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The Atlanta weekly intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 184?-1855, June 07, 1855, Image 1

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®ht 2Mhinta BY RUGGLES & HOWARD. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 7, 1855. VOL. VII. NO. 2. One month, $5 00 Two “ S 00 Throe “ 10 00 Four “ 12 00 Six “ 15 00 One year, 25 00 THE ATLANTA INTELLIGENCER | Dally, Tri-Weekly an* Weekly. BY RPCGLES & HOWARD. w. B. RUOGLESA dUoM T. C. HOWARD, J terms of subscription. Daily Intelligencer per annnm, in advance. $6.00 TH-Weekly, “ “ 40 ? Weekly, “ “ 2,00 RATES OF ADVERTISING. Advertising iu the Daily Intelligencer will be inserted at the following rates per square of ten lines : One insertion. Two “ Three, “ Four “ Five “ One week, Special contracts will be made for yearly adver tisements occupying a quarter, half or whole col umn. •^y- Advertisements from transient persons must bo paid in advance. Legal advertisements published at the usual rates. Obituary notices exceeding ten lines charg ed as advertisements. Announcing candidates for office, $5 00, to bo paid in advance. When advertisements arc ordered in all the is sues, including Daily, Tri-Weekly and Weekly, 25 per cent, will he added to the above rates. The privilege of yearly advertisers is strictly limited to tlieir own immediate and regular busi ness. Professional Cards not exceeding six linen, *15 per nnnum. Advertisements not specified ns to time will he published till ordered eut, and charged at regular rates. Advortisemouts inserted in tho Weokly paper only will be charged at former rates. THE WEEKLY INTELLIGENCER. LATER FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE STEAM SHIP PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY EVENING. 77rm*—$2 00 per annum, invariably in advance. FRIDAY, JUNE 1. Hear the Other Hide. Wo do frankly confess that in the case of Gov. Reedor we thought there was serious cause of offence against Gen. Pierce, so far as his Southern supporters were concerned, in that functionary's official conduct. We never believed thatinthemercfactof Reeder’s appointment as Governor of Kansas vre had solid ground of objections, but iu his being allowed to return to the territory after his clearly expressed partiality for the Freesoil party there, tve thought we had the grav est provocation against Gen. Pierce. Our readers have no doubt seen the flying ru mors of the newspapers to the effect that Gov. Reedor had been returned to his post by tho Pacsident, but after a refusal on the part of tho Administration to back him with military support. We can now stnto upon the highest au thority—that of a distinguished functionary of the Government, that Reeder has not been sent back to his post, as Governor of Kansas, nor would he be under any circum stances. This is gratifying intelligence to us, for we admit, that had Gen. Pierce have given way in this particular ease, to the rage of the Abolition party, excited by the loss of Kansas to the fanatical crew, we should have lost much of our regard for his independence, and have had our confidence in the upwrightness of his purposes, in a great degree destroyed. [From the Petersburg Express.] Mass Meeting of Mr. Wise’s Friends In Washl ngl on— Shameful Pro ceedlngs -•-Cat Calls, Hisses, Groans, &c. A large number of citizens—our despatch says a tremendous gathering—accompanied by the Marine Band, assembled in front of Brown’s Hotel, Washington, about nine o’clock on Saturday night last, with the view of exchanging congratulations on the result of tho recent gubernatorial election iu Virginia. Mr. Wise was introduced, and essayed to speak, but the applause, hoots, yells, and hisses, wero so continuous, as to prevent him from being generally heard. Ho commenced by saying: Fellow citi zens, 1 never regretted more in my life, that I have not more physical strength. ’Tis not generous to trample on prostration, but if ever a man could be allowed to put his foot on the neck of a prostrate foe, I might be pardoned for doing so now. If ever there was an opponent that was domineering and tyrannical, ’tis that illiberal party that have recently assumed to rule America. He has boasted (meaning Sam) he was invincible and invisible. 1 have met the Black Knight with his visor down, and his shield and spear arc broken, lie crossed the North, stamping his foot so mightiiy, that the na tion might feel the shaking of the earth.— But he traveled in the night with a dark lantern in his hand, and just before day did his boasting. Men boenme appalled. The blood curdled in his veins, and his muscles clung to bone, and fear came over the minds of the people. I had proclaimed that he was easily conquerable. 1 knew that the rock of defence—Democracy—was indomi table. The speaker then briefly related how he had travelled over the State, endured toils during the canvass, and said, notwithstand ing Sain had achieved victories in the North, he knew he could not meet the mass es of the people in primary assemblages in Virginia. Speaker knew Sam could not stand before the trump of liberty. lie might live in the land of the secret* ballot, but he could not survive the viva voce vote of the people. [Immense cheering, hisses and groans.] By that voice, continued Mr. Wise, was Sam conquered iu the Old Dominion. I was told by my friends, I now toll you.