so nationals The oxpla- : nation is easy. Mr. Bell has always regard- ! ed our Constitutioaal rights as unquestiona- i hie. They were fixed, and above the power i of Government to destroy. Therefore, he ! has opposed agitation as unnecessary and ■ unwise. Foolish agitation always stirs up j and invites positive aggression. When is sues and votes have been forced by the ! thoughtless, Mr. Bell lias voted right, but | he has done so deprecating the evil to the ! country of gratuitous agitation. If all our I public men had taken John Bell for a mod | el, the rights of the South and the perpetu i ity of the Union, would to-day be unques i tionable and unquestioned, i The election of Mr. Bell will give our | principles a peaceful, quiet triumph, and i disband the Republican party. The election of Mr. Breekenridge will increase the strife, and tend to build up the Republican party. Again, on the ground where my Breeken : ridge friends now stand, and claim so much i credit for standing, John Bell has been stand* : rug for years. Yes, he and we were stand ing there when you were excited, mad, car ried away in thoughtless adoration of this “cheat” and “swindle,” as you now term the Kansas bill; and when you abused us, call ed us traitors, and allies of abolitiouism.— You drove him from his seat in the Sen ate for his very fidelity. You drove the gallant and noble Crittenden from hi- seat for the same reason, and have placed Mr. Breekenridge in his place. In this hour of our vindication, must wc abandon Mr. Bell? Honor and a high sense of justice should force you to him. Nothing but ingratitude j and the loss of self-respect, can drive us j from him. We have learned howto for- I give enemies, but we have never learned j how to abandon friends, j Again, Mr. Bell was in the field first. The | convention was called while you were still j in the National Democraey with your “sound forty-four faithful!” He was norni ; nated while you were tryinv to get back after ; once going out. You ought not to have i nominated another, and thus divided those i who agree. Besides, we are more Na j tional and have greater strength North. Mr. j Buchanan was elected by a plurality vote. — ! Teat minority being again divided, hrfwcnn you succeed? So I will say to our Douglas friends', why not support Bnll? You are national in your wili ■, but you cannot succctd. You are divid lg our strength and hazarding the na tion. In voting for Bell, you onlv give up squatter sovereignty. Are you wedded .<> that? if Mr. Douglus and his friends were to unite on Mr. Bell, the defeat of Tincoln is sure. And by sueh an exhibition of Nn ! tioria! patriotism, Mr. Douglas wo aid write i his name higher in the Temple of Liberty ! than any living statesman has climbed, j Bui, tf-vm BtovXtinrKTge rrienefs cannot ! vote for Mr. Bell, there is yet a chance of . union. Let us be equals. I have suggested i heretofore an arrangement of this kind.— ; The responsibility of its rejection and of the i consequent continuance of strife shall be j with you, and with you I leave it. Why should our Breekenridge friends j still cleave to Democracy! The organization I and the name belong to Mr. Douglas. It is j folly to deny it. People can’t be made to I say any thiny, simply because you want i them to say it. Besides, if Democracy has become so corrupt, and has deceived the country as you say, why should you wish to appropriate its name with such a prestige? More than all, if that party has imposed on the country a “cheat, ’ which has borne no ; fruit hut strife and blood and deception, how 1 can you expect us to be counted in its mem j berahip? j My countrymen, I appeal from these lead i ers fa you.’ How long will you snffor poli ■ ticians to flatter you as sovereigns and use j you as victims, w th out awaking your re sertment? How olten shall they settle and unsettle the slavery question before you dis cover the only meaning they have is, to ex cite rour prejudices and get your votes?— how many years shall changing demagogues shuffle you as the gambler shuffles his curds— to win a stake—and still find you whiling to ibe shuffled again? You were told to wor ! ship the Kansas bill; with the blind but j earnest devotion of a Mecca pilgrim you : did kneel and kiss! You were told to abuse i your neighbor because he would not worship i with you. In all the billingsgate of the i demagogue’s vocabulary you did it. Now ; behold! Thej’ who told you to worship, toll you the thing you worshipped is a cheat, a swindle, a humbug, yea, a “dsetptiun to the South!” The neighbor you abused has pro ven a wise man and a true patriot! Will you bend again the .supple knee, and shout aloud with the nimblo tongue, when these same priests shall order you! ‘Will you? and so j soon? j I have spoken to you, friends, in kind j ness. I have spoken tlie truth. Ido not i know’ that I shall speak again. May you do I your duty, save your country, and stand ap ! proved at last. Visitor the Prince of Wales to Washington. LETTERS OF THE PRESIDENT AND THE QUEEN. To Her Majesty Queen Victoria:—l have learned from the public journals that the Prince of Wales is about to visit your Ma jesty’s North American dominions. Should it be the intention of His Royal Highness to extend his visit to the United States, I need not say how happy I shall be to give him a cordial w’eleoine to Washington. You may be well assured that everywhere in this country he will bo greated by the American people in such a manner as cannot fail to prove gratifying to your Majesty. In this they will manifest their deep sense of