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The Calhoun Tinies. "V olume X. THE €ALIIOUN TIMES. OFFICE OVER J. H. ARTHUR *, RAILROAD STREET. Terms of Subscription. One Year : : : : : $2.00 Biz Months : : : : : 1.25 Rates of Advertising-. No. Sq’rs | 1 Mo. 3 Mos. 6 Mos. 1 year. s6l*3 $».00 $15.00 $25:00 F*or “ 8.60 12.00 25.00 40.00 | column 10.00 18.00 36.00 45.00 2 “ 18.00 30.00 50.00 75.00 1 ....“ 30 00 50.00 76.00 140.00 ■ ■ 1 • ■ ; - All subscription* are payable strictly in advance; and at the expiration of the time for which payment is made, unless pre viously renewal, the name of the subscriber will be strickeri books. For each square of ten lines or less, for the first insertion, sl, and for each subsequent insertion, fifty cents. io*» •**«- - -n Brevier, or its equivalent in space, make a *Terms cash, before or on demand after the first insertion. Advertisements under the head of “ Special Notic V’ twenty cents per line for first in sertion, and ten cents each sebsequent inser tion. All communications on matters of public riterewt IvJFll with prompt-attention, imf coubiso lotted" on giaieVsvf'subjects arb ‘re-*j Spectfully soiicfted from all parW of the’ | country. * ! UAILHOAUS. w,-sim a AthmWr NIGHT PASSENGER TRAIN—OCTWARP. Leave Atlanta.... J-J 0 P. R. Arrive at Calhoun 12 1» a. m. Arrive at Chhttan- «f* 3 3*' a. m DAT PASSENGER TH AIN - OUTWARD. lew re Atlanta.. ......8 15 A u Arrive »t Catboun 12. 1 p m. Arrive at Cbattanoo** 4.20 P. M. ACCOMOD TION TRAIN —OUTWARD. Leave Atlanta.... 530 P M. Arrive at Dalton 3.30 p R. NIOHT PASSENGER TRAIN —INWARD. Leave Chattanooga 7.50 p. m. Arrive at Calhoun 11.44 P. R Arrive at Atlanta 4 14 A. R. DAT PASSENGER TRAIN —INWARD. Leave Chattanooira 7 00 a. m. Arrive at Calhoun ...10 29 A. M Arrive at. Atlanta 3.27 P. m. ACCOMODATION TRAIN INWARD. Leave Dalton 200 p m Arrive at Atlanta 9 00 a. m. Georgia Railroad. DAT PASSENGER TRAIN Leave Augusta. 7.15 a. m. Leave Atlanta. 7 00 a. m. Ariiveat Augusta. 5.45 p. M. Arrive at Atlanta. 7 10 P. m. NIGHT PASSENGER AMD MAIL TRAIN. Leave Augusta. 9.50 p. u. licave Atlanta 5.45 P R. Arrive at Augusta. 4.00 a. m. Arrive at At anta. 8.00 A. m. Macon & Western. DAT PASSENGER TRAIN. Leave Atlanta. 7.55 a. m Arrive at Mucnn. 1.40 p. M Leave Macon. 7.55 a. m Arrive at Atlanta. 2.20 P. u NIGHT EXPRESS P tSKENGKR TRAIN. Leave Atlanta 7.18 P. m. Arrive at Macon 3.23 a m Leave Macon 8.50 P. m. Arrive at Atlanta 4.4 H a m. Rome Railroad. DAT TRAIN. Leave Rome 10.00 A M. ariive at Kingston 11.30 A. u. Leave Kingston 1.00 p. m. arrive at Rome 2.30 P. m. Connecting at Rome with accomodation trains on Selma, Rome and Dalton Railroad, and at Kingston with up and down trains Western and Atlantic Railroad. NIGHT TRAIN. Leave Rome 9.30 p. m. Arrive at Kingston 10 45 p. u. Leave Kingston 11.10 p. 11. Arrive at Rome 12*25 p. m. Connecting at Rome ith tb'ough nigh' trains en Selma. Rome and Da!ion R ilroad, and at Kingßli n wiib night trams on Wes and Atlantic Railro and 'o tlhstianooga and from and to Atlanta. Selma, Rome & Dalton. PAS-KMJEIt Tit AIN 9.80 A A 8 1 5 p 11 at « '■ 'ton 11.50 P a * o.iNMoOATIOR TRAIN. >."ave Rome 4.45 p m Arrive at K me 12.30 r. m. ?ivi 1 ialton lii.(K) a m ’ * iccotnin uti i 1 trim runs fn m Rome to >i >'onviih‘ ailv, Sundays pxcented e hi'Ulifb PRS-'en : r ( . r Iraiti nni. will be run PROFESSIONAL CARDS.' iV. s. JOHNBOS, , r Vttorney A t T^aiv, 'ALU OCX, CCo It OIA. Office in Southeast corner of the *»'Tt Douse. | Aug li 1 ts v ' rv JOS. m’connell. fain and McConnell, Vttorneys at I^aw, (A IAIOI \\ GEOR GIA. Office in the Court House. 11 1 ts H. M. TARVER, Attorucynt Law. CALUOL'X GEORGIA. Office in the Court House. Aug U 1 w. J. CANTRELL, A-ttoi-ney At Law. Calhoun, Georgia. \V I f jL Ti P c aC r t i Ce in tbe Ch "okee Circuit, trio, n S ‘ Dlstnct Court, Northern Dis n ‘ of n 6eor K‘ a - < a ‘ Atlanta); and in the Su preme Court of the State of Georgia. E. J. KIKER7 Attorney at Law, CALHOUN ; GEORGIA. V>!)trr at the Old Stand of Cantrell $ Kiker. J P ra ctice in all the Courts of the *Vor(-a. r air»L Cl . r T C^ lt: Su P rcme Court of a, Un,le ' l SU,e “ Court WALDO THORNTON DENTIST, m,!?r NT F'IANKFI L for 'orrner patronage, solicits r»«c CoU^lnußnce th® Pa uie. over Boa *< Aabrett & Co’s. sepls Printing neatly executedhere! POETRY. Strew the Way with Flowers. Oh, strew the way with rosy flowers, And dupe with smiles thy grief and gloom, For tarnished leaves