— [Great confusion.] I suppose this is a de monstration of Americans ruling America. The car of the people is not allowed to lis ten to the language of liberty. Not only are these Sams hurraing for the destruction of religious liberty, but they would trample on the freedom ol the pen and the press.— Know Nothings, you have found your mas ter in a purified majority of the* voters of Virginia, which consists of the pure, con scientious, conservative men of both parties. [A voice—give us some Holy Water.] I would I were the Lord's annointed, said Mr. W., to give you some, you need it--you who are crying for it aro hypocrites. [A voice—that’s a lie—you don’t mean it-.l Mr. Wise resumed: You havo joined the Abolitionists in their war on our institu tions. Virginians—[Loud interruptions.] 1 thank you, said Mr. Wise, very ironically, from my heart, for your decent, orderly con duct and behavior. You have demonstrated your worthiness to be masters of this coun try. What laws will guard us, if such as you rule ? Discussion not tolerated—speech silenced—and, but my lungs are too weak to contend with a rabble like you. A Know Nothing mob has seized the Capitol of the country. 1 leave it for conservative Whigs and indomitable Democrats to say whether this disgrace shall abide here. Mr. WsO; refused to say any more, his voice being literally drowned by hooting, hisses, exclamations, hurras, cat calls, etc’, lie and his friends then retired, leaving the Samites in peaceable and undisputed pos session of the ground. A rostrum was then erected in the streets, and several embryo statesman from the ranks of “Sam,” ma.de sundry endeavors to be heard, but the noise and confusion was too great. The crowd, and the yelling, hooting and huzzaing continued for upwards of an hour after Mr. Wise retired. . Thus ended a most disgraceful; proceed- "Hr PACIFIC. COTTON ADVANCED! GEN. CANROBERT GOING TO QUIT!! Sebantopol about to be Stormed Thro’ the Window!!! New York, May 30, M. The steamer Pacific arrived this morning. Siege of Sebastopol almost unchanged, up to May 12th. An expedition of 15,000 Allies embarked at Kameieche, and put to sea in the direc tion of Azof, but returned without landing —no details known. i Omar Pacha’s force had returned to Eu- : patoria. A large reinforcement of the Al- ! lies was expected within 10 days. Negotions between Austria and the West ern Powers unchanged, but between Prus sia and Austria negotiations are more inti mate. Ruesia notifies the German Government that the Czar will only hold to the two first guaranties upon the condition of the perfect neutrality of Germany. France and England have presented an ultimatum to Sweden, which Sweden is in clined to reject. The French Exhibition has opened with rather dull ceremonies. Pianori has been executed. Latest.—Canrobert has resigned, nomi nally, from ill health, and has bean suceed- ed by Pelissier. Liverpool, May 18.—Cotton is buoyant with a speculative demand, and continues considerably advanced, rainging from j) to $. The market closed with an active de mand. Week’s sales are 112.000 bales, in cluding 49,000 on speculation, and 5,000 for export. Quotations: Fair Orleans 6J. Middling 5$. Breadstuff’s unchanged— closed dull. Growing crops favorable.— Provisions slightly advanced and closed firm. London, May 18.—Tho money market is easier. Consols have advanced to 89$.— American Stocks—prices unchanged. Baring Bros. & Co. quote the London market steady; Sugar advanced; Coffee steady; Welsh bar iron and rails firm; Scotch pig quoted at 67J. The Pacific brings 135 passengers, amongst whom is the Hon. R. M. McLane, U. S. Commissioner at China. The latest dates from Sebastopol are by mail to the 30th, and by telegraph to the 12th. Canrobert reviewed the entire French ar my, and assured them that they would soon enter Sebastopol, either by the door or win dow. A combat occurred on the night of the 24th, between the Russians and the French; it was a desperate affair. The Russians at tempted to dig new rifle pits, but the French partially prevented them ; 200 French wero put hors du combat. A despatch dated May 1, says the advan ces are approaching surely though slowly. Raglan’s despatch of the same date says tho Russians have constructed a new battery to the left of Mamelon. There is every appearance of the estab lishment of a very large camp on the plateau above Belbec on tho North side. The Rus sians made a sortie on the night of the 11th upon the advanced works of the left. The attack was amediately repulsed with con siderable loss. A new maifesty of the Czar orders anoth er levy of twelve men out of every thousand in seventeen Western Provinces, to be com plete by the end of July. There aro indications of a more intimate relationship between Austria and Prussia. It is apparent that an armed neutrality is becoming more and more probable. There was an important conference between the Representatives of the Two Powers. Sweden it is said has ordered an imme diate enrollment of militia. The French Baltic Squadron arrived. The Allied Fleet is pushing forward. A dispatch from Canrobert, dated the 16th says:— We continue our works before the place. Various attempts wero made to smoke out the enemy by stink pots, which pcrfectly succecded. The troops are in excellent spirits and full of ardor and confident of success. Vienna, Friday Evoning.