your 1 domestic virtues, as well as their conviction ! of your merits as a wise, patriotic and Con stitutional Sovereign. Your Majesty’s most obedient serv’t, James Buchanan. Washington City, June 4, 1860. Buckingham Palace, June 22, 1860. My Good Friend: —l have been much grat iflej at the feelings which prompted you to write to me, inviting tho Prince of Wales to visit Washington, He intends to return from Canada through the United States, and it will give him great pleasure to have an opportunity of testifying to you in person that those feelings are fully reciprocated. He will thus be able, at the same time, to mark the respect which ho entertains for the Chief Magistrate ot a great and friendly State and kindred nation. The Prince will drop all royal state on leaving my dominions, and travel underJthe name of Lord Renfrew, as he has done when travelling on the Continent of Eu rope. The Prince Consort wishes to be kindly remembered to you. I remain, ever, your good friend, Y t ictoria R. What is done well enough is done quick enough. Peace is that harmony in the state that health is in the body. Mr. Everett and the SouthTL We extract the following passage froflj. speech delivered in Congress, in j Hon. Edward Everett. It shows the iicß \ ror and repugnance with which, in earl 1 ; life, he regarded attempts to excite t 9 i slaves of the South to dissatisfaction ail i rebellion. He was also one of thcHßll | Northern statesmen to condemn in prop! \ terms the infamous raid of J.,hn Broivn: If there are any members in the IlouseJi j that class of politicians to whom the gentie i man from North Carolinia (Mr. Saunders) j alluded, as having the disposition, though i 1 not the power, to disturb the compromise | contained in the Constitution on this point, ! j (three-fifths representative principle,) I am i not of the number. Neither am I one of • those citizens of the North to whom honorable member lately referred, in a pufe lication to which his name was subscribed, who would think it immoral and irrelispt* ions to join in putting down a servile in surrection at the South. I ant no soldierr sir ; my habits and education are unmilita ry ; but there is no cause in which I would* sooner buckle, a knapsack to my back and put ; a musket on my shouldcrr than that . I would . | cede the whole continent to any one whiff I would take it—to England, to France, to ; Spain ; I would see it sunk in the bottom of S the ocean, before I would see any part of this fine America controverted into a eonti-J nental Hayti, by that awful process of blood?! shed and desolation by which alone such ;{i catastrophe could be brought on. The great relation of servitude in some • form or other . with greater or less departures from the theoretic equality of man, is lnsep~ erablefrom our nation. I know of no other way by which the form of its servitude, shall be fixed, but by political institution. Domes tic slavery,— though I confess not that form of servitude which seems to be the most be-’ neflcial to the master—certainly not that which is most beneficial to the slave —is not, in my judgement, to be set down as an im tnoi a ’ and irreligious relation. I cannot ad- ; mit that religion has but one voice to the | slave, and that this voice is, “Rise I your master;” and though I know full w T ell | thatin the benignant operation ofChristinn j ity which gathered master and slave around ! the same communion table, this unfortunate : | institution disappeared in Europe, vetl c;in-- | not admit while it subsists and where it j subsists its duties are not pre-supposed and i sanctioned by religion. And though I cer tainly am not called upon to meet the charges brought against this institution, yet truth obliges me to say a W'ord more on the subject. I know the condition of the working classes in other countries; lain intimately acquainted with it in some other countries; and I have no hesitation in saying that I believe the slaves in this country are better clothed and fed, and less hardly worked, than the peasantry, of some of the most, pros perous States of the Continent of Europe. To consider tho checks on population read Malthus. What keeps population down ? 1 Poverty, want, starvation, disease and all he ills of life; it is these that check populs i lion all over the world. Now, the slave | population in the L?nited JStates increases ! faster than the white, masters included.— ; What is the inference as to the physical eon ; dition of the two classes of society ? These are opinions I have long entertained and long since publicly professed on this subject, and which I here repeat in answer to the in timation to which I hare already alluded. — But, sir, when slavery conies to enter into , the Constitution as a political element— when it comes to effect the distribution of; power among the States of the LTnion, that is a matter of agreement. How TO W RITE W ELL.— W-e-1-1. > A Plea for Old Cheese —Mite is rjjfijt. j Motto f>r a “Kiss.” —Go it, my two i kps !— Punch. The Sen- ol of Adversity.— A ragged school.— Punch. Cricketing eor thf. Nursery.— Give a bat and it’ll ball. Why is a fool like a needle ?—Ho has an eye, but no head. A Physician’s Rule of Reversion. — ! Patients under a inonurqent. f q The winds are responsible for many an unlucky blow. j What is best to prevent old maids from ; des-pairing ?—Pairing. What is the first thing a young lady looks i for in church ? —The hims. What two animals have but one leg be-. tween them ? —A pair of post-horses, j Why is a tooth drawn like a thing fer i got'en ?—lt is out of the head. I Female Fortifications.