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Addicm to tlie People of the United
States.
We Lave been appointed by a convention of
citizens of Missouri, mainly representing that por
tion of tlio State lying contiguous to the Territo
ry of Kansas, to lay before you some suggestions
upou atopic which vitally concerns our State, and ‘
•which it is believed, may, to a serious extent, af- I
feet the geueral welfare of our country.
We propose to discharge this duty by a concise j
and candid exposition of facts touching our con- j
dition and its bearing upon Kansas, accompanied I
with such rejections as the facts naturally sug
gest.
That portion of Missouri which borders on
Kansas contains, as nearly as cau now bo ascer
tained, a population of fifty thousand slaves, and J
their estimated value, at the prices prevailing i
here, is about twenty-five millions of dollars. As j
the whole .State contains but about one huudred j
thousand slaves, it will be seen that one-half off
tin* entire slave population of Missouri is located |
in the eighteen counties bordering on Kansas,
tiie greater portion of which is separated from
that Territory by no natural boundary, and is
within a day's ride of the line. This part of our
State is distinguished by a uuilorm fertility of
soil, a temperate and healthful climate, and a
population progressing rapidly iu all tho elements
that constitute a prosperous community. Agri
culture is in a most flourishing condition, and
the towns and villages which have sprung up
indicate steady progress towards wealth, refine
ment, and commercial importance. Nor have the
higher interests of education, religion, and science
been neglected; but common schools and respecta
ble institutions of a higher grade, and churches
of every Chrlstiau denomination, are found in
every county. The great staple of this district is
hemp, although tobacco and corn, and wheat, are
also largely produced. The culture of hemp has
been found profitable—more so thau cotton in the
South ; and this fact, with the additional ones
that almost evory foot of iland within the couu
ties alluded to, is wonderfully adapted by nature
to its production, in greater quantities and finer
qualities, and at smaller cost, than in any other
State in the Union ; and that tho climate is such
as to permit the growers of this article to reside
on their estates, will readily explain and account
for the unexampled growth of the country. Al
ready it constitutes tho most densely populated
portion of our State: audits remarkable fertility
of soil and general salubrity ot climate, with the
facilities for outlet furnished by a noble river
running through its midst, and two great rail
roads, destiued soon to traverse its upper and
lower borders, will render it, at no distant period,
if left undisturbed, ns desirable and flourishing
a district as cau be found in the Mississippi val
ley.
An idea has, to some extent, prevailed abroad,
that Missouri contained but a very small slave
population, and that the permauence of this insti
tution here was threatened by the existence of at
least a respectiblo minority of her citizens, ready
and anxious to abolish it, and that only a slight
external pressure was necessary to accomplish this
purpose. We regrot that this opinion has, to some
extent, received countenance from the publication
and patronage of journals in our commercial me
tropolis, evidently aiming at such a result. With
out, however, going into any explanation of politi
cal parties here, which would be entirely foreign to
our purpose, We think it proper to state that tho
idea above alluded to is unfounded, and that no
respectable party can be found in this State out
side of St. Louis, prepared to embark iu any such
schemes. Id that city, constituting the great out
let of our commerce, us well as that of several
other States and Territories, it will not seem sur
prising, that its heterogenous population should
furnish a foothold for the wildest and most vision
ary projects. St. Louis was, however, represented
in our conventiou ; and it is not thought unwar
rantable to assume that the resolutions adopted by
this body have received theco'd’u! approbation of a
large and influential porth nos ur citizens.—
Other counties besides St. Louis, outside of the dis
trict to which our observations have oeen princi
pally directed, were also represented by delegates ;
and had not the season of the year, the short no
tice of its intended session, and tho locality where
the convention was held—remote from the centre
of the State,—prevented, we doubt not that dele
gates from every county in the State would have
been iu altoudauee. Indeed, a portion of the Up
per Mississippi and Lower Mississippi counties are
.as deeply, though less directly, interested in this
-question, as any-part of this Mate; aud their citi
zens are known toaccord most heartily in the sen
timents and actions of Western Missouri. Even
in the Southwest part of our State, from the Osage
to tiie borders of Arkansas, where there are but
few slaves, tiie proceedings of public meetings indi
cate the entire aud active sympathy of their peo
ple. From the general tone of the public press
throughout the State, a similar inference is dedu
cible: and. we feel warranted iu asserting, a very
general, if not unanimous concurrence in the prin
ciples adopted by the Lexington Convention.—
Those principles are embodied in a series of reso
lutions appended to this address, and which, we
are happy to say, were adopted with entire unaui
inity by a body representing every shade of politi
cal opinion to be found in the interior of our State.
These facts are conclusive of the condition of pub
lic sentiment in Missouri. The probabilities of
change here in reference to the question of slavery
are not essentially different from what they are in
Tennessee or Virginia, or Kentucky. In relation
to numbers, a reference to tho census shows that
Missouri contains double the number of Arkansas,
nearly double the number of Texas, and about an
equal number with Maryland.
These facts are stated with a view to a proper
understanding of our position in referenco to the
settlement of Kansas, and the legitimate and ne
cessary interest felt in the progress aud character
of that settlement. Previous to the repeal of the
Congressional restriction of 1820, by which Missouri
was thrown into au isolated position in reference
to the question of slavery, and made a solitary ex
ception to a general rule, her condition in regard to
the territory west of her border, and yet north of
the geographical line which Congress had fixed as
the terminus of southern institutions, was truly
unenviable. With two States on her nothern and
eastern border, in many portions of which the Con
stitution of the United States, and the fugitive slave
law passed in pursuance thereof, were known to be
as inefficacious for the protection of our rights iis
they would have been iu London or Canada, it
was left to the will of Congress, by enforcing the
restriction of 1820, to cut Missouri off almost en
tirely from all territorial connexion with States
having institutions congenial to her own, and with
populations ready aud willing to protect and defend
them. No alternative was left to that body but to
repeal the restriction, and thus leave to the Consti
tution and the laws of nature the settlement of our
Territories, or, by retaining the restriction, indi
rect ly abolish to slavery iu Missouri. If the latter
alternative had to be selected, it would lmvo been
au ace of charity aud mercy to tho slaveholders ot
Missouri to warn them in time of the necessity ol
abandoning their homes, or manumitting or selling
their slaves—to give them ample time to determine
between the sacrifice of fifty niillious of slave prop
erty and seventy millions of lauded estate. Direct
legislation would have been preferrabie to indirect
legislation teuding to the same result; aud the en
forcement of the restriction in the settlement ot
Kansas was virtually the abolition of slavery in
Missouri. But Congress acted more wisely, as wo
think, anil with greater fidelity to the Constitution
and tho Union.
The history of the Kansas-Nebiaska bill is known
to the country. It abolished tho geographical line
of 39 deg. 30 min., by which the limits of slaverj|
■were restricted, and substituted a constitutional aim
just principle, which left to the settlers of the-Ter
ritories to adopt such domestic iusitutions as suited
themselves. If over there was a principle calculated
to commend itseli to all reasonablo[nien,and recom
pile all conflicting interests, this would seem to
have beou the one. It was the principle ol popular
overeignty—the bases upon which our independ
ence had been achieved —and it wns*thercfere sup
posed to be justly dear to all Americans, of every
latitude and every creed. But fanaticism was not
satisfied. The abolitionists and their allies moved
Heaven aud earth to accomplish its defeat, and al
though unsuccessful they did not there despair.—
Out voted in Congress, receiving no countenance
from tii executive, they retired to another theatre
of action, aud strange to say, they prostituted an
ancient aud respectable Common wealth—one ot tho
old Thirteen—to commence, in her sovereign capaci
ty as a State, with tho means and imposing atti
tude iucideut to such a position, a crusade against
slavery, novel in its character, more alarming in
its features, and likely to be more fatal iu its con
sequences, than all the* fanatical movements hither
to attempted since the appearance of abolitionism
as a political party in 1835. They originated and
matured a scheme, never before heard of or thought
of n this country, the object and effect of which
was to evade the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska
hill, and, in lieu of non-intervention by Congress,
to substitute active intervention by the States. An
act of incorporation was passed; a company with a
capital of five millions was chartered, and this
company was authorized to enlist an army of mer
cenary fanatics and transport them to Kansas. Re
cruiting officers were stationed in places most like
ly to furnish the proper material; premiums were
offered for recruits ; the public mind was stimula
ted by glowing aud false descriptions of the coun
try proposed to.be occupied, and a Hessian band ol
mercenaries was thus prepared and forwarded to
commence and carry on a war of extermination
Against slavery.