—Thiugs havo under gone a change. A now Austrian proposition was forwarded yesterday to London und Paris. It is said that Austria will give material support to the Western Powers should she accept and Rus sia reject tho proposition The Paris papers assume a lone of outspoken hostilities towards Austria Tho King of Sardanin, it is rumored, is nego tiating for the marriage of Queen Victoria’s eld est daughter Additional Ijy the Pacific. England.—A bill to abolish church rates had been carried in the House of Commons, against the government by 28 majority. Mr. Roebuck had submitted a repoit from his committee of enquiry. Notice had been given of an enquiry whether Russia and the United States enjoy an exclusive privilege to trade with Japan. Lord Ellenborough offered a motion ex pressing a want of confidence in the minis try. It wns taken up in the House of Lords on the 14th when his Lordship opened the debate iu a bitter speech against Ministers. Lord Paumure replied, and Lord Derby and others continued the debate, when the vote wns taken and stood 71 for and 181 against the resolution. Mr. Sayard’s motion of a want of confi dence was to come up in the House of Com mons on the 24th, and Wilmer Gibson’s on the 21st. Administration reform meetings have been held in Norwich and other towns, hut the Mayors of London and Liverpool refus ed to accede to the requisitions of the cit- zens. France.—The “Universal Exposition” opened on the 15th. The Emperor was present, and all the great officers of State, eight thousand speculators being in attend ance. -The Emperor made an appropriate speech. Pianori was executed at 5 o’clock in the morning. He refused to make any devel opments, exclaiming, Vive la Republique, just as the knife fell. It is stated that the Emperor is about to issue a manifesto to the army in the East, stating reasons for his not proceeding to the seat of war. Fbox India.—The East India mail bad been telegraphed with Calcutta dates to the 15th ult. A treaty had beeu signed be tween the British and Dost Mahomed. A perpetual piece is covenanted for and the territories of the parties are to be respected. There were rumors of hostile operations at Ava, against the British. The Paris papers assume a tone of out spoken hostility to Austria. Spain.—Madrid, May 11.—The nomina tion of a successor to Queto, Minister to the United States has been deferred until after the arrival of the next mail from Havana. To show what is recognized as the true mission of the Roman Catholic Church in this country, and the true relations existing between the Pope of Rome and the people of his Church, we copy the following ex tract, with the introductory remarks of a correspondent of the National lntelliyen- cer. Messrs. Gales & Seaton will oblige a very large number of their most attentive read ers by giving a place to the following clos ing sentences of an address of the Bishops of the Catholic Church recently assembled in Council at Baltimore. The advice conveyed in it partakes so clearly of those sentiments of heavenly charity and patriotic devotion which should characterize the true Christian, that I think it deserves a wide circulation, and therefore I solicit a place for it in your widely read journal. I may add that I have for nearly 40 years attended a Catholic church, and I can with great truth say that I have never heard, from pulpit or altar, a word or sentence con flicting or inconsistent with sentiments and principles of this address. May 21. T. L. N. The Extract. Beloved Brethern of the Deity, we em brace you all with paternal affection, and entreat you to walk circumspectly, for the days are evil. You know what manner of precepts we havo given you in the name of the Lord Jesus; for this is the will of God, your sanctification. Bepeacefui, sober, just, and faithful in the performance of all duties towards all mankind. Practice patience, forbearance, charity towards all. In the exercise of your rights as free citizens, re member your responsibility to God, and set as freemen, but not as having liberty as a cloak for malice, but as the servants of God. Respect and obey the constituted au thorities; for all power is from God, and they that resist the ordinances of God, pur chase for themselves damnation. To the General and State Governments you owe al- legianco in all that regards the civil order: the authorities of the Church challenge your obedience in the things of salvation. * We have no need of pressing this distinction, which you fully understand and constantly observe. You know that we havo uniform ly taught you, both publicly and privately, to perform all the duties of good citizens, ana that we have never exacted of you, as we ourselves have never made even to the highest ecclesiastical authority, any engage ments inconsistent with the duties we owe to the country and its laws. On every opportune occasion we have avowed these principles, and even in our communications to the late Pontiff we re jected as a calumny the imputation that we were in civil matters subject to his authori ty. Be not disturbed at the mis-statements of our tenets which are daily made, or at the effort to deprive us of our civil rights and of the confidence and estesin of our fellow' citizens. Formidable as is this com- binatiou for this purpose, we do not despair that the justice and good sense of the nation will soon discover the groundless character of the suspicion thrown on the fidelity of Catholics, whose