—Every woman’s | crinoline is her castle. — Punch. j The Prettiest Trimming for a Woman’s | Bonnet. —A good humored face, j Elopement Extraordinary. —Mr. Jone’s | dog eloped with Mr. Smith’s dinner. | If a young kdy has a pain in her side; i she can relieve it by wearing a s ash ‘f Many institutions are properly called j sa-nt-naries, for they do not half teach auy- I thing. A bed of gold is amine of wealth ; but a j toy whose father is rich is a minor of wealth. ! The young woman who was “driven to distraction,” now fears that she will have to walk back. How should love come to the door ? t certainly with a ring, but not without a rap. The barbel who dressed the head of ’ barrel has been engaged to curl the locks of a canal. A banquet-hall is undoubtedly a very j pleasant place ; yet it i 3 fidtd with the ; ‘gnashing ol’teeth.” i “That’s part ot the sinking fund,” as a I chap said when a box of specie went to the j bottom of the river. | There s a kind of fortune called ill-luck; ; so ill, that you hope it will die--but u ‘ doesn’t. Railroads and steamboats annihilate space and time, to nay nothing of the multitude of passengers. We know a dandy who is so extremely fastidious, that he is always measured for his umbrella. — Punch. The girl who succeeds in winning the true love of a true man mi kes a lucky miss. A decoction of the fruit of the wild cu cumber sprinkled where mice come, will drive them away. To Cover Preserves. —Moisten thin brown paper with the white of egg. This | perfectly excludes the air. Pains in the Face.—tablespoonful of lau danum, two tablespoonful of olive oil. Mix together, and rub the face with it. 4 A man being commiserated with on ac- j count of his wife’s running away* said i “Don’t pity me till she comes back again.’’ A Mr. Lyon declined fighting a duel, and was called a dog for ir. “Ah you may call i roe a dog, but a live dog is better than a j dead Lyon.” j “ A retainer at the bar,” as the boy said i when caught by a dog just as he was about i to climb on the orchard fence, j Fun is worth more than physic, and who ; ever invents or discovers anew source of j supply deserves the name of a public bene j factor. j After a marriage in Connaught, the j bridegroom took the priest aside most mys , ! teriously, and whispered to him, “Can’t J you take the pay out in ’latoes ? ’ j Different sounds travel with different ve-. j kcity—a call to dinner will run over ten i acre lot in a moment and a-half, w hile a 1 [ summons to return to work takes from five ! to eight minutes. A Wrinkle.— “lsay Mike, what sort of potatoes are those you are planting ? “Raw ones to be sure: your honor wouldn’t be thinking I would plant boild ones ?” Idleness. —Beware of idleness; the listless idleness that lounges and reads without the severity of study, the active idleness f. .r ever busy about matters neither very diffi cult nor very valuable. i An Exact Match.—Two old friends ! met, not long since, after a separation of i thirty-five years. “ Well, Tom,” says one, i “ how has the world gone with you, old ! boy ? Married yet? “ Yesand I’ve a fem ily you can’t match ; seven boys and one girl.” “lean match it exactly,” wus the | reply, 1 for I have seven girls and one bov.” < ; There resides at Richmond, Ya, a lad be- j tween six and seven years of age who plays j chess with extraordinary skill. His friendifl seem to be looking to a contest between* their prodigy and the champion Morphv. M FOI PRKSIDvKT OF THE ITMTFD ‘•TiTBS, -JOHN BELL, , •. OK TENNESSEE. FOR vice-PRES DFJST. EDWARD EVERETT, | OP MASSACHUSETTS. Platform of the Constitution al Union Party. The following is the Platform adopted by the Constitutional Union Party, in National ’ Convention at Baltimore: Whereas. Experience has demonstrated that Platforms adopted by the partisan i Conventions ot the country have had the p effect to mislead and deceive the people, and, at the same time, to widen the political divisions of the country, bj’ the creation land encouragement of’geographical and f sectional parties ; therefore— Besohcd, That it is both the part of patri- i ‘lot-ism and of duty to recognise no political j /principles other t han m “The Constitution ok. the Country ; £ The Union of the States ; and m The Enforcement of the Laws ; *and that, as representatives of the Constitu- Ttional Union men of the country, the Na- I tional Convention assembled,’ we here j pledge onrsclves to maintain, protect and | defend, separately and unitedly, those great ’ principles of public liberty and national ! safety, against all enemies, at home and -abroad, believing that thereby peace may i once more be restored to the country, the [just, rights of the people, and of the States ’ re-establislied, and tlie Government again in that condition of justice, frater- nity and equality, which, under the exam , pie and and constitution of our fathers, has bound every citizen of the United States to maintain “ a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility I provide for the common defense, promote i the general welfare, and secure the bless ings of liberty to ourselves and our poster i ity.” Si.olitilA < ITI/.KN- L. F. W. ANDREWS, Editor. ] MACON, GA., JULY.2O, iB6O. The or's AtTsesare. an imperative charac- K-i- eußs the Editor a way from home, fortnight, and lie will not, therefore, be able to attend, person i filly, to the next week's issue of the iitizen. Ife will leave the Office, owevor, in Ihe hands of a substitute ith confidence that all things will he managed, properly, during his brief absence. Calls at the Office will be attended to by Mr. J. H. Smith, Foreman, who is authorized j to receive and receipt for subscrip j dons, &c. I ( OATMTIOW OF THE COlF muiUuuii I,'ii.iow Partj . I Milledgeville, July 10. 