To cull these people emigrants is a sheer perver
sion of language. They are not sent to cultivate
the soil, to better their social condition, to add to
their individual comforts, or the aggregate wealth
of the nation. They do not move from choice or
taste, or from any motive affecting, or supposed
to affect, themselves or their families. They have
none of the marks of tho old pioneers, who cut
down the forests of Keutucky.Ohio, aud ludiaua, or
levelled the nanebrakes of Tennessee and Missis*
kippi, or broke up the plains of Illinois and Mis
souri. They are mostly ignorant of agriculture;
picked up iu cities or villages, they of course have
no experience as framers, and it loft to their unaid
ed resources—if not clothed aud fed by the same
power which has affected their transportation—
they would starve or freeze. They are hirelings
an army of hirelings, recruited and shipped iudi
rectly by a sovereigu State of thiiftUnion, to make
war upou au institution now existing iu tho ter
ritory to which they are transplanted, and thence
to iuliict a fatal blow upou the resources, the pros
perity, and the peace of a neighboring .State.—
They are military colonies, planted by a State
government to subdue a territory opened to settle
ment by Congress, and take exclusive possession
thereof. In additiou to that esprit du corps, which
of necessity pervades such an organization, they
have, iu common, a reckless aud desperate fanatic
ism which teaches them that slavery is a sin, and
that they are doiug God’s service iu hastening its
destruction. They have beou picked aud culled
from the ignorant masses, which Old and New
England negro philanthropy lims stirred up aud
aroused to madness on this topic, aud have beou
selected with refereuco to their views on this topic
alone. They are men with a single Idea; aud to
carry out this they have been instructed aud
taught to disregard tho laws of Clod aud man; to
consider bloodshed, and arson, aud insurrec
tion, destruction of property, or servile war, as
the merest trifles, compared with the glory and
honor of seducing a single slave from his master,
or harboring and protecting the thief who has car
ried him off.
That such a population would le fatal to the
peace and security of the neighboring State of
Missouri, aud immediate destruction of such
SAVANNAH DOLLAR NEWS
owners of slaves as had already moved to the Ter
retory of Kansas, is too clear to admit of argument.
A horde of our western savages, with avowed pur
poses of destruction to the white race, would be
less formidable neighbors.
Tho colonization of Kansas with a population of
this character was a circumstance which aroused
I attention and excited alarm among our citizens
| here and those who had already emigrated to Kan
sas. Gould any other result have been expected '(
I Did sensible men at the North —did the Aboll
j tionist.s themselves—expect any other ?
| Missouri contained, as wo Dave already seen, one
hundred thousand slaves, aud their value amount
ed to fifty millions of dollars. Had thoso fanatics,
J who pronounced slavery an individual siu and a
I national curse, ever yet pointed out any decently
plausible scheme l>y which it could be removed?
j Tho entire revenue of our State, for the ordinary
fiscal purposes, scarcely reaches five hundred thou
sand dollars, and the abolition of slavery here
would involve the the destruction ot productive
j capital estimated at fifty millions of dollars, or
taxation upou tho people of five niillious of dol
lars annually, which Is the legalized interest upon
Ibis amount of capital, besides the additional tax
which would be necessary to raise a fund to pay
oil the debt created. The constitution of Missouri
prohibits tho legislature from parsing laws etnau- I
cipating slaves witho it i full compensation to
their owners; and it is therefore apparent that
tenfold tho entire roveuuu of the State would bo
I barely sufficient to pay tho interest upon a sum
equivalent to the actual in.mey value of the slaves,
without providing auy means to extinguish tiie
principal which such a del: 1 would create. Weomit,
altogether, iu this calculation, the impracticability,
aud impolicy, and cruelty, to both races, of lib
erating t he slaves here, wito no provision lor their
removal, and the additional debt which such re
moval would create, equal in all probility to that
occasioned by their mere emancipation. It would
seem, then, that the merest glance at tho statis
tical tabies of our .State, showing its population
and revenue, must bavo satisfied the most san
guine abolitionist of the futility of bis schemes. —
If. tiie iuvestigatiou was pursued further, and our
estimate was made to embrace the three millions
and a half or slaves now in tho. .southern and
southwestern States, and the billions io which
our computation must ascend, in order to ascertain
their value in isouey, this anti-slavery crusade,
which presents itself in a form of open aggression
agaiust the white race, without the semblance or
pretext of good to that raco for which the aboli
tionist professes so much regard, and which stands
so much higher iu his affections than his own, is
seen to be one of mere folly and wickedness, or,
what is perhaps worse, a selfish and sectional strug
gle for political power.
It is a singular lact, and one worthy of notice In
this connection, that va tho history of African
slavery up to this time, no government has over
yet been known to abolish it which fairly repre
sented tho interests aud opinions of the governed.
Great Britain, it is true, abolished slavery in Ja
maica, but the planteis of Jamaica hsd no poten
tial voice in tho British Parliament. The abolition
of slavery in New Englaud and iu tbo Middle
States can hardly be cited as an exception, since
that abrogation was not so much the result of posi
tive legislution as it was of natural causes, the
uufitness of ciiuiate and product ions to slave labor.
It is well known to those familiar with the juris
prudence of this couutry and of England, that
slavery has been in no’instance created by positive
statutory enactment, uor has it been thus abol
ished in auy couutry when the popular will was
paramount in legislated action. Its existence and
mm-cxisteuco appears to depend entirely upon
causes beyond lhe reach of governmental action ;
and this fact should teach some dependence upon
the will of an over-ruling Providence, which works
out its ends in a mode and at a time nut always
apparent to finite morcale.
The history of some of our slaveholding States
in relation to efforts of this character, it would
seem, ought to be conclusive, at least against
those who have no actual interest involved; and
whom a proper sense of self-respect, if not of con
stitutional obligation, should restrain from
pertinent interference. Virginia in 1831, and Ken
tucky more recently. were agitated from centre to
circumference by a bold and unrestricted discus
sion of the subject of emancipation. Upou tiie
hustings and in legislative, assemblies, the subject
was thoroughly examined, and every project which
genius and philanthropy could suggest was inves
tigated. Brought forward in the Old Dominion,
under the sanction of names venerated and re
spected throughout the limits of tiie Common
wealth —well known to have been a cherished pro
ject of her most distinguished statesmen —favored
by tho happening of a then recent servile disturb
ance, and patronized by some of the most patriotic
and enlightened citizens —the scheme, neverthe
less, failed, without a shew of strength or a step
in advance towards the object contemplated. The
magnitude of the difficulties to be overcome was
so great and so obvious as to strike alike the eman
cipationists and their adversaries. The result lias
been, both iu Virginia and Kentucky, that slavery
(to use the language of Ofte of Kentucky's eloquent
aud distinguished sous, aud one, too, of the tore
most in the work of emancipation) “ has been ac
cepted as a permanent part of their social system.
Cau st be that there is a destitution of honesty, of
intelligence, of patriotism, and piety in slavehold
ing States, and that these qualities are alone to be
found in Great Britain aud tbe Northern Free
States? If not. the conclusion must be, that tho
difficulties in the way of such an enterprise exceed
all the calculations.*)!’ statesmanship and philo
sophy ; and their removal must await the will of
that Being whose prerogative it is to make crooked
paths straight, aud justify the ways of God to
m \Ve have no thought of discussiug the subject of
slavery. Viewed in its social, moral, or economical
aspect, it is regarded, as tho resolutions of the
conventiou declare, as solely and exclusively a
matter of State jurisdiction, and, therefore, one
which docs nut ooticern the Federal Government,
or the States where it dues not exist. YVo have
merely adverted to the fact in connection with the
recent abolition movements upon Kansas, that
amidst all their fierce denunciations of slavery for
twenty j'ears past, these fanatics have never yet
been able to suggest a plan for its removal, con
sistent with the safety ot the white race—saying
nothing of constitutional guarantees, Federal aud
NStatc.
The colonization scheme of Massachusetts, as wo
have said, excited alarm in Missouri. Its obvious
design was to operate further than the mere pre
vention of tho natural expansion of slavery. It
was intended to narrow its existiug limits—
to destroy all equilibrium of power between the
Nor tii aud South, aud leave the slaveholder at the
will of a majority, ready to disregard constitu
tional obligations, and carry out to their bitter
end the mandates of iguoraucc, prejudice, aud
bigotry. Its success manifestly involved a radical
change in our Federal Government, or its total
overthrow. If Kansas could be thus aboiilionized,
every additional part of the present public domain
hereafter opened to settlement, and every future
accession of territory, would bo the subject of sim
ilar experiments; and an exploded YVilmot proviso
thus virtually enforced throughout an oxteuded
domain still claimed as national, aud still bearing
on its military ensigns the stars aud stripes of tho
Union. Ls the plan was constitutional and legal,
it must be conceded that it was skilfully contrived
and admirably adapted to its ends. It was also
eminently practicable, if no resistance was encoun
tered, since the States adopting it contained a
surplus population, winch could bo bought up and
shipped, whilst the South, whicli had au interest
| in resisting, had no such people among her white
1 population. The Rrnsas-Nobraska law, too, which
was so extremely hateful to tho fanatics, aud has
constituted the principal theme of their recent
denunciations, would be a dead letter, both as it
regard.- the territories for which it was particularly
framed, and us a precedent to Congress tor the
opening of other districts for settlement. The old
Missouri restriction could have done no more : and
thejwholo purpose of tho anti-slavery agitators,
both iu and out of Congress, was quietly accom
plished. But the scheme foiled, as it deserved to
fail; and as the peace, prosperity, aud union of our
country, required it should fail. It was a scheme
totally at variance with tho genius of our govern
ment, both State and Federal, aud with the social
institutions which these governments were de
signed to protect; and its success would have
been as fatal to those who contrived it as it
would have been to those intended to be tho
victims.