religion teaches them to respect and maintain the established order of society, under whatsoever form of gov ernment they may be placed. Brethren, let the light of your example shine before men, that they may see your good work and glorify your Father who is in Heaven. Pray for the conversion and sal vation of all men, for this is the will of God, who desires that all men may be saved aud come to the knowledge of the truth. Given under our hands, in Provincial Council at Baltimore, the 13th day of May, in the year of our Lord 1855. tFraucis Patrick, Archbishop of Balti more. fRichard Vincent, Bishop of Wheeling. ■[Michael, Bishop of Pittsburgh. fJohn, Bishop of Richmond. fJolin Nepomucene, Bishop of Philadel phia. fJosue, Bishop of Erie. John Barry, Administrator of Savannah. P. N. Lynch, D. D., Administrator of Charleston. Foreign Miscellany. Will of the Emperor Nicholas.—A holograph will of the late Emperor Nicho las, written in 1844, has been published at St. Petersburg. The following are the principal points of the document: The first clause is a kind of au address to his family. After enumerating the various kinds of pro perty belonging to the Empress, his wife, the Emperor expresses a wish that her Ma jesty shall retain for her life, the use of her apartments in the different palaces, and the clause concludes as follows : “The legacy which I bequeath to my children, is to love and honor their mother, to do everything to promote her tranquility, to anticipate all her wisues, and to endeavor to render her old age happy by their devoted attentions. Never must they undertake anything of im portance without first asking heradviceand demanding her maternal benediction.” In another clause the testator bequeaths pensions of 15,000 silver roubles a year (the silver rouble is something over four francs.) in addition to the pensions they al ready enjoy, to Adjutant-General d’Adler- herg and his daughter, Julia Baranow, the latter of which has brought up three of his (the testator’s) daughters, and both of whom he calls his most devoted friends. In other clauses the Emperor expresses his thanks to a number of persons whom he names as being his devoted friends and ser vants ; among them he mentions Prince Paskiewiteh, Generals Orloff, Tchenichoff, Menschikoff, and M. de Nesselrode, and thanks them all in the warmest manner for the services they have rendered to him aud to the State. In one .clause, which is par ticularly addressed to the Emperor Alexan der, the will says: I am convinced that my son, tho Emperor Alexander, will always remain a tender aud affectionate son, as he has always been, to to his parents: and this duty will become still more sacred for him when his mother is alone. Iu his relations with his brothers, my son must unite the indulgence called for by their youth with the necessary firm ness of a father of a family. He must never suffer any family quarrels which may be prejudicial to the service or even to the State, and, should such circumstances un happily arise,’ he must remember that he is Emperor, and that all other members of the family are his subjects.” The will con cludes by a clause, in which the Fmperor begs all those whom be may have uninten tionally offended to forgive him, as he for gives all who may have offended him. He expresses his regret that he has not been able to accomplish all the good that he could have wished, and begs all his friends to offer up their prayers for the repose of his soul. Latest News from Virginia. The Richmond Enquirer of the 29th con tains returns from 122 counties, which give Wise a majority of 10,647. Galveston dates to the 17th, announce an end to the draught. Heavy rains have fallen in all paarto of Texaa. This is good am. MONDAY. JUNE 4. What should the Convention do ? The thought that should lie uppermost and most ardently cherished should be— to unite the State as one man. To unite the State concessions must be made and should be. Not concessions of duty or of princi ple, but something to the sense of manly pride and self respect that old rivals and opponents naturally feel. So long as one vital principle or one wise and salutary measure necessary to give vital principles effect is in issue, our duty is to stand firm and maintain the right. This is a higher law that no man who values conscience and duty dare violate for any consideration.— But where time has vindicated the policy of the Democratic party and collision has only brightened its solid virtues—when tac itly, at least, our former enemies admit that we were right and they wrong, we say in such a view it would not only be impolitic, but to the last degree ungenerous end cen surable to withhold our assent to a free and full amnesty for all post disagreements.— We do admit that pride in our old stand of colors makes us more than anxious that while we throw open the door for reconcili ation and harmony between ourselves and our former political opponents, we should do it with a manly and generous grace. But upon what platform should we meet as an undivided people ? Taking it for granted that our present system of revenue and fi nance is to remain unaltered, or if amended at all, to be so in the line of our present policy—that no unfair or unequal legislation whatever is to he tolerated that will encour age one section of the country while it dis courages another—in short, assuming that, as political matters now stand and we stand related to them, there is but one great cause of complaint, we ask what shall be the plat form upon which the voice of patriotism calls upon Georgia to rally. We are prepared to say, first, let the Convention adopt as the substratum of our politics the action of the State Convention of 1850.