1860. : UT>HE Executive Committee of the Con j J.. stitutional Union Party, after mature ! deliberation upon the subject, advise and i recommend that the Party proceed at once j to appoint Delegates to assemble in Cohven i tion, in this place, on MONDAY, the 13th j of August, for the purpose of nominating j its Presidential Electoral Ticket, and for the further purpose of consulting in refer ence to the means that may be calculated to leer re its success. ffrW A Sanford, 0 II Hopkins, Hines Hoi.l, L F W Andrews, j RA T Ridley, S H Freeman, ! William D Lewis, John Mili.jedge. j July 14. THE 8)41 Elf CITIZEN. After more delay than we anticipated, we j lire now prepared to announce that on Wed nesday. August Ist, the Daily Citizen will j make its appearance as a permanent Insti ! ution of Macon. Our arrangements will, ■ by that time, be complete, both in mecliani ial and Editorial equipment, and we hope to I begin ohr Daily course with, at least, ONE THOUSAND good cash subscribers. We want no other—will receive on no other principle. The necessity of another Daily has become so apparent that we do not en tertain a doubt of its triumphant success, if conducted with Ihe zeal and energy which we will be prepared to bring to the task, ■ backed, as w e are sure we will he, by the i liberal patronage of the people of Macon ; and region round about, j 5® “Our terms will be $6,00 per annum, a ; single copy, or S2O for Four copies. For the accommodation of those who de i -ire a Daily during the Presidential Cam -1 paign, we will take subscriptions for four months, at *2,00 for the tonn. To Clubs of Twenty for the same time, j four months,) we will furnish 20 copies for ’ S3O. Weekly Citizen will be fnrnish ’ ed as heretofore, at $2,50 per annum in ad- j ■ vance. To Clubs of Ten for the Campaign , ; $6,00. To Clubs of Twenty SIO,OO. The ! cash must accompany the order, and where . Clubs are formed, each package must be ad | dressed to one member of the Club. Orders respectfully solicited. This; Issuu. j In the absence of the Editor, we have re- ; framed in a great degree from politics, pre- | Werring to minister to the literary and poetic i tastes of our numerous readers. True our j private feelings would prompt us to pitch ; in and liuii a bolt or two at Breekenridge ! and Douglas, (thereby causing them both to | ■be badly frightened, of course) but we will [ {not enter the province of another, and run ! the hazard of being frightened ourself on j the Editor’s return. Besides, in these awful | hot times, wlwjn politics arc up to fever ; ;heat, it will prove as refreshing as Zeiun j A Hunt’s Soda-water to turn aside from the i •.consideration of Squatter Sovereignty to the : {contemplation of the useful, the true and ! ! the beautiful. The mere politician, with l overmuch zeal, anxious for the success of : Shis favorite candidate, revels only in the [political chauldron; hut the patriotic and j conservative masses, desire something that ! will not merely wake up and inflame the pas- I sions, but something that will enlighten tlie understanding and exert a good influence in the home circle. They want, if they do i not always obtain, that kind of mental ali meut which will nourish and invigorate tlie inner man—and all this we serve up for j them to-day. Removal. Mr. J. W. Burke has completed the remo- I val of his Book Establishment, and is now i ready to attend to his friends and custom- | era. See his advertisement. ThankN. We tender our thanks to our friend W., of Columbus, Ga., for a handsome club of new subscribers to the Weekly Citizen. Such favors are duly appreciated in the right and a repetition of them will not be jeonsidered unkind. psw- ‘ : - -- -, ! Crjrlnf Aloud. Characteristic passages from a letter over | tlie initial N. to “Friend Cliaby,” of the I Golden Pelican, Editor of the Ga. Telegraph, ! &c, &c, Ac. When the teccssion took place at Charles , ton, you were staunch and loud for non in ’ tervention; you acted with me on ‘‘the trib ulation committee,” and whatever laurels that famous committee won, you are enti tled to woar your full share. You were with us too at MiMedgeville, in counsel and action, | striving to prevent what we then saw, was i immently threatening—the disruption ofthe ! Democratic Party. “You did run well lor Ia time,” but have fainted and faltered in the race. Why is this so? It is notin keeping with your character: you are earnest and de fiant iu business—opposition and competi tion neither daunt, you, or unstring your nerves. Why is it so in politics ? YYhat j ever be the reason, bear a suggestion from j a friend, that this vacillation robs you of a j large share of that influence, which your talents, sagacity, and large experience would I otherwise command. Well, geutleman, 3" on have received the ‘ nomination of Breckinridge, and pray lrom whom did you receive it ? The record of 1 your Convention tells us, this glorious j Southern Rights nomination, was tendered j yon by the Massachusetts delegation; a dele- ; gation withoutia constituency, and self-ap-j pointed. But worse still, the Slate Demo- j cratic Convention of Massachusetts, instruc- j ed those delegates to sustain Douglas, and j most of the districts endorsed these instruc- ‘ tions- And yet they bolted, joined the sece ders, and from their hands, reeking with ; perfidy, Southern chivalry graciously re- j