The circumstance of novelty is entitled to Its
weight in politics as well as law. The abolition ir
ruption upon Kausas is without precedent in our
history. Seventy-niue years of our national ise
have rolled by ; Territory after Territory has beau
annexed, or settled, aud added to the galaxy ot
States, until from thirteen we have increased to
thirty-two; yet it never before entered into the
head of any statesman, North or South, to devise
a plau of acquiring exclusive occupation to a Ter
ritory by State colonization. To Massachusetts
belong the honor of its invention, aud we trust
she will survive its defeat. But she is not the Mas
sachusetts, we must do justice to her past history
to say, that she was in the times of her Adamses,
her Hancocks, and her YVarrens; nor yet is she
where she stood in more receut times, when her
YY'ebsters and Choates and Winthrops led the van
of her statesmen. Her legislative halls are filled
with ruthless fanatics, dead to the past and reck
less to the future ; her statute books are polluted
with enaetmeuts purporting to annul the laws of
Congress, passed iu pursuance aud by reason ot
the special requirements of the constitution ; aud
her senatorial chairs at YVashington are filled by a
rhetorician and a bigot, one ol whom studies to
disguise in the drapery of a classic elocution of the
most hideous aud treasonable forms of fanaticism,
whilst his colleague is pleased to harangue a city
rabble witli open aud unadulterated disuuionism,
associated with oracles of abolitionism and infidel
ity—a melancholy spectacle to the descendants of
the compatriots of Benjamin Franklin !
No Southern or slaveholding State has ever at
tempted to colonize a Territory. Our public lauds
have been left to the occupancy cf such settlers as
soil aud climate invited. The South has sent no
armies to lore* slave labor upon those who pre->
terred free labor- Kentucky spruug from Virginia
as did Tennessee from North Carolina, and Kausas
will from Missouri—from contiguity of territory
and similarioy of climate. Emigration lias fol
lowed tho parallels of latitude, aud will continue
to do so unless diverted by such organizations as
Emigrant Aid Societies and Kausas Leagues.
It has heed said that the citizous ot Massachu
setts have an undoubted right to emigrate to Kan--
sas; that this right may bo uxercised individually*
or in families, or in larger private associations;
and that associated enterprist, uuder the sanction
of legislative enactments, is but another and equal
lyjustlliable form of emigration. Political actions,
like those of Individuals, must be judged by their
motives aud effects. Unquestionably, emigration,
both individual and collective, from tho free
.States to the South, aud cicc versa, train the slave
States to tho North, liar’ been progressing troni
the foundation of our government to the present
day, without comment and without objection. It
is not pretended that such emigration, even if fos
tered by .State patronage, would be . I legal, or in
auy res poet objectionable.. The. wide expanse of
the fertile YVest, aud the deserted wastes ,of the
sunny South, Invito occupation; and no man,from
the southern extremity of Florida to the northern
boundary of Missouri, has exer objected to an army
grant simply because he was from -he North, aud
preferred free labor to Uut of slaves. Upon this
subject he is allowed to consult his own taste,
convenience, and conscience; aud it is expected
that he will permit his neighbors to exercise tbe
same privilege But no one can fail to distinguish J
between au honest, bonaJidt emigration, prompted
by choice or necessity, aud an organized coloniza- I
tion with offensive purposes upou the institution
of the country proposed to bo settled. Nor can
there be any doubt iu which class to place the
movemeuts of the Massachusetts Kmigraut Aid
Societies uud Kausas Leagues. Their motives have
been candidly avowed, and their objects boldly pro
claimed throughout the length and breadth of the
laud. Were this not the case, it would still bo
impossible to mistake them. Why. wo might well
iuquirc, if simple emigration was in view, arc
these extraordinary efforts confined to tho Terri
sory of Kansas’ Is Nebraska, which was opened
to settlement by tbe same law, less desireablc,less
inviting to northern adveuturers thau Kansas?
Are lowa, and YVashington, and Origin, aud Min
nesota, and Illinois, and Michigan, filled up with
population, their lands all occupied, and furnish
ing no room for Massachusetts emigrants? Ik
Massachusetts herself overrun with population—
obliged to rid herself of paupers whom sbo cannot
feed at home ? Ur Is Kansas, as eastern orators
have insinuated, a newly discovered paradise—a
modern K 1 Dorado, where gold and precious stone
cau bo gathered at pleasuro ? or an Arcadia, whr<*
naturo is so bountiful os not to need the aid of
man, aud fruits and vegetables of every desirable
description spontaneously sprung up
There can be but oue answer to these questions,
and that answer shows conclusively tho spirit and
intent of this miscalled and pretended emigration
It is an anti-slavery movement. As such, it was or
ganized and put in motion by au anti-slavery leg
islature; as such, the organized army was equipped
in Massachusetts and transported to Kansas; aud
as such it was met there and defeated.
If furl her illustrations were needed of the ille
gality of these movements upon Kansas, we might
extend our observations to the probable reception
~l ;l -iuiilar movements upou a State, ll the Mas
sachusetts legislature, or that of any other State,
have the right to send au army of abolitionists iu
to Kausas. they iiavo the same rlgfjt to transport
them to Missouri. YVe are not apprised of any pro
visions in the constitution or laws of the Slates
which, in this respect, distinguish their condition
from that of a Territory. YVe have no laws, and
wc presume no slaveholding State has, which for
bid tho emigration of non-slaveholders. Such
laws, If passed, would clearly conflict with the fed
eral constitution. The southern and southwestern
slaveholdiug .States arc as open to emigration from
non-slaveholdinir States as Kausas. They differ
only iu the price of land aud the density of popu
lation. Lot us suppose, then, that Massachusetts
should turn her attention to Texas, and jshould
ascertain that the population of that State was
nearly divided between those who favored and
tho ho who opposed slavery, and that one thousand
votes would turn the scale iu favor of emancipa
tion, and, acting in accordance with her world
wide philanthropy, she should resolve to trans
port tho thousand voters necessary to abolish sla
very in Texas; how would such a movement be re
ceived there ? <r, to reverse the proposition, let it
bo supposed that South Carolina, with her large
slaveholdiug populatioh, should undertake to
transport a . thousand slaveholders to Delaware,
with the vi*'W to turn the scale in that State,now
uuder stood to be rapidly passing over to the list
ot free States: would thegallaut sons of that an
cient .State, small as slio is territorially, submit to
such interference? Now, the iustitutious us Kau
sas arc so much fixed, and as solemnly guaranteed
by statute, as those of Delaware or Texas. The
laws ol Kansas Territory may be abrogated by suc
ceeding legislatures; but so, also, may the laws,and
eveu the constitutiouiof Delaware.—
Kansas only differs from their condition in her
limited resources her small population and her
large aniouut of marketable lands. There Is no
difference iu principle between tbe cases supposed
aud legal iu the one, It is equally so
iu the other. They differ only iu point oi practi
cability and expediency: tbe one would beau out
rage, easily perceived, promptly met, and speedily
repelled; the other is disguised uuder the forms of
emigration, aud meets with no populous and or
ganized community to resent it. YVe are apprised
that it is said that the Kansas Legislature were
elected by fraud, and constitute no fair represen
tation of the opinions of the people of the Terri to
ry. This is evidently the excuse of the losing
party, to stimulate renewed efforts among their
friends at home; but even this is refuted by the
record. The Territorial Governor of Kansas, a gen
tleman not suspected of or charged with partiality
to slavery or its advocates, has solemnly certified,
under his official seal, that the statement is false;
that a large majority of the legislature were duly
and legally elected. Even inlthe districts where. Gov.
Reeder set aside the elections tor illegality, the
subsequent ret urns of the special elections ordered
by him produced the same result, except in a sin
gle district. There is, then, no pretext left; and
it is apparent that, to send au army ofabolitiouists
to Kansas to destroy slavery existing there, and
recoguized by her laws, is uo wore to be justified
on the part of the Massachusetts Legislature thau
it would be to send a like force to Missouri with
the like purposes. Tho object might b more easily
and safely accomplished in the one case thau other,
but in.both cases it Is equally repuguant to every
principle of comity, and likely to
provepsqually tatai to the harmony and peace of
the Union.