— Here we all can meet. The majority who are responsible for that action will surely not repudiate it, now that events have made it decisive of infinite results one way or the other. Surely the minority will not retract its plighted word of honor to stand by and abide the decree of the sovereign authority to which they committed and commended our rights and safety. Repudiation and dis avowal from either sido of this great com pact between parties in Georgia would put the finishing touch to our ignominy. Are we of all parties then agreed upon the de termination, “ at all hazards and to the last extremity,” to defend and maintain the Georgia Platform, or the 4th resolution of the Convention which embodies the gist and import of that platform ? If we are there let us make it national. We cannot escape the necessity that is upon U9 to embrace in our policy or admit into our organization every true man who sincerely sympathizes in our objects and whoexpressesa willingness to aid us in reforming the Government, whether that man lives in or out of Geor gia. Justice and honor both appeal to us not to leave outside of all organizations the virtuous few upon whose garments the Mo loch of abolition has cast no defilement.— Give these men a place among us—an hon orable place, the highest place, even though they number no more than the righteous did in Sodom and Gomorrah. But our party phraseology must be changed. Once it was, we will unite with you, we will go with the party at the North. Now things are chang ed. Gallantly have the true blues North of the line stood by their faith, but fortune has been against them and they have lost the right to lead. Now the party North must, if we go into Convention, unite with us; now we claim the lead and call upon the party there to go wilh us. We protest, too, against any delays and ambiguities any unsettled con ditions. Let every proposition bo definitive and all the points of agreement and alliance he settled, and settled now at this Convention. Here is the time and place. If, upon the Georgia Platform, Northern Democrats or Whigs will go with us we then give our heart and voice for one more rally at Balti more to see what can be done to save the once glorious old ship Constitution. But mark, only upon this basis will we entertain a proposition to form or continue an alli ance. If this ultimatum is rejected then there will be a saving of time, and we turn our backs forever upon all outside depen dence and look only to domestic resources. If a national party cannot be founded and sustained upon the Constitution, it were bet ter that one shonld not exist at all and that every sectional interest should take the best possible care of itself. Last but not least; we do in the most earnest manner insist that the Convention shall tako the lead in com mitting the party to measures of retaliation and redress in every instance where our rights are imperilled by a nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law, or where the State authorities do not, to the best of their abil- ty, enforce its provisions. Mr. Webster long ago placed the argu ment upon the proper foundation. The surrender of a fugitive slave as much de volves upon a Northern State, a duty for it to perform, as the rendition of a fugitive from jnstice devolves a duty upon any State South or North. It was apart of the origi nal contract between the States, that fugi tives from labor aud service should be re turned to those rightfully claiming it, and it was never contemplated in that compact to look to any other seat of power for the discharge of this agreement than the State Governments themselves. And when South ern men made that fatal retreat from a grave responsibility and duty, and assented to the doctrine that the surrender of fugi tive slaves came within the province of the duty and powers of the general Government, they gave a mortal blow to the rights of the Southern States. As well might the Fede ral Government be called upon to answer the requisition made upon a State for the rendition of a fugitive from justice or from labor, that eseapes to us from a Northern State. But the late scheme establishing Federal Courts of Commission, for the pur pose of aiding the Fugitive Slave Law, we have only complicated the slavery question, and have helped the conscious hypocrisy of anti-slavery men with their slip-slop cant about the institution. They declare that they are not responsible in any way for the existence or the recognition of slavery here, and we help them to make good the state ment. The Northern States are responsible for the statutes of slavery here, and shall be held so insomuch at least, as a reciprocation of duties can make them so, growing oat of our mutual obligation to obaero the pledges and guaranties of the Constitution : of the United States. Let us then take the ■ ground that Mr. Webster assumed in his Boston speech, pending the passage of the Compromise Measures, that not only are the free States bound in comity to give up ! our property upon a properdemand—hound actively to participate in the