and songless hours Await thee in the tomb. Lo! in the brilliant festal hall How lightly Youth and Beauty tread! \ et, gaze again—the grass is tall Above their charnel bed ! In blaze of nogn the jeweled bride Before the altar plights her faith: Ere weep the skies of eventide Her eyes are dulled in death! Then sigh no more—if Life is brief So are its woes; and why repine? Pavillioned by the linden leaf *La s.Vwi 11nort nrtn. Wild music from the nightingale Comes floating on the loaded breeze, To mingle in the bowery vale With hum of summer bees ; Then taste the joys that God bestows— Tlu* beaded win*-, the faithful kiss, For while the tide of Pleasure flows, Dea' h bears its’black abyss. In vain the zephyr’s breatli p rfumes House of Death—in vain its tone Shall mourn at midnight round the tombs Where sleep our blackening bones. The starbright bowl is broken there, The witchery of the lute o’er, And—wreck of wrecks!—there lie the Fair, Whose beauty wins no more! “Woe Unto Him that Givetli his Neighbor Drink.” [llabakkuk, Chap. 11; v. 15. BY A GOOD TEMPER. Oh, ye who sell the liquid fire. To madden and destroy— That withers every budding hope And blasts each household joy— Oh ! think awhile—have ye no hearts To feel for human woe ? All may not have the strength of mind, Temptation to forego. The seed ye plant is bringing A harvest, oh, how dread; ’Tis watered with the bitter tears By wives and mothers shed : Oh ! stop I pray, and view its fruit, ’Tis ripening at thy door; Then place before thy fellow man The damning bowl no more. Have ye no fond, no loving one, Who round your heart strings twine, Whose life may reap the bitter fruit Planted by hand of thine ? Go look upon the prattling boy, And pat his noble head ; But 011, remember, though he’s born, Yet, yet he is not dead. That poor, forsaken, reeling one, Was once a noble boy— The pride of some fond sister’s heart Some mother’s household joy. How can ye stand and gaze upon Your quivering victims here, And think that, at the bar of God With them ye must appear? Ye men of God, why will ye stand In silence all the day, Nor raise your voices loud and strong, To do this sin away ? Your sluggish blood so slowly flows, Or, stagnant as a pool, You’ve learned to live, and think and feel, And speak per chance by rule. Go reach to him the helping hand, And bid bin hope once more, Nor by your cold indifference Thus aid to sink him lower. Oh ! bid him stop —this moment stop— He’s just on ruin’s brink; Another -top, and neath the waves Os infamy he’ll sink. Self-Reliance. " n- iv is nothing more likely to result in ».} career of n v nng mnn ! <*• soil -reliance. is as - n; h w .uch more a y uth will aec.implisii who relies upon himself, ■ne ho depends upon others for ■ u au.ee'. Having fit seertainedthe direction in, and the ineansi by which his object is to be reached, let him put his whole energies to work, and with un flagging industry press forward. The young man who, instead of rising at five, sleeps till seven or eight, and who spends his evenings on the corners, or in the companionship of those who are wanting in laudable ambition, rarely ev er wins a position of honor or achieves a reputation above that enjoyed by the common masses. In a country like ours, where the av enues to honor and wealth are open alike to all, there is no reasonable ex cuse that can be offered for a man’s fail ure to achieve one or the othor, or both. 11l health, or extraordinary misfortune may keep him down, but these are the exceptions that establish the rule. Few men know how much they are capable of until they have first tested their abilities. The amount of labor, literary or mechanical which a person in vigorous health can perform, is almost without limit if a systematic method is adopted and the proper spirit incited to the effort. An hour each evening spent with some good author, or in the study of some branch of useful science, will in the course of a few years give to a young man who thus devotes this small portion of his time an amount of information, literary or scientific, which cannot fail to fit him for positions to which he could never properly aspire without this attention to study.