YY'e conclude, then, that this irruption upen
Kansas by Emigrant Aid Societies and Kansas
Leagues, under the patronage of the Massachu
setts Legislature, is to be regarded in no other
light than anew phase of abolitionism, more prac
tical in its aims, and therefore ;more dangerous
than any form it has yet assumed. Wo have
shown itto beat variance with the true tutont of
the act of Congress, by which the territory wa3
opened to settlement; at variance with tbe spirit
ol the Constitution of the United States, aud with
the iustitutious of the territory, already recognized
by law; totally destructive of that fellowship and
good feeling which should exist among citizens ol
confederated States; ruinous to the security, peace,.
and prosperity ol a neighboring State; unprece
dented in our political annals up to this date, and
pregnant w ith the most disastrous conseqAen- os to
ibe harmony and stability of the Union. Thus
far its purposes have beou defeated; but renewed
efforts are threatened: Political conventions at
the North and Northwest have declared for the re
peal of the Kansas-Nebroska law, and, anticipating
a failure iu this direction, are stinulating the an
ti-slavery senlimeuts to fresh exertions for abo
litionizing Kausas after the Massachusetts fashion
YVe havo discharged our duty in declaring the
light iu which such demonstration arc viewed
here, aud our firm belief of the spirit by which
thev will be met. ls civil war and ultimate dis
union are desired, a renewal of these efforts will
be admirably adapted to such purposes. Missouri
has taken her positiou in the resolutions adopted
by tlio Loxingtou convention, and from that posi
tion she will not be likely to recede. It it> based
upon the Constitution; upon justice and equality
of rights among the States. YY hat has she done,
and what she is still prepared to do, is in self-de
fence awl for self-preservation. and trom these du.
tics shew ill Hardly be expected to shrink. YVith
her everything is at stake—the security of a large
slave property, tiie prosperty of her citizens, and
their exemption from porpotual agitation and bor
der feuds; whilst the emissaries cf abolitiou are
pursuing a phantom—au abstraction which, if real
ized, coull add nothing to their possession or hap
piness, aud would bn productive of decided injury
to the race tar whose benefit thity profess to labor.
If slavery is an evil, and it is conceded that
Congress cannot interfere with it in the States, it
is most manifest that its diffusion through anew
territory where laud is valueless and labor produc
tive, tends greatly to ameliorate the condition of
the slaves. Opposition to the extension of slavery
is not, then, founded upon any philanthropic
views, or upou any love for the slave. It is a mere
grasp for political power b eyoftd what the consti
tution of the United Staces concedes- and it is so
understood by the loaders of the movement. And
this additional power is not desired for constitu
tional purposes,for the advancement of thegeneral
welfare, or the national reputation. For such pur
poses tlio majority in the North is already suffi
cient. and no future events are likely to diminish
it. The slavcbolding States are in a minority,
but. so far, a minority which has commanded re
spect in the national councils. It has answered,
and wo hope will continue to subserve the purpose
ol self-protection. Conservative men from other
quarters have come up to the rescue when the
rights of the South have beeu seriously threat*ned
But it is essential to tho purposegftf self-preserva
tion that this minority should not be materially
weakened; it is essential to the preservation of our
present form of government that the slave States
should’retaiu sufficient power to rnaße effectual
resistance against outward aggression upou au in
stitution peculiar to them alonge. Parchment
guarantees, as all history shows, avail nothing
against an overwhelming public clamor. The fate
of the fugitive slave law affords au instructive
warning on tho subject, and shows that the most
solemn constitutional obligations will be evaded
and scorned where popular prejudice resists their
execution. The South must rely on herself for
protection, and to this end her strength in the
Federal Government cannat be safely diminished.
If, indeed, it bo true, as public men at the North
have declared, and political assemblages hare en
dorsed, that a determination has beeu reached in
that quarter, to refuse admission to any more slave
-States, there is au end to all argument on the sub
ject. To reject Kausas or any other Territory from
the Union, simply and solely because slavery is re
cognised within her limits, would be regarded here,
and we presume throughout the South and South
west, as an open repudiation of the Constitution—a
distinct and unequivocal stop towards a dissolution
of the Union. YVe presume it would be so regard
ed every where, North and South. Taken iu con
nection with the abrogation ot that provision of the
Constitution which enforces the rights of the
owners of slaves in all the States of the Uniou into
which they might escape, which has effected prac
ticaly throughout nearly all tho free States, and
more formally by solemn legislative actwento iu a
portion of them, the rejection of Kansas out account
of slavery would he disuuion iu a form of grossest
insult to tho sixteen slave .States now compreheud
in tho nation. It would boa declaration that
slavery was incompatible with republican govern
ment, in the fueo of at least two formal recogni
tions of its legality, in terms, by the Federal Con
stitution.
YVe trust that such counsels have not the re
motest prospect. o| prevailing in our national
legislature, and will not dwell upon the couse
mlienee of their adoption. YVo prefer to antici
pate a returning fidelity to national obligations,
a faithful adherence to the constitutional guaran
tees, aud tho consequent prospect- cheering to
tho patriot of this and other lauds—of a con
tinued and perpetual Union.
YVM. B. NAPTON,
Chairman.
STERLING PRICE,
M. OLIVER,
S. £l. WOODSON.
Unconsciously Lucky.— A gentleman of
this city, in looking through his pocket book
yesteraay, discovered a lottery ticket, which
upon examination proved to be a quarter of
the capital prize of $50,000 drawn in Havana
in July last. Thinking it had laid dormant
long enough, he at once procecdod to oue of
our mercantile houses connected with tho Ha
vana trade, aud hod it cashed at a moderate
discount.- CEirUsUm Mercury.
If From the New Orleans Picayune, Sept.29.l
JXexv Orleans and the Tribune.
We huve had frequent occasion to allude to
the almost morbid delight which the people
engaged in concocting the New York Tribune
newspaper manifested in publishing detrac
tory accounts of the moral aud sanitarv char
acter and condition of New Orleans. But we
do not know that wc have ever met with a
more flagrant demonstration 61 this kind on
the part of that journal thau that which it
made last week, in an article of two columns,
under the heading, “New Orleans and its
Unwholesomeuess. ’
To attempt the task of arresting the torrent
of such persistent fanaticism as that which
characterizes the course of ihe New York
Tribune, in the pursuit of whatever eud it, for
the time has in view, were a vain effort, in
deed. Our object at present, is simply to
point out some of the errors in fact and iu
logic with which 1 the particular article YVe
have alluded to auygrabouuds; for surely
more of such errors were never compressed
within the same space. •
The object of of the writer appears to be to
discourage immigration to and settlement in
this city. The style of his argument corres
ponds fitly with its palpable motive. Stripped
of its bold assumptions and plausible theories,
tested by the rules ol'logic aud common sense,
(his audacious production collapses into a
miserable effusion of ignorant spite and jea
lousy, in which the author does not hesitate
to find in the misfortunes of those to whom
he happeus to be politically aud socially op
posed, the means of gratifying those unworthy
motives.
There is no topic upon which there lias
beeu displayed more stupid speculation than
that of the sanitary character of New Orleans.
They who, from loug residence, close obser
vation and experience, have a right to give
au opinion on the subject, are compelled to
find themselves contradicted by conceited
speculators at a distance, aud. occasionally,
by inexperienced aud uninformed theorists,
at home. Aud these persons undertake to
settle, a priori, questions which have perplex
ed the most patient iuvestigatiou of those
who have studied the subject, practically, and
observantly. This matter of the yellow fever
in New Orleans is the pans asinorwn of all
ambitious medical theorists and scientific
speculators ; aud noue has ever made a more
ridiculous baulk in the attempt to cross it
than the Tribune editor, in the article before
He assumes, as “a conceded fact,” that this
city is “ unhealthy, not only at this, but a l
seasons j” aud then goes on, singular logican
as he is, to undertake the proof of what he
calls a “coneeded fact.” Iu this undertaking
he has signally failed, for mere assertion is
not proof, and it so happens that the facts are
all the other way.
New Orleans, even with its yellow fever,
has been,for several seasons together, as heal
thy as.uuy other large commercial city in tbe
Union. We refer to the years 1844, ‘45 and
’46, aud the years ol 1848, ’49, ’<.>•>,\ r >l and
’52, during Yvhich periods we feel justified
in averring that the ratio ot deaths to the
population was not as great us has been
that of the cities of New York, Boston and
St. Louis.
Passing over the unfairness of selecting one
locality as containing the elements ot a dis
ease which is common under the same cir
cumstances, of material lor its operation, &c.,
to all other localities in the same section of
the map, we come to the false assumption of
the Tribune, that the geographical position
and local construction of New Orleans are
such as to superinduce unhealthiness. It
tells of our city being surrouuded Yvith
swamps, having no sewers and no drainage;
of the strangers who visit it being housed in
tenements built among swamps, to which it
is suggested that they, coming in the winter
season, are induced to add dYVellings for
themselves to find their own coffins when
the summer conies iu ; and a great deal more
of such lamentable stufl as this.