ceiveda Presidential candidate. Butler, the j ruling spirit of this Massachusetts delega tion, gave as one of his reasons for bolting, that the regular Convention, outraged vir tue and debauched the public morals liy lis tening to a speech from Gaulden, of Geor gia, in favor of re-opening the African slave orade. So very Seutliern—stiff Southern, was this delegation, that B. F. llallett, one ot its number, was commissioned to construct the bolter’s platform. B. F. Hal lett, author mechanician of the Cincinnati plats >rm, so often pronounced a cheat and a swindle on the South. Now here is a sublime culmination of Southern honor and chivalry. The Massachusetts delegaiion, with all their garments dripping with the smear of treason, constructing the platform j and designating the candidate. Surely after this, the South is safe. And what of the candidate? The record of Mr. Breckin ridge is one peculiarly acceptable to South ern fire-eaters; a sympathiser with the eman cipation party of Kentucky—a bidder for tariff votes from Pennsylvania—his speech es made in the Presidential election of 1856, full of popular sovereignty doctrines unre-.. yoked—he is a marvelous Massachusetts to U‘nder^-^P cotton j States. M e are in clionfusion —our people are j torn and districted, and various minds have j led to divykd counsels and divergent action. , RjJMflFown State, instead of harmony, dis- ! ‘'cord and uncharitabloness reign. Ten noble ! Georgians, simply for preferring to make 1 one more pitched battle with our Northern : allies agaiust abolitionism, have been hung j in effigy'by villinge patriots, and one of our j greatest and best men burnt in effigy in the streets of Macon. Here is union and har mony- with a vengeance. How- long, gen tlemen, at this rate, will it take you “to make the South a unit ?” When we take another view of the political field, your work of love in making tho South a unit appears plausible and refreshing. You have infused spirit, zeal and confidence into the i Opposition party; aye, you have raised it ! from a dying condtion and clothed its 1 shrunken form with strength and muscle. Bell and Everett are gaming—must gain and will grow upon the divisions you have made in the Democratic party. Thcv will subtract nothing from the Black Republi cans, but they will carry States you count upon for Breckinridge. Tho strength of that party will be increased too in Congress by additional reprseentatives from the Sout'h. Nothing is more certain—it will be the ilnevitable re-ultof division and distrac tiQOtll not be at! all surprised to see that party carry a raajtf riiy of the Congressional Districts at the next election in Goorgia. And I may safely venture the same prediction of other Southern States. And so it is, you are like ly to work out Southern union and harmo ny. Destructive Conflagration. We are indebted to the Editors of the Cuthbert Reporter, for an Extra containing the particulars of the Fire in that place, on Saturday-, the 14tl. The following are the details; “On last Saturday night a large portion of the business part of our city was destroy ed by fire. About half past eleven o’clock the house occupied by- Leonard & Jordan, on Depot Street, was discovered to be on fire. The flames soon communicated to the building on the South, occupied by S. Adams, and the one on the North, occupied by A. T. Amoss, as a dry goods store, which were soon enveloped in flames. The wind was blowing from the south-east, and the flames soon spread to the Grocery store of A. T. Amoss, adjoining his drygoods house, and thence to the Drug Store of J. W. Janes, the Law Office of Douglass & Doug lass, and thence across the street to the Fur niture house of Charles Hochstatter, and the Bar and Billiard Saloon of Hicks & Smith, and to the house immediatelv in the rear of the latter, owned by P. C. Parker son, all of which were consumed Owing to the combustible material ofthe buildings, and the scarcity of water, but a small portion of the goods in them were saved. Below we append a list of the sufferers, as near as can be ascertained: Lennard & Jordan, S. Adams, A. T. Amoss, J. W. Janes, Presbyterian Church, Douglass & Douglass, Charles Hochstatter, Smith & Hicks, John Rhodes, P. C. Parker son, J. B. Key, T. J. Guimarin, Mrs. Mc j Williams, and others who lost by the remo val of property-. The entire loss cannot be less than *50,- 000, probably more. The houses on College street, from the Jewelry Establishment of T. J. Guimarin to the Hotel of the Messrs. Kiddoo, were in imminent danger, and would undoubtedly have been consumed, but for the almost su perhuman efforts of our citizens. Our colored population worked nobly and saved a large amount of property. The origin of the fire has not been ascer tained.” m To the Editor of the Citizen:—Can you inform mo whether there in any City Ordinance against bawds flaunting their bra j zen persons before our dwellings, to thodis ; gust of every- respectable and modest fee 1- j ing? Welive upon a street where this of j fence has become u nuisance, and hope the ! proper authorities will look to its abate i mont. \V. Remarks :—We suppose this matter I [ comes under the legitimate cave of our po ; lice, whose duty, perhaps, it is? to lodge in | formation against the pestilent receptacles ; | of these creatures, and have them removed I beyond the city limits. Here is tho ordi ! nance: f t OFFENC ES AGAINST TITE PUBLIC SAFETY, — MOHAI.ITV AND DECENCY. Section 1. Upon complaint lodged and proof produced to Council of the existence and maintenance of any house of ill lame, ! or