— Exchange. An urchin being sent for five cents worth of maccoboy snuff, forgot the name of the article, and asked flu five cents worth of nwke-a-boy sneeze. Calhoun - , ga„ Thursday: October 13, isto. Letter from A. H. Stephens. Lib’ty Hall, Crawfordville,Ga. ) 21st September, 1870. j To the Editor of the Constitutionalist , Augusta , Georgia : Dear Sir —You will, I trust, allow me the use of your columns to take no tice of two speeches recently made by Hon. Amos T. Akerman, Attorney Gen eral of the United States, as I think due to myself, due to him, and due to some at least of the very grave matters refer red to by him in both. In the first of these speeches I am directly charged and accused by him of having premulgated doctrines which he characterizes as “pernicious” and which he says “ must be suppressed .” is omitted yet iGs umii«i —Axi nt/Tutr.vrfj. | in like spirit, are chiefly directed against the same political heresies, according to his standard. These dangerous and “ pernicious ” doctrines, he is pleased to say, are to be found in the two volumes published by me upon the “ late wat between the States.” . ' 7 This quasi public arraignment by the Attorney General of the United States, and would-be, perhaps, “ Crown Officer,” of a firmly established Empire, I am by no means disposed to evade; and there fore, ask the favor, through the medium of the Constitutionalist, to enter a traverse , and to make known to him and to the world that I hold myself in readi ness to meet him or anybody else upon the merits of his “ Bill of Information ” thus filed: and without any technical exceptions on my part, as to the infor mality in which it has been brought forward. The only tribunal I desire is the bar of an enlightened public opinion. The only arena I wish for the settlement of all the questions involved, is the forum of reason, where no weapons or force are to be used, but the power of truth and logic. So armed on such a field, I do not shrink from the fullest investi gation of all matters discussed in the work, to which he alludes, nor from the judgment which may be rendered upon them, after such a hearing, by the in telligent and unbiassed of the present or future generations. AY hat, then, are the errors in fact or argument in either of the volumes refer red to, whieh, in the opinion of this high officer, are so dangerous and “pernicious”—so poisonous and death producing—as that they ought not to be thus inquired into, or even tolerated by discussion, but ought to be summarily and arbitrarily “ suppressed f” Ist Is it an erroneous and “pernici ous doctrine ” to maintain, as the book does, that the United States constitute not a single Republic, but a Federal Republic; and that the Union , about which Mr. Attorney General says so much, is a Federal Union —a Union of separate, distinct States, each State in the Union being a perfect State, as known in public law. 2d. Is it an error in fact or doctrine to maintain, as the book does, that these States, upon entering into this Union, were recognized by themselves, as well as other powers, as seperate, independ ent sovereign States ? 3d. Is it an error in fact or doctrine, to maintain, as the book does, that the Constitution of 1787 is the basis of the present Union, and that it was formed by the States, in their sovereign char acter, and for them in tHcir sovereign character; or in other words, that it is a Constitution made by States and for States; and that the sovereignty of the States was not parted with by them in its ratification ? 4th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine to maintain, as the book does, that the Federal Government is entirely Conven tional in its character—that it was created by the States solely with the view for the better regulation of their iuter-State and foreign affairs, and the greater security of their perpetual exis tence as sovereign States by their mutual pledge and guaranty to this end—and that the Feveral Government, so created, pessesses no inherent powers whatever— that all the powers it rightfully holds or can rightfully exercise are held from the States and from them by delegation only ? sth. Is it an error, in fact or doctrine, to maintain, as the book does, that all the powers so held by the Federal or Conventional Government are particu larly enumerated and limited in the Constitution } and that the exercise of any power outside of these limitations is nothing but a usurpation, and should be set aside by the courts as a nullity ? 6th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine to maintain, as the book does, that the Constitution of the United States, so made, was a compact between the States ratifying it—the States being the par ties to itj and that it is binding between them, as all other like compacts by the laws of nations ? 