restoration of I it, but also, that failing in this duty, we are ! released from our part of the contract. See what we do by measures of retaliation. We ' put into the bauds of the Northern States j the safe keeping, not of the law and public j peace only, but we take bonds in the amount | of untold millions from them, to keep the peace towards us. We deny no man his j rights, we only suspend justice till they do justice. We do more—we regain the men North, and upon the spot, who, from mo tives of self-interest, were the last to desert us. The mercantile class—always the most powerful in a commercial nation, when they see that millions of their credits are tremb ling in the balance—when they see that any abolition mob may beggar them—then will the false and sickly sentimentalism, over the wrongs and degradation of slave insti- J tutions, appear in its proper light. These ; very “solid men” who now stand neutral, will wake up, and call upon heaven and earth to save this “glorious union”—“the home of the brave, and the land of thefree,” and of Washington’s Farexcdl Address. If the Union cannot ho rescued through such agencies as this, then we must prepare to save it by the shedding of blood, or by the pouring out of our own. Let the Conven tion take the lead in this movement and never adjourn until we join issue with tl e N -rth, and about something. Depend upon it, a thing so reasonable and just as this determination to withhold justice from a deadly foe, till ho accords it to us, wiil wake the most lethargic spirit in Georgia from his fatal sleep, and would sweep the State like a storm of fire. Any way, let us put things in such a train as to save nr breath. We prate and bully, and brag and prose, and make ourselves ridiculous over the question of Southern rights and remedies. If we are ! beat already, and our leaders know it, in God’s name and in the name of mercy, tell us so, and let the cry goout '‘sauce qui /.eut;” for possibly there may be, as a last resort, ; a refuge left for some of us. among the peo ple who have destroyed our country. [For the Atlanta Daily Intelligencer.] Letter from L. J. Glenn. Atlanta, June 1st, 1855. Messrs. Editors: Letters of declination being the order of the day, and wishing to disembarrass the action of the Convention, so soon to assemble at Newnan, so far as I am concerned, allow me, through your paper, to withdraw my name from a.l connection with the Congressional nomina tion for the 4th District. To the Democracy of Henry county, among whom 1 was raised, and with whom, in d vys gone by, I have stood shoulder to shoulder in many a hotly contested election, and to other friends throughout the district, who have spoken favorably of my name in connection with the nomination, I tender the acknowledgements of a grateful heart, for this manifestation of their kindness and confidence. Let the Convention nominate some “good ; man and true " as the standard bearer of the party and he shall have my cordial support. I would take this occasion to correct a report, which, I learn, is in circulation here j and at other places in the district, “ that I am a member of the Know Nothing organ- . ization.” When, where and how such a report originated, I am at a loss to divine, j For the information of all who may feel any interest in the party relations of so humble j an individual as myself, I would state, that I never have, do not now, and never expect to ; belong to the “Know Nothing party.” I do j not approve of their policy or their princi- ; pies, as I understand them. They are, in j my judgment, in their tendency, subversive i of the fundamental principles of the gov- : ernment—violative of the spirit of the con- i stitution—and contrary to tho uniform poli cy of the government, since its organization, , in reference to those who seek an asylum I from the oppressions, civil and religious, of | tho Old World, in this “ Land of tho free and home of the brave.’’ j Rut while I disapprove of the principles 1 and objects of the Know Nothings, I have ' rfht felt myself called or justified in de- j nouncing those who are my personal friends j and neighbors, as a “ band of midnight con- ' spirators,” “ allies of abolitionists and free- soilers,” &c., &c. Abuse and denunciation ; are not the means, with which to convince [ men of “the error of their way,” and to ■ influence them to retrace their steps. Many, whom I have every reason to be- i lieve are members of the order, are as “good j Southern men and true;” as warmly devoted i to the best interests of the South as can he 1 found in any other political party, and who, ! when the day of conflict (foreshadowed in i the Kansas difficulties) shall come (which may Heaven avert,) will be found am mg the foremost in the thickest of the fight, etriking | “ For their altars and their fires, The green graves of their sires, | God and their native land.” Yours very respectfully, LUTIIEIl J. GLENN, j _ Amusements of the Riflemen.—Some . time ago, (writing April 16) I was watching three French Chasseurs “potting away” at ! a Russian, who was sitting with his legs i dangling over the side of a precipice, and i now and then returning their fire. The j French knew the man quite well, and ad- mitted he was so good a shot that they did j not care to expose themselves too freely.