bawdy house, it shall be the duty- of the ! Mayor to give the occupants thereof live days’ notice to leave the city, and in case of j their failing to do so, by- the expiration of that time, he shall require the Marshal and Deputy Marshals forcibly to eject them from \ the premises, and if necessary, lie shall sum mons a sufficient number of citizens to aid ‘ the officers in so doing. Democratic Meeting. The Douglas Democrats held a meeting i on Saturday last, according to previous no- j lice. Col. B. S. Hunter was call to the Chair, j and S. F. Gove appointed Secretary-. Resolutions were passed approving of the J nomination of Douglas and Johnson; ap- 1 proving the action of the Delegates to Bal- 1 timore; appointing Delegates to the Con- ! vention at Milledgeville, on the 24th inst.; — | endorsing tho “platform of principles adopt ed by the National Democratic Convention at Baltimore;” and asserting their belief in the doctrine of “Congressional non-interven tion.” B. Y. Martin, Esq., addressed the meet ing; and then it adjourned. aa.'-.. . _ . - | That Prize. The contest for a Company Prize between ’ i the members of the Macon Guards, which j I was commenced on the Fourth instant, was j ! decided on Friday night last, by a commit- f tee appointed tor tbat purpose. There wore j , three contestants on the evening named — | Sergeant 11. J. Menard, Corporal Eiwarcl : ! Taylor, and Private Charles McGregor. The I 1 prize was awarded to Sergt. Menard. The I contest was a severe one, well calculated to i put the “bold soldier boys” up to all they knew of pnilitary tactics. ! *ew Post Office. i Wc learn that a Post Office has been es | tablished on the South Western Railroad, at j Station If, called Byron; George R. Peebles j is the Post master. j Delegates to the Union Conven tion. i CUumma.— Thos. J. Hamilton, Dr. Wil- I ! liam A. L. Colons. Dr. James S. Hamilton, T. 11. Wheat, JamesM. Antony, D. T. Wil- • ! son, H. D. Leitner, Isaac N Ramsey, James j ; D: Green, James B. Wilson, Judge Morrow . i and W. C. Worril. t I v Lincoln. ol. L. Lamar. Aaron Hardy, j : ’Esq., E J. Lyon, Robert Henderson, J? M. . I Dill, John W. Parks, Lewis G. Parks, D. C. ; i Moore, Esq . and Henry L. Murray. Oglethorpe. —Z. 11. Clarke, John Gibson, j Win. M. Lane, W. I). Faust and W.B. Til- ; ! ler. ! I Greene. —James L. Brown, Esq., F. C. j J Fuller, Esq., G. O. Dawson, Esq., William i ! Moore, Sr., O. P. Daniel, Hon. M. W. Lcw i i 9 , Hon IIL McWhorter, John G lloltzelaw, 1 Dr. Thomas P Janes. Dr. Thomas W Lan ! drum, Y D Gresham, Wm A Cony, Hon C ; II Ward, Dr John Cartwright, John F Zim- ; merman, A L Willis, W A Partec, Thomas Hightower, Wm. Tuggle, Jr, andß.FCarl -1 ton. ! j Henry. —George M Noland, Jas F Glass, B L Harper J Johnson, A C Sloan, A J Cloud. i Bibb.— J II R. Washington, Thus. Har ! deman Jr., J. Knowles, Clifford Anderson, i Seth Cason, Arthur Foster, W. T. Itdhngs -1 worth, Roland Bivins, W. Holmes, L. F. W Andrews, A. H. Wyehe, E. Bond, C. H. Rogers, G. Harrison, D. W. Hammond, T. G. Holt Jr. Taylor. —A McCams, J Wilchar James J ; Mitchell, W Ingram, J W Simons, W Me- j Creary and L T Breedlove- Macon. —D Gammage, B Green, S Bryan, I P Cook, M J McMuliin, B A Hudson, *J D Frederick. Houston, —Dr. W. A. Mathews, T. King, ! Eli Warren, C T. j James A. j T. Griffin, Thomas Cobb, Joseph Wimberly* - | Henry- Till, David M. Brown, Dempsy Brown, Dr William Bunn, Dr. S. A. Riley, • Dr- J. P. 11. Culler, H. J. Clarke, Joseph H. i Thompson, Gfeorge Fagan, Wm. A. Tliarpe, i Edward L. Felder, George 8. Haslam, Geo. j Plant, Lewis Rump, Joseph Tooke, Alfred | Clyatt, Jacob Goff, Stephen Gastello, Dr. L. | M. Alexander, William H. Calhoun, Alcx- I ander Smith. Spalding. —Col. L. T. Doyal, James Lav ! ender, John Gossett. Luther M. W'ggers, | Dr. James A. Nunnally, James W. Gordon, David H. Johnson, Col. F. W. A. Doyle, William N, Coppedge. Upson. —Thos. S. Sharman, A. J. White, Wm. G. Vlorsey, A. H. Brown and Thos- Beall. Cass. —Linzy Johnson, Warren Akin, Sami R Krarntn, A F Woodley and B II i Con vers ‘Jkrrell. —P L Welhorn, S L Williams, ! Wm C Thornton and K. Dail. Dougherty. —Lett Warren, S F DeGraff enried, L P TANARUS) Warren, Davis Pace, C E Mallary, L S Rawson, A R Wright, E S Walker, John McCollum, C M Mayo, John T Dickinson, A Hemphill, J T Jones, A Barksdale, Randolph Towns, John Barks dale. Samuel Smith, C W Ransom. Jacob P Strozier, B B Ransom, Thos C Spier, A J Pams, Peter J Strozier. J L Richardson, Wm P Jennings, Geo A Douglass, L S Mc \Guire, Thomas Walker, DA Vinson, James |TtyTamtcrstry. J' Otlbert. H orwm,- A i P Green, J R Hardwick, Willis B Harris, i M Barnes, J C Talbert, ,T W Whittoek, i Robt Lunday. | Polk.— A T Williamson, J W Camp, Wm i M Hutchings, Thos II Sparks, Wm M Phil , lips, Wm \l Strange, B F Smith, AVru J : Borden. Thos X Hampton. Newton. —John Webb, Jesse L Baker, John S Flovd, C C Wright, Joseph Mc- Colum andSD Knight. Clayton. —John Ward, W O Betts, Hon J I B Tanner, Hilliard Starr, Dr Jas B Key, John C Ellington, A J Mundy, John C > Smith, and E R Morrow. ] Pike. —Alvis Stafford, James C Steger, Wm J Howe and Thomas J Speer. Merriivether. —Green B Railings, John j L Dixon, Thomas F Mcgehee, Robt Par ; ham. Benjamin Gates, Madison Cook, Jesse t Partridge, Andrew Park. Freeman W i Blount, Joseph W Anthonv,Thomas Reeves, i Win W Morchead, Rufus Johnson, James CFreeman, James B Glass, Willis Williams, F W Brantly, William T. Loftin, Wm A J Phillips, John S Carter, G M Underwood, Joseph L Banning. LATER FROM EIIiOPE. ARRIVAL OF THE STEAMSHIP CITY OF BALTIMORE. New Yoke, July 10.