7th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine to maintain, as the book does, that all delegated powers by sovereign States can; by the laws of nations be right fully resumed by the party delegating them; when the purposes for which they were delegated are not attained ? Bth. Is it an error in fact to assert, as the book does that quite a number of the Northern States of the Union, be fore the secession of any of its Southern members (under the influence of that faithless faction which now rules this country by fraud and usurpation) did openly and confessedly refuse to perform their covenanted obligations under a clause of the Constitution, without which that compact never would have been agreed to, or the Union under it, enter ed into by the Sonthern States. 9th. Is it an error in fact to state, as the book does, that the present Chief Justice Chase fully admitted this breach of faith on the part of these Northern States; and openly declared in the peace Congress of February. 18G1, that they never would perform these admit ted obligations on their part ? 10th. Is it an error in fact to main tain as the book does, that no one of the Southern States which seceded, or attempted to secede from the Union because of this breach of faith on the part of their Confederates, was ever un true to her covenants iu the compact of the Union? 11th. Is it an error in fact or doc trine to maintain, as the book docs, that this open and confessed breach of faith on the part of the Northern Confedc absolved the Southern States from their obligations under the compact, and fully justified their withdrawal ? 12th. Is it an error in fact to main tain, as the book does, that the cove nant constitution breaking States did afterwards hold that the seceding States were still bound to perform their part of the compact, notwithstanding their own acknowledged breach of faith, and that they went to war against them to compel them to remain in the Union, and discharge their obligations under the Constitution ? 13th. Is it an error in fact or doc trine to maintain, as the book does, that the war thus inaugurated, was a “ war between the States ” and in no proper or just sense a rebellion or civil war ? 14th. Is it an error in fact to main tain, as the book does, that the only pretext on the part of the Northern States for waging this war, thus inaugu rated between the States, was the pre servation of the Union of all the States, with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired ? 15th. Is it an error in fact to main tain, as the book does, that when the seceding States abandoned their strug gle for a separation and agreed to the terms of capitulation, which was sub stantially an acquiosence, so far as armed resistance was concerned, in the declara tion upon which the war was waged against them; the other States—the covenant-breakers themselves—u nd e r the rule of the same revolutionary fac tion—after the sacrifice of hundreds of thousands of lives, and thousands of millions of dollars, changed their posi tion in Congress, and said that they could not safely permit that to be done for which they had waged the war— that they could not safely allow a resto ration of the union of the States under the Constitution for which they had shed so much blood and expended so much treasure ! But that these acquies cing States should be shorn of their dig nity, equality and rights by a process of reconstruction according to their liking, though outside of the Constitution, be fore being allowed representation in the Congress of the States ? 16th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine on the review of this conduct, to ask, as the book does, “Is there to be found in the annals of mankind a parallel of such unblushing, double-faced, insolent and infamous iniquity ? These, Mr. Editor, are a few of the positions and doctrines maintained in the two volumes referred to by Mr. Attorney General; and if they, founded as they are, upon indisputable facts, set forth irrefutable truths, to what or whom, let me ask him and the world, is their promulgation either dangerous or “per niciousf” Is it to the cause of public liberty, or to the true friends of the in stitutions of our ancestors, or only to the policy and secret designs of those who are aiming