— i All their balls fell short of the man. and af ter he had received three or four rounds j from each, he raised his rifle, down went the Chasseurs and somebody else; “ping” j flew the hall through the air, and “plop” it : came against the rock behind which the 1 foremost Chasseur was crouching. The j Frenchmen picked up tho piece of lead, i quite flattened out and broken, and showed 1 it to their comrades, and then thsy resumed | their practice, the result of which I did not i wait further to ascertain. Many of the i Russian riflemen are excellent shots, but | the majority of them are not equal to our i own or to the French Chasseurs. An nma- i teur in one of the batteries, anxious to see | what kind of shooting the enemy would j make, held his “wide awake” just above i the parapet; immediately, two bullets went throngh it, and one of them took a fancy to the gentleman’s fore-finger and to a bit of mother finger, and carried them away with it, so that the unfortunate experimentalist will be able to speak with authority on the question of Russian sharpshooting. Too F ast.—The Mobile Advc. User, of Saturday, is in testacies over the report of | Wise’s defeat, received in that city. The j editor feels badly enough by this time. j Letter from Hie Hon. C. J. McDonald. Marietta, May 23d, 1855. P. Tracy, Esq.—My Dear Sir: Your let- terannouneingthe unjustifiable liberty taken with my name, by n>me person not named by you, jn connection with the order of Know-Nothings, has just been received by me. You remark, that “it is roundly as serted in some sections, that I not only fa vor the new movement, but I have actually become a member of the order.” There is not the slightest foundation for either state ment. So far from that, 1 disapprove the movement, and regret exceedingly (what 1 believe) that a great many good men of both political parties have connected them selves with au association, which, in my opinion, is essentially wrong and adverse to the genius and spirit of our Republican In stitutions, and who, I trust, will become convinced of the mis-step they have made and retrace it. To he more explicit iu re gard to myself, I will add, that I never be longed, and do not now belong to the order, society or association of Know-Nothings, nor to any other secret society whatever. It would he the.greatest misfortune that could befa! us as a people to substitute se cret and private arrangements in the affairs of Government, for the free and open dis cussion of principles and measures, which has happily prevailed in this country, since the declaration of American Independence. If the hypothesis on which our Govern ment, State and Federal, are established be true, that man is capable of self government, it follows that he will act intelligently in selecting the means of promoting his indi vidual and social happiness. Our constitu tions, State and Federal, prove that our an cestors have done all that wisdom and fore cast of man could accomplish, to provide for the happiness and piv>j erity of themselves and their r-isieii-.y. It was a davlLht work. It was i t ’done in a corner.* Ail the light iba- h iman ;oo-o:i and intelli gence could shed upon it illuminated every step of its progress to consummation.— Ileirts full of patriotism and devoid of cor rupt yearning after office and its emolu ments were in it. if the work is not per fect it is not because the artificiers engaged in it were not faithful, honest and skillful. When they were about to complete it, they looked upon it, and like truly great men, diffident of themselves, and knowing that experience in the operation of iheir system might develope defer s which had not been detected by them, and that in :! o distant future, new exigencies might arise which would render a change indispensably neces sary to the safety and happiness of tiie mil lions of people destined to enysy its bles sings, provided for the making of that change. The mode in which amendments are pro posed to be made, proves that the framers of the constitution never contemplated that their descendants should take council to gether on them in secret cliques, but that supposed defects would be pointed out, alterations proposed, and that the whole matter should be fully and frank ly discussed by the people and lyy their Representatives, in their Legislative As semblies, that all the light that truth, reason and argument could shed upon it. might be brought into requisition, and that what was right should be done, upon the friendly con sultation of intelligent minds having no ob jects but the public good. The people of the South ought to look well to it before they countenance by theirappro- val and example, secret combinations to de feat either their constitution or laws. Their rights depend on a fair exposition of the constitution, and an honest support of it.— What right is more clearly defined in the constitution, than that of the Southern slave owner, to have hi - fugitive slave, found in a free State, delivered up? None whatever. Congress has enacted a law to enforce it.— The law to enforce cannot impose a higher moral obligation on the citizen than the constitution, which requires it. Both con stitution and law have been opposed, oven to blood-shed and murder, and theexeeution of the law and constitution has been forcibly prevented. There is no stronger guaranty to be found in the constitution in favor of the slave-holder’s right of property, than there is in favor of the Roman Catholic’s right of conscience. Both are protected.