—The Liverpool, New York, and Philadelphia steamship Company’s steamship City of Baltimore, Capt. P. C. Petrie, with Liverpool dates to Thursday, July oth, arrived here to-day. Commercial ScWs. Liverpool Cotton Market —Thursday. —The sales of cotton for the past two days were 20,000 bales. The market was declin ing, and quotations were very- irregular ; some circulars say that there was a decline ;of on the week. Liverpool General Markets.—Bread ! stuffs were steadv and Provision were very i dull. London Money- Market. —Consols were : quoted at 93/a 64 § for recount, i The sales to speculators and exporters at i Liverpool, were 4,000 bales. No additional failures have occured in the ; Leather trade. Among the previous fail ures is the house of Strealfield, Lawrence & Mortimer—their liabilities are upwards of XI. 000,000. Several others have liabilities : of from X 100,000 to £200,000. The ship Royal Victoria, from Charles j ton, had arrived at Liverpool j The ship Berlin, from Savannah, had also ! arrived at Liverpool. | Garibaldi was quiet. He applied to his ; friends in London for two steamers to be armed with Armstrong guns, i It was reported that Sardinia refuses the Neapolitan alliance, but Napoleon urges due consideration to the Neapolitan overtures. The weather throughout England was fa ! uoruble for the crops. Flour closed very i dull at Gd to Is decline. Wheat was dull at I from Is to Is. Gd. decline. Corn is declin- I and holders are pressing on the market, at Gd to P decline. Beefis heavy. Pork is | heavy, and to effect sales considerable reduc : tion in both beef and pork is necessary.— Bacon is firm. Rosin is steady nl 4s od a ‘4s Gd. Spirits of Turpentine are dull and ‘ pi-ices nominal at 32s a 32s Gd. Sugar olo j sod buoyant. Rice firm. General Hew*. ( There have been numerous failures a- ; i niong the leather .merchants in England, and i the aggregate liabilities reach £1,500,000. , | The American hide houses in Liverpool are | ; not compromised. i Fresh disturbances haveoceured at Naples. I I The polio’- stations have been sacked and I I pillaged ny many killed. ‘The King bs j j ordered the oimation of a National Guard. | Gar baldi <as ajq oir.tcd anew minister, ; as the out one was unpopular. , Signor Nntoii, the Minister of Foreign j Affairs of Mom ecu, has paid the first instal- : | mem. of the indemnity to Spain. I The Neapolitan Ambassador is expected j soon at Turin, with a proposition for u al j lianee. j Fresh massacres are reported in Sicily. Napoleon suoeeeds Jerome as President of l j the Privy Council, J The Portuguese Ministry have resigned. ! At London, at the latest reports, Consols j closed at a 93£. A New- and Strong Point. —The New ! York Herald says that Mr. Toombs, in his j last speech made'this point most effectively: Both the great parties of the country, in their platforms, have pledged the protection of , the Government to natives and naturalized j aitizens. in the remotest portions es the earth —the only unprotected citizens being iba slaveholder in the territories. Note it, Southerners ! Ik bath ov ]Mks. Ragland.— We have a melancholy task to perform in announcing the death of Mrs. Sarah Ann Ragland, wife of Thomap i Ragland, Esq., proprietor of this pa per She (iied at the residence of I Mr. Ragland, Wynn ton, on Wednes ; day night last, of consumption.—• i Her death overwhelms with sorrow a devoted husband, the sharer of whose cares arid affections she had i long been ; a number of children who have been blessed with a moth j er endeared to them by every tie ; which that name imports; and many j friend and acquaintances who will | long cherish her worth and virtues. | She had for a number of years been i a consistent and exemplary member I of the Presbyterian Church.—.Colum , bus Enquirer. A Primitive State. —Our friend Brooks, <vmr, of the New York Express, who is now j turning through the soUrthirn States, gives the following spicy account of tho ■ people of the Old North State: After a few days tarry in Raleigh, I have come to the contusion that thos is only rdally lieshj new, virgu/State in the Un on. I mean not. that its soil is new or i virgin, or that it is fresh like California, or Minnesota, —but I mc-an that it is novel, j new, fresh, virgin, in its very antiquity, i “Progress” has not got here, that is, that ; Progress which turns things upside down and inside out, and that ploughs so deep as to turn all the loam under and all the sand ! over that loam. The politician? are not i theivt-s nor robbers as yet. They do uot i enter into politics just, now to make money; but, Grange to say, and this shows their vir gmity, for pleasure or for “glory.” The j locomotive is here, sputtering all about, and ! nutii g hi3 uose into even the venerable and far-renowned mountain region of Buncombe, —but the locomotive is not yet a politician. The State is not Gridironed, New York city fashion. If twenty North Carolina Senators, ’ slaveholding weds as (’ ey are, were to do whnt twenty New Yoik slaveholder-hating : Senators Gi t in a night and day session, all I of them would go into the stocks or tho pillory, and receive thiity-nine la h s in ad dition, —so much “behind the age” are these Patre9 Conscripti ofßuricombe! Every I thing thus runs in this old-fashioned, priiu . idve way. The people speak the Eusrlisb, | —all of them,--that we N- I snoke in our earlier tljUßl* - , . rj „ defined in old dictionary, or as set in m Webster's ABC spelling book, j where “the old man found the rude boy,” I Ac., Ac. Stealing means sieaiing here yet! ’ And