at their overthrow and subversion ? Mr. Attorney General, in his bill of information, makes very few distinct specifications touching the li pernicious ” doctrines of the two volumes which, he says, “ must be suppressed ” Two only of these are deemed worthy of notice at this time. The first is, that I have asserted that “ the reconstruction measures were mon strous, and pronounced that all the gov ernment had done for four years was monstrous and threatened the liberties of the people.” In answer to this I have simply to say, that if the foregoing position main tained in the Book are unassailable, is it not unassailable, is it not undeniably true that the whole of these Recon struction measures,” with all their con comitants, are not only monstrous out rages, but most deadly bloics directed at the very vitals of the Constitution, as well as the liberties of the people. The other of these specifications is, that I have attempted to show that “ Marshall,” and others named by him, u were wrong, and that Calhoun was right,” in his views of the Constitution. In answer to this charge it is only necessary to refer to the Book itself, which Mr. Attorney General may very well wish to have suppressed, if for no other object than to shield himself from exposure of having made a very unfair statement, not to say palpable misrepre sentation. In the Book, no opinion of Marshall is assailed ; but on the contrary some of the most important positions in it—those doubtless deemed by the would be “Crown Officer,” most “pernicious” to his own views, aims and objects—are not only fortified but incontestably established by the authority of the emi nent Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. It was Le who announced from the bench of that court the most “ pernicious doctrine,” that the States composing this Union at the time, formed their present Constitution as sovereign State*:. It was he who held and proclaimed trom the same bench that all the legisla tive powers of the Congress of States under t he Constitution, depend upon the will of a majority of the States. . . was held in the Convention of Vir ginia thrt ratified the Constitution, that the powers conferred by that instrument could be rightly resumed by those who conferred them. These perhaps is the most “ pcrnici ous of all the doctrines set forth in the ISook which Mr. Attorney General is so anxious to have “suppressed ” And perhaps moreover the true solution of his unqualified denunciation of the whole is that the array of facts present ed in the two volumes, and the irresist able conclusions established by them, are so «pernicious ” to the schemes of ed Empire over the ruins of the princi ples of that wonderful Federal Union, established by the “ Fathers,” that they cannot be tolerated by them ; and hence the official mandate, that the doc trines therein set forth “ must be sup pressed' f” Potent words these and of most ominous significance coming from the quarter they did! They express the unmistakable language of tyrannical men in power in all ages aud countries, when they feel the force of truths which are indeed dangerous and most “ per nicious” to their own guilty acts of usurpation upon the rights of States as well as the liberties of outraged people! This language from the present Attor ney-General smacks strongly of like cabinet anathemas, of the nationalists, centralists and consolidationists of this country in 1798-99 which ended in the ever memorable Alien and sedition “ laws, so-called ,” of that period. The doctrines of the advocate of con stitutional liberty under our Federative System at that day, as promulgated, not by Mr. Calhoun, as Mr. Attorney Gen eral most adroitly attempts to make the people believe, but by Mr. Jefferson and his associates was. that the acta of usur pation were not laws but nullities. The doctrines inculcated in the two volumes referred to, Mr. Attorney Gen eral well knows, are the doctrines of Mr. Jefferson, the great apostle of the American Federative system for the maintenance and preservation of institu tions by neighboring States. They are the doctrines which in 1798-’99 were, as now, considered exceedingly “ per nicious ” to their schemes by all the enemies of the institution. By the ear nest promulgation of these doctrines, and a firm maintenance of them at the polls, by the peoples’ of the several States of this Union, the rights of the States, as well as their own, were