Now if this were not, as it certainly is, all
the grossest assumption on the part of our
cotemporary, yyc do not see that it would
prove his “conceded fact.” But on this we
will not dwell fait her than to say that, so
far as we are informed, aud we have paid
some attention to the question, exper
ience is against the assumptions of the tri
bune. The extension of the city towards the
swamp has not proved fatal or deleterious,but
the reverse ; that section being among the
healthiest, and the last to be visited by a
prevailing disease.
Another position taken by tha writer of
the article Yve are noticing, (pimps more
particularly than there is auy needs) is in ef
fect that New Orleans is rendered ftnhealthy
by beiug surrounded by fresh flowing water,
and by swamp* of clear aud sYveet water;
and by being built on a lower level than the
surface of the river, Ac. Now we would
like to have the writer tell us and the world
* how it is that in the very opposite conditions
m other places, presenting different physical
aspects and qualities, the “unhealthmeas”
the Tribune attributes as specially incidental
to New Orleans prevails with even greater
virulence than in this city V VV by is it that
on the lofty bluffqof Natchez and Vicksburg,
or the dry banko on which Mobile is located
or the sandy island of Galveston, and in the
high aud dry localities of Cuba, the disease
the Tribune alludes tc* is always so violent
and destructive when it visits either V
And Yvhile pondering upon the mode, il
there be auy possible, in which to reconcile
these facts with the assumptions he has so
ignorantly made and so il logically defended,
we would ask our cotemporay to examine
another and a cognate point. If the locality
of New Orleans be such au unhealthy local
ity, how does it happen that there is uo local,
indigenous diseases here, such as marks
and characterises other unhealthy localities
throughout the world? Swampy sites in the
North and West, we believe he will admit,
are usually regarded as being very unwhole
some, producing a great variety of fevers,
influenzas, consumption, <fcc. We think Yve
could name some such that are situated not
many miles from the Tribune office.
But the the SYvampand low portions of New
Orleans produce no such effects as these, uor
are any such complaints indigenous here.—
The yelloYv fever, Yvhich, as we have already
said, and is very well kuoivn, is not a local
disease, we of course consider, in this argu
ment with the Tribune, au exceptional case;
and that excluded we have no such thing as
a local disease in New Orleans.
But enough for the present on this subject,
though time aud spuce would both fail us
before we should have said all we might m
confutation of the unwarranted position with
which we have been dealing; positions of
which, iu conclusion, wd are constrained to
say that we hardly know whether most to
smile over them for the ignorance they dis
play, or to despise them in consideration of
themotives in which they originated.
Agricultural Division of the Patent
Office.— Imperial Rice.— A correspondent
of the State Department furnishes the folloYV
ing extract from Mr. Hue’s journey through
the Chinese empire, which was transmitted
from that department to the United States
Patent office. The correspondent suggests
that this rice could readily be obtained by
government through its representative in
Chiua, and would be a most valuable acquis
ition, as it requires* less irrigation than the
common article ;
“The celebrated Emperor Khang-hi has
thus rendered an important service to his
country. We find in the curious memoirs
written bv that nriruje the following passage ;
‘I was walking/ says the Emperor Khang-hi,
‘on the first day of the sixth moon in some
fields where rice Yvits sown, which was not
expected to yield its harvest till the ninth.—
I happened to notice a rice plant that had al
ready come into ear; It rose above all the
rest, aud was already ripe. 1 had it gathered
aud brought to me ; the grain was very fine
and full, and I was induced to keep it for au
experiment, and see whether it would on the
following year retain its precocity, and in
fact it did.
All the plants that proceeded from it came
into ear before the ordinary time, aud yielded
their harvest in the sixth moon. Every year
has multiplied the produce of the preceeding
aud now for thirty years it has been the rice
served on my table. The grain is long and of a
reddish color, but of a sweet perfume, aud
very pleasant flavor. It. has been named
yami, or imperial rice, because it was in my
garden that it was first cultivated. It is the
only kind that can ripen north of the great
wall, where the cold begins very early and
ends very late; but in tbe provinces of the
South, where the climate is milder, and the
soil more fertile, it is easy to obtain two
harvests a year from it and it is a sweet
consolation for me to have procured this ad
vantage to my people.
“ The Emperor Khang-hi did render, in
fact, an immense service to the population ot
Mantchuria by encouraging tho culture of
this new kind of rice, which thrives admira
bly in dry countries, and has no need, like the
the common sort, of perpetual irrigation. It
would certainly prosper in Franco, aud it is
not the fault of the missionaries if it has not
’ long since heeu ucclimated 4 there.
“ While wc were at the missiou iu the cu
virous of Psdia, we several times made it our
business to send some of it to tho Miuister of
Agriculture and Commerce, but we have
never heard that auy experiment was tried
Yvith it.’,’,
•SATURDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1855
Fa 11 of tiie Main Kofi.
In 1828-4, when the Spaniards had just
wrested their liberties from the treacherous
Ferdinand VIII, and Yvere about to be in -
vaded by a French army, a Paris liberal
journal was seized for containing a poem,
which (as our memory serves) ran nearly
thus;
A Spaniard to a Frenchman cried,
(Twas from a Pyrauoan Brow.)
“ Where is your country’s glory now r
Ho checked his tale of days goue by,
Os vict’ries won, but now forgot:
“ There is but one true victory—
’ TV., to be free, and roe are not!’’
There is great rejoicing at present through
out France, England, and their dependancies,
over the so-called Full of Sebastopol, aud its
anticipated consequences ; but we do not per
ceive either in the event or among these san
guiue anticipations aught over which the
French or English people have good reason to
exult. For iustaucc —
We do not hear that the incubis of aristo
cratic and oligarchic rule is likely to be lifted
thereby from the breasts of the British mil
lions. On the contrary, it seems likely that
their prestige will be strengthened and their
swav prolonged by the late successes at Se
bastopol -that the number of tax-consumers
will be augmented, and the slight check upon
them possessed by the tax-earners weakened.
Nor do we hear that the Imperial Despo
tism which crushes Free Speech and Free
dom of Action in France is to be shaken by
these advantages. On the contrary, yvc pre
sume workmen will still be sent to prison for
months in France for avoYving themselves
Republicans, or for combining in a peaceful
demand of wages half so high as are paid for
similar labor iu this country,while no thought,
no word, displeasing to Napoleonic Autocra
cy can be breathed without subjecting the
utterer to pecuniary ruin if not to lifelong
imprisonment. There arc more perverse and
stupid despotisms than that of Louis Bona
parte, but certainly noue more absolute,
none more jealous, uone more pervading.
And this the storming of the Malakoff is not
likely to mitigate.
Nor is the oaptivitv of the Roman people,
under the pressure of French bayonets, to be
ended by this triumph. Italy, Hungary, Po
land, Germany, will still wear the fetters
which they have clank such weary years al
ready. Spain must pursue her career of Re
form timidly aud fitfudy. braying the Pope,
but trembling at the poYver of Louis Napo
leon. In short, the shackles of the Euro
pean Millions are no Yvise broken—nay, they
are everywhere serengthened—by this Allied
triumph at Sebastopol. Then Yvhy should
Republicans rejoice over it ?
JTranslated from the Counter dea Etats Unis.]
Romance of the Paris Exhibition.
A gentleman was seen making long visits
at the Palace of the Champs Elysees, but it
was not to examine the productions of uni
versal industry, nor to gather up the amusing
incidents which are always takiug place in the
croYvd. This eccentric person is well known
by the frequenters of the Boulevard des Ital
iens, as a dandy of five-and-thirty, the inheri
tor of a property producing au income of 10,-
000 francs, aud who having nothing to do,
aud possessing a sensitive heart, made up his
mind to marry. He was smitten with the idea,
but he had his fears. Footing the bills Yvas
what alarmed him. The enormous expense
which women of the present day lavish upon
their toilet, caused liim a legitimate terror.
Where should he find a young person modest
in her tastes who would resist the ruinous
temptations to dress V lfow should he dis
cover this rare merit ? How judge other sin
cerity through the flattering appoarances that
marriageable young ladies know so well hoYv
to assume when they are in the presence of a
bachelor.
The exhibition of industry seemed to him
to be a good occasion aud an excel hint field to
make this trial. To the palace in the Champs
Klysees he Yvent then to make his observa
tions, which he kept up day after day.
lie was seen stationed beside the cases in
which were exposed the YY’oudersof the jewel
er's art, or posted in the quarter where the
cashmeres are exposed. Sometimes he was
found near the rich laces, and sometimes in
the gallery where the Lyons silks displayed
their magnificence.
Young ladies who did not know they were
watched, expressed frankly their impressions
and their wishes before these wonderful and
splendid articles. “ Oh, Yvhat beautiful dia
monds, and hoYV fortunate one would be yi ho
could marry and have such,” they cried.—
“Oh, what admirable cashmeres, I will have
one like that in my corbeille, and like that!”