being, !ietngi A robber is a robber, whether dressed in broadcloth or in rags! ; When a lady is “out,” she is “out,” not at the head of the stairs, listening to hear who i rang the bell, or who knocked at the door! Blessed people! What a pity it is that, on , the railroads will sooner or later come “the j spirit of the age !” B. Wedlock. Iu the West. Youths in the West are thus exhorted | to marry by one of the Western papers: ! “A good wife is the best, most faithful ’ companion you can possibly have by your j side while performing the journey of life, i A dog isn’t a touch to her. She can smooth j your linen ami your cares for you; mend j your Dowsers and change your manners ; : sweeten your moments as wtil ns your tea and coflee: rufiie, perhaps, your shirt bosom, but not your temper, and instead of sow ing seeds of sorrow iu your path she will s<*w buttons on your shirts, and plant )jap pim s- insteadVf liar-ow-teeih in your b sum ! Yes! and if you are too confoundedly lazy or too proud to do such work yourself, she ■ will carry swiil to the hogs, chop wood and ; dig potatoes for dinner. Her love for her husband is such that she will do anytKLn” to please him—ekeept receive comnykJ|| her evVry day chVheS. Get’ peat you must. Concentrate your a flections upo l one obj.ict and don’t distribute them criitnd by and umb arnone'st a host of Susans, Marias, Betseys, Elizas, Reggies and Doro thies, allowing each scarcely enough to nib ble at. Get married I repeat you must. Get married and have someone to cheer you up as yon journey through this vale of ‘ears—some-body to scour up your dull , melancholy moments and k<ep your whole j life and whatever linen you possess, in some j sort of Sunday-go-to-meeting order.” BT” Every man should have a proper degree ot self-respect, ami a becoming dig nity. Let the world call it pride, liatenr, or what not, still it is indispensable in the true gentleman.. A man should always -"and up for the right, and dare maintain ; it, in the face of all opposition. A man i oever hurt in doing what he conceives to be his duty. By standing up tor the right, friendship may be broken, love may prove false, enemies may crowd around us, and the longue of slander may heap bitterness upon us ; but turn neither to the right, nor ro the left, keep right straight forward in in the path of duty, and we will have the approving smiles of our own conscience. Stand up then, forihe right, and let the world smile or frown as it will. The Tcmatto as Fold.—Dr. Bennett, a professor of some celebrity, considers the to mato an invaluable article of diet, and as cribes to it various important medical prop -1 erties. First. : That the tomalo is one of | the most powerml aperients ofthe liver and I other organs ; where calomel is indicated, | it is protiably one ofthe most effective and j least harmful ri medial agents known to the ! profession. Second : That a chemical ex ! tract wil! be obtained from it that will super j the use of calomel in the cure of dis— j ease. Third : That he lias successfully • treated diarrhaea with this article alone. Fourth : I hat when used as an article of • diet it is an almost sovereign remedy tor i dyspepsia and indigestion. Fifth : That it j should be constantly used for daily food, j either cooked or raw, or in the form of eat- I sup : itia the most healthy article now in use, From the Daily Morning News. The Reli Wether. Two neighbors were talking to-day on the Square, j About politics here and about politics there I Says one to the other, in accents quito hearty, “Can you tell why the Constitutional Un ion party Resemble sheep following an old ram with a bell ?” ‘•lndeed,’ ‘ replies tho other, “I rcaily can’t tell.” i “Why,” says the first, “ tis as plain as your nose, Because they’ll follow their Bell whore Ever tit) el goes.” Ti c Persians have a proverb : —lf you would be venerable, instruct your children, | so that their good actions may make your ■ name immortal. ; Every little fly. and every little pebble, 1 and every htlie flower, are tutors in the great school of Nature, to instruct the mind and ; better the heart. I COI.\CIL FROFRFIkBAGS. REGULAR MEETING. Carxcit Chamreb, 1 July 17, lsoo. / 1 Present—The Mayer, Aid. Goodall. Harrison, ; Harris, Greer, BoifuiUot and Rogers. Absent—Aid. Dougherty and Driggers. The Minutes of the lut meeting were read and ; wod. The BrUtgefceeper reported tolls for 2 weeks i1'9,65 , 1 ..O o.e. ot’ Market •• fees St 70 | The Guard-house keejx-r “ - 1.,.5 BILLS PASSED. A Richards 82CJ.00, J. V. Grier £',1,00. P. titicis of all the owners of the property in I f quare <J4. for permission to close the alley between lots a and 3 and .anti o, was received and referred to the Committee on treets. Mr. li. A \v ire s petition lor the privilege, of using t lat p r of the wall of tho engine ho. s- immediate 1. in r o a.- of his s;oio Was received and refer -1 red to 100 Committee on Public Property. Mi. J. A. Simpson's petition for a lease to the piece of ground enclosed by hint in f . nt of 13a dwelling, was received and referred to the Commit tee o ‘ public Property. 811 referred—S. w. R R. C., C. Cambell & Son. D. B. 4 i W. Woodruff. F.s aeof D. Dempsev. On motion Aid. Rogers, /.(•sored. That the- proposition to sell Blocks 3<v aud vi to the Macon A- Brunswick Railroad Compa ny remain open for acceptance of said company until next meeting of Council. Passed. On motion. Aid. Rogers, ReeolVgd, That the Clerk of Market bo authorized to have repaired pavements inside of the Market. | Pa-sid. : Council then adjeurned. RICHARD CURD, C. C.