res cued from the hands of usurpers at that time, and on a like promulgation and maintenance of the same doctrines at this time, rests the only sure hope of the future rescue and preservation of the same rights and liberties from the hands of the usurpers who now bear sway. One of the most important as well as saving of the principles of these doctrines is that no danger need ever be feared in a free country from any error of opinion or doctrine however great, “ where reason is left free to combat it.” This Cabinet ukase of Mr. Attorney General shows nothing more clearly than the power of the truths promulga ted in the two volumes thus denounced. He and his associates know and feel, that by nothing short of a suppression of these truths directly or indirectly, and the obliteration, if possible, of all the great facts of our history, can they bring the public mind to receive the doctrine attempted to be instilled by him in his Atlanta speech, which am ounts to this that the States of this Union have no higher position in the scale of existence than mere legal cor porations. I will not say that such a doctrine ought to be suppressed, but with all the respect for high official position which I can command, I will say that the At torney General of the United States, in putting forth such sentiments ought to have blushed, if not for his own reputa tion, at least, from a proper sense of reverence for the memories of the illus trious dead. The Union of these States, nothing but a Union of a sort of corporations to be fashioned, moulded, controlled, and shorn of their rights by and at the will of the Central Government! “ This “ Confederacy ” of States, as Marshall styled it on the bench of the Supreme Court —this Confederated Re public,” as Washington styled it in his message to the Senate—this “ Union of Sovereign members,” as Jackson spoke of it in his inaugurated address, accord ing to the teachings of the present At torney General, is nothing but an aggre gation of corporations! Mere creatures of municipal law! This, in substance is my understanding of his most in siduously inculated imperializing doc trine. If by the suppression of truth , this doctrine can be established, then, in deed, will be consumated that most lamentable result which Hamilton thought need never be feared, even by the most vigilant and zealous guardians of popular rights, when he declared in the Convention of New York, which ratified the Constitution, that “ The States can never lost 7 , their powers till the whole people are robbed of their liberties .” Ycurs most respectfully, Alexander H. Stephens. —— Quite Out of Date. —Isabel: “But, grandma dear, she’s not a bit pretty, looks very stupid and hasn’t a shilling. What can he be going to marry her for?” Grandma: “Well, my dear, you will think it one of my old-fashioned notions —but perhaps it is fir love.” The Siege of Strasbourg. Every day the effect of the new bat toricj is shown in increased damage to the fortifications. Desperate efforts are constantly made to cheek the progreas of the besiegers. Finding that the fire trom the walls inflicts but little injury upon the German lines, the garrison stnves by sorties to retard tho progress of the attacking force. Last night a vigorous sortie was made. With the courage of despair, the French troops threw themselves between the third and second parallels, and took the troops of the latter by surprise. As the guns are breech-loaders for the most part they cannot be spiked and thus rendered useless. It requires some time to dis lodere them from their places On the pieces, and inflict losses upon the aofena ers of the trenches. These losses have been considerable, yet they can easily be borne by the Germans. The besiegers out-numbered the garrison by at least four to one. When the time comes for storming the fortress, this disparity of numbers will make the task of the attack ing party a very simple one. In order to make assurance doubly sure, rein forcements continue to arrive. General Werder has resolved that, when he gives the word to move forward, failure shall be almost impossible. Although Strasbourg is closely invest ed and the batteries are directed yerainst all assailable points, yet the principal fire is brought to bear upon the portion of the works adjoining the station of the railway to Paris. I succeeded in getting a good view of the operations there.