“ But just look at this one ?” “ Oh, magnifi
cent, 1 will have that too!” “That makes
throe.” “ Ah, well, yvc have not got half
through the list, a husband who knows how
to live could he do less than put six cash
meres into the corbeille.”
Thousands of young ladies expressing
themselves thus, showing their covetousness,
their vanity, their exaction, their coquetry,
came before him, and every evening as he
quitted his post, pensive and melancholy, he
said, Yvith a sigh :
“ They are all the same ; I must still remain
a bachelor.”
Every day the sad truth became more evi
dent to him, which he beYvailed in something
like these words:
“At the present time in Paris, a gallant
man, who has only ten thousand francs in
come, is not rich enough to marry. He must
elect between celibacy and ruin.”
But he Yvas wrong to be so absolute in his
despair, and to include all the marriageable
ladies in the circle of his reprobation. There
are exceptions, at least there was one.
After three months’ distressing trial the
despairing bachelor saw a young lady pass
near the diamond case, Yvho only threw upon
the jewelry a disdainful glance. He followed
her to the cashmeres, she barely throw upon
them a careless look. Laces stretched out
like nets did not detain her a single minute.
Rich silk stuffs found her indifferent, she did
uot honor them with a glance. But, on the
other hand, this extraordinary young person
stopped a loug time before the household
utensils, examined them carefully, and made
to her mother, Yvho accompanied her, very
sensible observations upon tnc advantages of
these various objects, and the economy Yvhich
would arise from their use.
The bachelor, enchanted and ravished, fol
lowed this admirable young lady—he did not
breathe freely until lie learned she was un
married. 11c asked her hand, offered her his
ten thousand —was accepted, and will ever
lastingly bless the universal exhibition—at
least he hopes so.
Newspaper Stories About Hayti.—“A
correspondent of the Ncyv York Tribune,
writing from Portau Prince under date of the
17th ultimo, informs us that the Emperor
Soulouque has founded in that city an insti
tution called the “Maison Ceutrafe,’ for the
purpose of instructing youth in mechanical
occupations, and that it is proving success
ful. It is under the direction of Baron Nath
•ipiel Montgomery, an intelligent colored
man from Baltimore, whose father emigrated
to Hayti from the United States during the
latter part of the last century. He is des
cribed as possessing extensive chemical aud
mechanical acquirements. The institution
contains a foundry, smith’s shop, and a saw
mill .”—Baltimore American.
The foregoing story has travelled about
far enough. There are hardly ten Yvorcls of
truth in the whole of it. A maison centralt
was established there before the Empire, and
Montgomery is nominally its superintendent
but nothing has been done in it for several
yours, and nothing ever was done in it of any
importance. Montgomery made a little pa
per there a fnv years ago, which cost proba
bly five dollars a quire, but that whs merely
au experiment. There is not a foundry or
saw mill on the island of Hayti, and if there
is any smith shop in tho maison centndc it
does not contain men or tools enough to keep
the establishment in repair. No pupils were
ever instructed in the establishment in auy
thing,and the whole sum expeuded in keeping
it up does uot probably amount to one hun
dred Spanish dollars a year.— New York
Burning Post.
Department New*.
ATTORNEY GENERAL’S OFFICE.
Reclamation, of Fugitives from /Service in
Unorganised Territories. —l. The constitution
al right of a citizen of of the United Status to
reclaim a fugitive from his lawful service ex
tends not only to the States and to tho or
ganized Territories, but also to all the unor
ganized territorial possessions of the Usflled
States.
2. ls in such Territory there be no commis
sioners of the United States to act, the claim
ant may proceed by recapture without judicial
process.
3. Auy such fugitive iroui service iu the
Indian couutry, is there unlawfully, and,
as au intruder, is subject to arrest by the
executive authority of the United States.
4. Such fugitive cannot he protected from
extradition by any Indian tribe or nation;
for the Indians are themselves the mere sub
jects of the United States, and have no power
to conflict Yvith the Constitution of the United
States.
5. lfy the local laYv of the organized politi
cal communities of the Cherokecs, Choctaws,
aud Chickasaws, there is ample provision for
the delivery up of a fugitive from service in
any of the States.
commercial.
LATEST dates.
. Liverpool,Sopt.22 I Ilavro/Sept: 20 ! Havana, Septii
Myauiirli Market, Oct. 6.
COTTON.—Arrtved since the 29th ult.. 11,830 bales
of Upland, aud 19 do. Sea Island. Os the receipts
el - Upland 11,201 bales were by railroad and 329 by
river. The exports for ihe same period amount to
4114 balea Upland and no Sea Island, as follows, viz:
To Philadelphia 552 ba'.es; to New York, 1896 bales .
to Charleston. 474 bales; and to. Liverpool, 1188 bales
—leaving a stock on hand and on shipboard not
cleared, of 15,698 bales of Upland and 413 do. Bea
Island, and 2600 bales Upland and 600 do. Be* Island,
same time last year.
There has been no,iuaterlal change In prices during
tho ,pabt week. The sales show a slight increase
over the previous week. For the last two days tbe
market has been somewhat depressed under the un*
favorable advices received by the Pacific.
The transactions lor the past week foot up 2,732
bates, at tbe following particulars, viz :—2 at 8. 107
at B>2, 1-25 at s? 4, 39 at BJ, 323 at 9. 185 at 9H. 72 at
9 3-16.477 at 9*4,18 at 9 6-16,269 at 9? a , 3at 9 7 16, 512
>t 9>g, 74 at 9 9 16, 284 at
at IU, and 8 at 10>* els.
QUOTATIONS :
Low Middling *'•
Strict Middling
Good Middling *
Middling Fair 9S
nominal.
RlCK—During the past week there has been re’
elved 15,180busLels rough rice, and exported 427
casks. We hear of a sale of 2UO casks at $4.66 1 4 ‘fe*
hundred pounds,
CORN—Two shipments have been received during
the week, amounting to 2600 bushels. Sales have
been made at prices ranging to 96c to sl.lO. The
stock on hand is light, aud held $1.06@1.10.
YVIIKAT—The receipts by railroad for the week
amount to about 32,103 buslnds, aud the exports to
2\ooo.bushels, ol which 19,000 were to New York and
6000 to Philadelphia. Prices have slightly advanced*
quote good to prime Red at $1.66(51.70, aud
YY'htto at *1.70(91.75.
FLOUR—We quote Georgia ut s4.l2** fA sack, and
$8.25(<i>8.50 bbl- Winter’s Double Extra Family
Flour sells readily at sl2.
BACON—There Is very little Bacon ot any kind In
market. We quote Shoulders at lZ.*-a(®l3 t Sides 156i;
|6, and Hams 14@16c. IT lb.
SUGAR—Tbe steck Is fully equal to the demand*
and prices are unchanged.
SALT—The stock Is large, another cargo of 10,000
sacks having arrived during the week. \Y T e have
heard oi sales from the wharf at sl,lo(^l.ls.and from
store at $1.20@1,25 in small lots. In lots ot 1000 sacks
and upwards. It Is held at $L1(X<!)115.
HAY—One cargo has arrived during the week,
which was sold from the wharf at $1,30. In small
lots from stoie It Is selling readily ut $1.62}. The
stock Is light aud the demand good. Another cargo
Is now on the way from New York, which is held at
$1375i from the wharf,
LIME—One arrival the past week. We quote at
$1,25 cask.
BAGGING Is unchanged. Gunny Is selling at 15 1 -*
(ii, 16 CtS.
ROPE—The ssock is ample, without material
change in prices. Sales have been made at ‘.'‘4 to
—We quote Sterling Exchange at
9‘s per.cent, prern. The Banks are selling Sight
Checks on all Northern cities at >6 per cent prern
ari purchasing Sight Bills at par; 10 .days at ‘4;
30 days at and 60. days at ijYcent
discount.
FREIGHTS—Foreign—To Liverpool ?d for Cotton
Coastwise—To Boston. %c; to New York, 7-loc. by
steamships, and by .'.ailing; vosseis. To Baltimore
7-16 c, and to Philadelphia, nominal. Wheat to New
York 10 ctsln sailing vessels, and 13c. In steamships.
Copper Ore to New York and Baltimore In sailing
Statement of Cotton*
1854- 55. 11 1853-’54.
jS. ltd. Upland ! S. Isl. Upl'nd
Stock on hand Sept -li 300 700 600 2,000
Kcc’d since .Sept 29...i 19 11,530 !
“ previously , 98 15.713 H
Total receipts | 417 27.943;! 600 2.600
Exp’ted this week | ! 4.1141|
“ previously... 4| 8 234;
Total exports I 4*. 12,348 j
1 !
Being on|hand Oct 6 4l3| 15,595|j 6001 2,600
Exports of Cotton from Savannah.
t From Sept, l.i 1 From Sept. 1,
’6O, to Oct. 6 |’.4,to Oct. 6,
I * 1355. |j 1854
PORTS EXPORTED TO T's. I. j Upl’d-ll S.l. lUpl’.l.