— Starting from the Mundolsheim, a vil lage about four miles from Strasbourg, and the seat of General Werder’s head quarters, I walked along the road for about two miles until L reached an.fn r village called Xiedeih usberu m. Ti c road which at first runs up the side of a hill here descends and runs along the slightly flat ground on this side of Stras bourg. To the right is a hill covered with vines, whence a good view may b had both of the city and surrounding country. Half way up this hill is asi ■- mar house, which is used as a piae - 0 observation. As I had been allowed to penetrate thus far within the lines, the sentries seemed to think that it was need less to ask me to show my pass, nor did the soldiers in the summer house make any objection to my joining them. In deed, they appeared only too ready to welcome the bearer of a glass by whieh they could distinguish everything which was being done in their own lines and within the city. • * Both these soldiers and others with whom I conversed, expressed great sor row at the necessity which had imposed on their army the task of partially des troying such a city as this. They all wished that it might be taken in order to put a stop not merely to the effusion of innocent blood, but to the destruc tion of private property. The German soldier is the reverse of bloodthirsty and barbarous. He likes to conquer, but no taste for slaughtering foes and sacking cities. And all are most anxious that such a splendid edifice as the cathedral should be uninjured. It is greatly to be feared, however, that the cathedral will long bear marks of the destructive or deal through which it has passed. The close inspection which I was able to make from the spot I have named, more than confirmed the impression produced by a view from a greater distance. The nave appears to be in ruins. Where stately houses lined spacious streets, are now to be seen shapeless piles of stones. Should thew r ork of destruction continue much longer, Governor Ulrich w ill have little to surrender, and General Werder little to capture. The fire of the German artillery men is much better sustained than that of the French. The former keep pouring a continuous stream of cannon balls and shells into the fortifications. At inter vals the French reply by a simultaneous fire, continue this for several minutes to gether, and then pause as if in order to concentrate their energies for another combined effort. The effect is that of a huge mastiff which remains silent while a group of smaller dogs keep up an in cessant snarling, and then suddenly springing up, frightens his assailants by several ominous growls and a nieuacing attitude. There is this difference be tween the two cases that the German artillerymen instead of being terrified by the tactics of the enemy, maintain their fire with a regularity and precision which must insure their success at n<> distant day. lam informed th ; t the number of wounded cit izens is very largo More than once Governor Ulrich ha.- sent an application, under a flag of truce for lint and bandages for the uso.J’ these unfortunate combatants. On tire las occasion it was stated that as many - one thousand citizens had been wound and In striking contrast to the op-rati ns in the vicinity of the city, was the w rk in progress at no great distance. The cr p had all been reaped. A few men and several women were engaged in <rith r ing in the harvest of the bountiful earth almost within sight of the ground where death was reaping a harvest of precious human lives. As I returned to the village where 1 intended passing the night. I found the road almost choked with carts filled with gabions. These gabions were being taken to the trenches to be used in erecting new batteries. Day after day, fire is opened from an increased number of guns, and the new guns are nearly al ways of larger calibre than the old ones. Correspondent London News. Three things to love —Courage, gen tleness and affection. Number 10. Meeting Hotel Expenses, ‘ Aro you the keeper of this ’ere Uvl ern . inquire,! a tall, lanky ii,d?r.dual belonjttnjr to the Ke*i a ,e,t, V, r th l aruhna troops, and then in the Confed erate States service. ‘*l am the proprietor of thbhott f fr_ plied the bustling little hotel keeper of an establishment not far from Kich inond. “What can Ido for you?” do u for a bod ?” wild tne soldier. ‘ Seren dollars, sir," responded the gentleman addressed. ‘ Only seven dollars you sav ! W»*l| that is cheap. dog.gone if it ain’t.— Here s a Confederate five, and there’s a two; its all right ain’t it. mister V’ f,ir ’ M r fi ,lied it’s one oFTiis companions. *‘l hearn him. * was the response. “And you hearn him, too, didn't yott. Ike ?” inquired he of another. “In course I did,” was the reply. “I \spect it’s all right between you.” “That’s a blessin’, anyhow.” said the soldier. “And now, es you’d only trav elled as far as I hev, you would want to sleep mighty sudden.” “Certainly, sir, all right,” exclaimed the’landlord. as he proceeded to direct a servant to show the gentleman to his apartment. The soldier slept soundly, but \6ry early in the morning he was seen de scending the stairs with the mattress, upon which he had slept, carefully tied up aud slung over his shoulder, lie had not proceeded far, however, before he was met by the astonished landlord, who indignantly demanded what he w <- doing with that bed. “Gwine to take it out to the regi ment,” coolly remarked the soldier. “ You are. are you ? roared the exas perated landlord; how dare you carry off my property in that manner. “Your pn perty ? Well. 1 like that T didn’t 1 give you seven dollars for this ere bed only last night, and didn’t two of our fellows hear the trade ? Your property, ch !” “The seven dollars y u paid me vv for your lodging, 0 said the pr p- r, growing somewhat ir to s h sj> “Nary lodgin’ ei 1 know it.” re;-p fl ed the soldier. “I paid you what ym axed for a bed. and yer own price, and accordin' to nutur of a trade the bed is mine.” “Well, sir, interrupted the angry host, and what do you ask for ymr bed ? I want it.” “Now ycr talkin’.” replied the North Carolinian, as he dumped the bed up n the floor, and Carelessly throw hin self upon it. “ I w.*nt to be reas. n.ibe, and being its you. I’ll let you have the bed for fifteen dollars.” “Fifteen dollars!” gasped the land lord. “Just so,” quietly remarked the sol dier, “es a man don’t make one hun dred per cent, darn me if he can pay hotel expenses.” The landlord paid the money and probably avoided speculating with any of the North Carolina troops. McMahon Facing Deatii.-A F-ench officer who escaped to Belgium, writes : To relate what McMahon did, is im possible— steel, fire, melted metal explo sive balls, and I don’t know what other infernal mixtures the Prussians there made use of for the first time, appeared to stream off or to rebound from him like hail from a roof. He went to the front seeking death. “Leave me,my friends,” he said to as all. who sought to prevent him from going forward, “let me show those Kings, those Princes, who hide be hind their masses of men, that a mar shal of France knows how to fight, and, when beaten, how to die.” And he smiled upon us a sad smile, which made us weep, and redoubled our rage. Ah, miserable ! We kill, we massacre, and the living appear to spring up from the dead, which we heap up around us. We climbed a little mountain of dead bodies that we might reckon h>w long the butchery would last. My sabre, broken and reeking, fell from my hands when 1 saw what masses we had still to deal with. The plain, the horizon, was black with dust. We were but ants in a largo anthill. “Marshal,” I said, “we have at least 200.000 men before as.” “No,” he replied, gently. ‘ thr hri dred.” At that momen* a cloul p ~ and Vre my eyes and we went mad. We r«. aiu.d our senses only wh o we found ours Ives beyond the hordes of Uhlans wh > at tacked us We had been fortunate enough to reach the Belgian frontier. We were safe, but at what a sacrifice. M a kino Great I’r s!—Tv. Duteh firmer* at Kinderh >»k wWo farms wore adj leenf. wct* --at in sh ir rsp e-five field 4?, wh n one ho rd m :n usual loud hallooing in the direction of a gap n a high >t ne wall, and nn with all his -j*o I to tile place, and the 1 1- lowing brie: e- uversation ensued : “Shon, vat i«fi te matter?” “Yell, den,” says John, “I vas trying to climb on te top of dish high stone vail, and I foil <*ft. and all te stone vail tumble down onto me. and has broke one ov mine bgs off. and bAh ov my ribs in. and desn piir stones are lying on de top ov mine b dy V* “Ish dot all ?” says the other ; “vy, you ho’ow so big 1 ud I tot you got and i toofache.” Rutland Vt., has a woman who is married to two men. and they don’t know which has the most right to her. She says it don’t make a particle of differ ence to her how they settle it, as sh« con get al<mg with anybody.