I 1 1,18811 1
Other British Port’ I I || |
Tot.j Great Britain! I.IBBU I
oiip“ French KrtZ' l
Total Krai!..- I I II I
Other Foreign fori-...1 1 II I
Total Foreign Ihirk.l ... .....I l.lagil I |
Boston I 1 l*3Zoi
Providence , I
New York 5,844 ...’
Philadelphia 1 * 2,61.
Baltimore A Ncriolk...| 1 6')9l I
Charleston 4j 7C3
OtheY U. S. Ports 1 1 | I
Total Coastwise I 4j 1t,160 1
Grand Total j 4| 12,348| {
Exports of lilce and Lumber from Sa
vannah.
I From Sept, 1. n From Sept. 1,
1855. to Oct. 6, 1854, to Oct. 6,
1855- 11 1854.
foBTO KXt'OKTEO || jS,| ‘'Kiff."’
Great B:team ii il
Hi Johns At Haurx 3a4.00U
West indies.’ 427 86.um>
Other Foreign P’tsl j So9.sut i
Tot it Foreign Pts 427 1.279.3 J J
Maine. | 492,50-
Massachusetts. [ ...... *.9,000'. I
Rhode Islaud, Ac... !
New York 171 233.MJU
I'h'ladelphi 50 1
Baltimore & Norfk 50 13,000 1
Charleston -I
New Orleans, Ac... UO I
Other Ports It
Totai L'oastwbe.-l 391 837.6C0j J
Grand Toiul. .~| “mß| ~2.1 i7.uu0| |
Ex ports of Cotton, ltice and Lumber,
PROM SEIT. 29TH, 1855, TO OCT. 6TH. 1855.
I'orts. Hea lsl'd. Upland, ltice. Lumber
Portland 126.000
Philadelphia. 766
New Fork Uto6
Havana 427
Liverpool ~...1138
Valparaiso 145,000
Charleston 478
Total 4114 4it7 271,000
Stock of Cotton in tbe Interior Towun.
NOT 4NCLUDKP IX THE RECEIPTS.
TOWNS., j 1856. | 1854
Augusta and Hamburg. Oct. 1 i 3110, 8318
M-con. (Geo.) Sept. 1 1 544 3891
Columbus,,(GCO.J Get. 1 55781 4333
Home, (Gn.) I j
Montgomery, (Ala.) Sept-24 2263 4546
Memphis, (Term.)]Sept. 22 3333 6638
Oolumbla.CS.C.) Sept- is I 4?'fi| 6io
Exchange.
BARK RATES POE SELLING EXCHANGE.
Checks on Boston Tfr ct. prem
•* “ New York >* V ct. prem
*• •’ Philadelphia .'a ct* prem
*’ *’ Baltimore > a fi ct. prem
BANK RATES FOR PURCHASING EXCHANGE.
BUs on England 9‘£ ® ct. prem. j
New York, sight par w)
5 days. (£} ct. disc’t..
10 “ >4 $ -- ¥ “ •’ •
“ “ 30 •* -St (3) % ja ‘
GO “ !■•-■<# 1* “
“ *’ 90 “ 2 (a> 2*4 *4 “ ‘*
“ Boston. 60 “ l? (<£■ I** f* “
- Philad’a., 60 “ Ha (<6 Da * ‘
” Baltimore, 60 “ Li (a) 1?b f*
Bank Note Table.
‘GEORGIA. 1
Bk State of Georgia par South Carolina... par 1
Planters’Bank New Orleans Sdia ‘
Murine Bank “ I Mobile
CK R & Bank’g Cos “ Montgomery 2(g)? “
Bank of Savannah “ |Stnte BkAlabuma 3(g>s 1
Mcchautcs’Sav’gßk “ jNorthernßk,Miss
Bank of Augusta “ j North Carolina ... 3(g>s “
Mechanics’Bk. Aug “ Virginia 2(a>4 “
Aug.lns.Aßank’gOO “ West Tennessee 3(g)5
ria.lt K &Ban k’grio “ ] Nashville 2(a>4
Bank of Brunswick “ BkolClutUanoogu 2<g;3 “
City Bank “ ** K Teunes-ee **
Union Bank ** “ Knoxville... ’
Manuf. Bk, Macon “ I “ Tazewell “
Merchants’,Macou 3@;sdis; Farmers’BkKnox “
Mant.<k Mechanics’ .Ocoeeßk.Cleverd “
Bank,Columbus par Exchange Bank-.. 3(g/5 *’
Planters’ A Mech’s Miners’ and Man*
Bank. Dalton s(<j.lodlß ufacturers’ Bk
Insur’ccßk,Dalton Fanners’ & Mer
lnterlorßk,GrlffiQs@lo'lis| chants'Bank....
BankofLa Grange bwJJO “ I Mechanics’ Bank,
Atlanta Bank I Memphis
” Hank Shurt > and Slocks.
INSTITUTIONS. COST. PRES’T. PRICE.| DIV.
Bank State of Georgia 100 116 lionet
Planters’ Bank 80 95 14 “
Marlue Bank 50 70 14
O R R and Banking Cos 100 106>£ 8
Bank of Savaunah 100 none offering 10 “
Mechanics’ Savings’ Bank 100 “ 10
Gas Light Company 25 30 8
South Western RK Cos 100 100 8
Muscogee RK Cos 100 nominal 8
Savannah A Alb’y RR Cos
Augusta A Waynesboro do 100 -nominal
State Bonds - uodo offering 7 *
City 7 per cent Bonds
7 i The very Utost ntjrla high and low
L!M crown white, ilrab. pearl aud brown soft
•■W lIATS, Just received at tbe Hat and Cap
Store, ltd Oongrae atreet. K BARNI]M .
HAIR Brooms, Dusting, Scrub and Whit*
S WU Brushes, hr sa.s bp p
SAVANNAH
WHOLESALE PRICKS CURRENT.
j our country friends will please notice that tha
quotations given under this head are the Wholesale
Prices, and that rates In ev> ry Instance are higher
for Mnail transactions, or such as are ordinarily em
braced iu tilling country orders.
Article .. M | to
BAGGING. Dundee. 44 In , ydj $35 S4O
Kentucky yd; 10 j
Gunny yd! 15,S 16
Tow yd
BALE HOPE Ibj 10
Dfiten's Hope tt>’
BEEF, New York Mess bbij
Prime bbl
Cargo bbl
BACON, Hams lb 15 16
‘ Shoulders I B>| ISH 13
hides Iti 16 16
BREAD, Navy D) 6 6k
Pilot lb! 8 9k
BUTTER. Goshen, Prime ! tb 28 36
No. 2 tb 20 24
BRICKS, Bavannah, Ist qual. in) 9 00
Northern nil
CANDLES, Spermaceti tbl 33 45
Savannah made Tallow... tt>j 12V 13
Northern do do IL 17 i AJ
Ada . ant\n I tb 1 25 j 30
CHEESE, Northern i !*■ 12>$ 16
COFFEK.Cuba tb,
RlO n> 12 13
Java tt 15 17
CORDAGE. Tarred 9) 16 10
Manilla lb} 13 19
DOM KSTIU GOODS
Shirtings, Brown yd! 4 7
Sheetings, Brown vd 7 10
Brown Drills yd 3 9
Cotton Omiuburgs yd 8 ; 10
DUCK, English bolt; 10 00 14 00
American Cotton vd 14 24
FISH Mac Ware I, No. 1 bbl 20 U 0 21 Uu
•• No. 2 bbl! 16 00
M No. 3 bbl; 00 11 00
FLOUR, Canal bbl’
Baltimore, Howard st sup bbh 1
Gejrgla- bbl) 825 860
Georgia double extra bbl 12
GRAIN, Corn. Cargo bush! 324*
Corn. Retell bushll 95 I lo
Oat-S bush I ] f*s 60
GLASS, American Window 100 U 450 7U
GUNPOWDER k.g 6 650
HAY',Prime Northern cwt 162*- 175
“ Eastern cwt; 1 75 200
HIDES, Dry ft. 12 12,S
Deerskins.. ft. 1
IRON, Swedes, assorted ton! 95 60 116 0B
PIS tor 30 00
Hoop cwt 400 400
Sheet cwt 450 550
Nail rods C wt 6 00 6 00
LARD ft 13 14
LIME. Kocklanu bbl 1 23
LUMBER. 8. Sawed, refuse... mti 600 800
Merchantable ... t ii ft 1 14 00 16 00
River Lumber, refuse ‘ m fr 800 900
Merchantable to Prime J, tn tt 12 00 17 uu
Ranging do. for export - m 800 900
Mill Ranging .1 mA 1 460 800
W htteA Water Oak plpestv.| mftso 00 60 00
do do hhd mft 30 00 35 (JO
do do bbl i m2O 00 35 00
White Pine, clear.... m 30 00 <0 uo
Merchantable mI 18 00 25 uo
Cypress Shingles ui 400 460
Sawed Cypress shingles...! tn| 16 u 0
Red Oak Staves m 12 00 16 00
MOLASSES, Cuba - g tt | 30 85
New Orleans sal! 36 S3
NAILS,cut 4-! to 20d ft, 4fe 6
NAVAL STORES. Tar bbll 475 500
Spirits Turpentine ga) 62Y 70
Varnish gap 85
OILS, Sperm, winter strained- gal’ 225 250
” fall do | gal
” summer do gai
Whale. Racked, winter... gal* 95 100
Linseed e i. 90 s
fanners t,bi 15 00 16 00
OSN ABUKUS. Flax yd 8S 10H
PORK, Mess, Western 1 bbl 20 00 22 uo
Prime < bbll 14 00 16 0u
Mess, New York bbl 22 00 pOO
PORTER, Loudon, quarts | doz 275 237
RAISINS, Malaga box l 350 375
SALT, Liverpool, coarse | sack 110 120 j
Cargo, bulk bustal
Turk's Islaud bush I 65 70
SOA P, American, yellow. Ibl 6 8
SHOT, all sizes tb 1 9
SEG AKS, Spanish •!’ !6 00 3-5 or
American ! mi 510 1500 ■
SPIRITS j !
Brandy, Cognac i gal! 450 10 00
London Dock gait 400 450
Georgia Peach gai! 100 125
Domestic. ‘ galj 40 50
Gin, Holland gal! 120 180
American gai, 45 50
Rum. Jamaica gal 160 176
” N.E. bbls galj 55 go
Whiskey, Phil, and 8a1t... gal 40 42
“ New Orleans gal 42 44
“ Scotch gal 2tO 210
SUGAR. P. RlcO and St. Croix ft. 8 10
Havana, white lb‘
” brown lb l
New Orleans lb B>| 9
l/oaf and Crushed ftv 11 Sg
Stuart s A. B AC !t> 10 11
TALLOW, American ft. 12 14
TOBACCO, Manufactured ft. 25 40
TEAS, Souchong tb SO 60
Gunpowder tb 70 85
Hyson ft) 60 75
TWIN E,Seine lb 30 85
Haling tb 20 22
WINES, Mauelra ‘ gal 1 5 350
Sicily Madeira I gal* 100
Teueritfe, L. P gal
Malaga, Sweet gal 45 56
Claret, Bordeax, case 475 650
*• ChateauxMai gall x I cask- 10
Champagne, doz ! doz 10 12
WOOL, Southern Unwashed-; tb 17 18
•’ Clean lb
WOOL-SKINS, Lamb’s j each; 18 25
Sheep’s J each 18 25
OK, MOKSt’b
I N VIGORATING CORDIAL,
A PHEN O M ENOX I \ T ME D f CINE,
j Health Restored and Life Lengthened by
Morse's Invigorating Elixir.
IT WILL replace weakness with strength.
Incapacity with efficiency, irregularity with Uni
term and natural activity, ana tn Is not only without
ho ‘ trdof reaction ; bui with a 1 uppy eflect upon
tnegi. -ral organization, ttiitr Bear Iu mind mat
all unriadles, wh rever they begin, finish with tbe
neivous sybtem, aCM that the paraitzaiion of tho
nerve ot motion aud seu.>atlon Is physical death •
Bear iu mind also, that for every kind nervous dis
ease tne Elixir Cordial Is the only reliable prepura-
Cure ‘if Nervous Dispute s.— No language can con
vey an adequate idea of ihe immediate ana almost
miraculous change which it occasions In the ls
eased. debilitated amt shattered nervous system,
whether broken down by excess, w eak by nature or
impaired by sickness—tho unstrung and relaxed
organization Is at once braced, revivified aud built
up. The mental and physical symptoms of ner
vous disease vanish together under its Influ
ence Nor la the ettect temporary, ou tho contrary,
the relief is permanent; for the Cordial propertta*
oi the medicine reach the constitution itself, amt
re.-tore It te Its normal condition,
j Loss ts Memory.— Contusion, giddiness, rush of
bloou to the head, melancholy, debility, hjsterta.
wretchedness, thoughts ot self-destruction, fear 01
insanity, tiy-pepsta, general prostratlou, irritability.
neivousness. inability to stet-p, diseases Inctdeut to
males, dr cay of the propagating tuuctlons, hy-terla.
monomania, vague terrors, palpitation 01 the heart,
iinpotency, constipation, etc., mmi whatever causes
urtaiug, it ts.tt there be auy reliance to be placed on
human testimony, absolutely Infallible.
.1 Ur nit Medicine for Ftosales.— The unparalleled
effects of this grea. restorative, in all complaints in
cident to females, mark anew eru In the annals or
medicine. Thousands of stimulants have beeu In
vented— thousans ofmvlgorants eoucocted—all pur
porting to be spec .tied In tho various diseases and
derangements to which the delicate lormatlou of
woman render her liable.
Every woman of sense who sutlets from weak
ness, derangement, nervousuess, pains in the back,
or any other disorder, whetner peculiar to her sex.
or common 10 both sexes—to give the Invigorating
Cordial a tria’.
Mari ted l\t Or others, will find this Cordial
after they have used a bottle or two. a thorough re
genator of the system. In all directions are to bi
found the happy parents of offspring, who would
not have been so but tor this extraordinary prepar
allow. Aud it Is equally poteut for the many dis
eases for which it is to be recommended. Thousand*
01 ‘ oung men have been restored by using it,
and uol in a single instance has failed to beueflu
them.
Persons of pale complexion, or consumptive
habits, are restored by the use of a bottle or two, to
bloom and vigor, cliuuging the skin from a pale, yel
low, sickly color, to a beautiful florid complexion.
7 o the Mtsguiaed.— l hese are some of the sau and
melancholy effects prouuced by early habits ol’
youth, viz : weakness of ihe back anl limbs, pains
.In the head,dimness of sight,loss of muscular power,
palpitation of the heart, dyspepsia, nervous irrita
bility, derangement of the digestive functions, gen
eral debility, symptoms of consumption etc.
Mentally, the fearful effects on the mind are mueh
to Le dreaded. Loss of memory, confuslou of Ideas,
depression ot spirits, fearful torekodlQgs. aversion
to society, sell-distrust, love of solitude, intimidity,
etc., etc..are some of tiie evils produced. All thus
afflicted belore contemplating M AKni AGE, should
reflect that a sound mind and body arc the most
necessary requisites to promote connubial happi
ness, indeed without these the Journey through life
; becomes weary pilgrimage, the prospect hourly
1 darkens the view . the mind become* shadowed
| with despair, aud tilled with the melancholy reflec
tion that the happiness of another becomes blighted
with your own.
CAUTION.—Dr. Worsoi fnvlgoratfng Cordial haa
been counterfeited by some unprincipled p rsous.
In future all the genuine Cordial will have propri
etor’s fuo simile pasted over the cork ot fleh bottle
anl the following words blown on the glass :
Dr. Morse's Invigorating Cordial,
C. 11- KING, Proprietor, N. Y.
The Cordtal U put up highly concentrated in pint
bottles—price three dollars per bottle, two for dvo
dollars, six tor twelve dollars.
C. li. KING, Proprietor, 192 Broadway, N. Y.
Soldby Druggists throughout the,United States,
Canada, and the West Indies
Agents.
A. A. SOLOMNS, Savannah.
J. H. CARTER, do.
W.W- LINCOLN, do.
D. D. PLUMB, Augusta.
IIAVILAND, BISLLY a Cu., do.
liAVILANL) UAKKAL A CO., Charleston.
IIAYILAND, UARRAL & BIaLKY,New York
'’tvw
Liver Complaint. andUyapTpita.
Thomas latchpord says:
Covington, Ohio. Dec 27,1855.
HNci My wife has been affectected with Llvar
Complaint and Dyspepsia lor u number of years,
during which time I have spent a great deal for
doctoring, but she received very little there
from, and anally the doctors said she could not be
cured. Last spring she concluded to try *’ lioof
land’s German Bitters; she took two bottles, and
over since taking them she has been able to attend
to her business. I have sold quite a number of bot
tles through her recommendation, and as far as l
can learn, It has given satisfaction to all.
See advertlsemen t. aep 21>—3tawdtwAw2w
Ur. frlorae’l Invigorating CoidlaTJ
The only sure and safe Remedy yet die
covered, for General Debllltv, Physic*
Prostration, Irritability, and all the various train of
Nervous Affections ; it will also remove Depression,
Excitement, Dislike of Society, Incapacity for
Study or Business, Loss of Memory, Mental Debility,
Aq., Ac.—See Advertisement. oct 3—dAw
HISKKY —<36o bbls. Whiskey, runout
“ W 0 * n<l ‘W&UXUm