— May it not be well asked of the anti-Catholic slaveholder who resorts to secret confedera cies and combinations to defeat the consti tutional rights of tho Catholics as free privi leged citizens of this Union, if he can com plain of the abolitionist, who resorts to the same means to defeat the constitution and law, by which he has a right to demand the restoration of his stolen or absconding pro perty ? Can he complain of even, open and forcible resistance? Moral guilt is com plete with the combination to defeat ; phy sical resistance enables the law to punish the act and facilitates the proof. The objects and purposes of the secret order are not fully known. But public ru mor says, and the elections which have taken place, establish as one of their objects, the exclusion from office, of all professors of the Roman Catholic religion. IS so, i is an nulling in practice, one of the most valuable provisions of the constitution, a provision which protects alike the Catholic and the Protestent. The original constitution as submitted to, and ratified by the people, declares, that “no religious rest shall be re quired to any office or public trust under tho United States.” The very first amendment of the constitution proves the high apprecia tion placed bj - the people on religious liber ty, for they required a stronger protection of the rights of conscience, and added that Congress .-hall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Hence it will be see n, tiiat so far a* the government brought into existence by the adoption of thefederal con stitution L concerm. 'i. he freedom of reli gious faith was ;-r ' r violate, and made in violable. A - ei' vans of the United States, we owe obedience to the constitution and constitutional laws of the United States, and the private citizen i as much bound morally to support all constitutional requirements as the official citizen is to enforce them, by Legislative enactments and ministerial ef fort. As long as they exist, they should be respected, obeyed and supported. There should be no combination open or secret, to defeat them. If they are wrong or defec tive, they should be expunged or changed, and made to conform to the public interest. Disbelief, then in :hc Roman Catholic re ligion. does not warrant ari assault upon the rights of the Roman Ca holic believer, any more, than, for the .-arne reason, assault may be made on the political rights of citi zens of the protestant faith. The- constitu tional rights of both ought 10 be respected, and sustained. If it lie said that the as sault is on the religion, and not on the po litical rights of the Roman Catholics and that the defeat of political rights is only a means of subduing the religion, let it be remembered that the hypocrite alone who has a higher regard for office than for any religion or religious faith, will be gained by it. If the order wish to convince of reli gious error, they must not expect to do it by persecution of any sort; they must excite no resentments and beget no hatred. It may be urged that, the constitution of the United States prohibits the federal govern ment alone from interfering with the reli gious liberty of the citizen, and that it con tains no inhilition to the States, against tho establishment of religion, and that the States niay^ establish a religion—It will scarcely be avowed that one of the objects of the society is to alter the constitution of the State, and establish a religion in Geor gia. Such an opinion will scarcely be en tertained by any one. But the carrying in to effect the alledged purpose of excluding a citizen from office on account of his reli gious faith, is opposed to the long establish ed policy of this State; sustained by strin gent constitutional provisions. The people of this State showed the highest estimate . placed by them on religious liberty by de* daring in their constitution, that “no per son within this State, shall, upon any pre- j tence be deprived of the inestimable privi- ! lege of worshipping God in a manner agree- . able to his own conscience,” and by forth- | er declaring, that “no religious society shall ever be established in this State in prefer ence to another, nor shall any person be de nied the enjoyment of any civil light mere ly on account of his religious principle.”— Are these great and cardnal principles of religious freedom to bo practically expung ed from the constitution? Is an exception against the Roman Catholic to be interpola ted in fact or in practice? Is any pure patriot of this land, attached to the consti tution. cordially devoted to the civil and re ligious privileges, which it secures to. every citizen, ready to spend his time and offer up liis life in their support aud defence, to be disfranchised because of his religious faith : because he is a Roman Catholic ?— jf a despotism over the heart and conscience is to be established, I hope and trust, it will have no advocates iu Georgia, and gain no foothold here : but that, in a dark contest against religious freedom, every Georgian, of whatever political party, will be found on the side of the sound old principles of the constitution and liberty. It is said that another principle or ob ject of the association is, the exclusion of : foreigners, who are admitted to citizenship, from office : that the naturalization laws, as they exist, are wrong and unwise, and should be expunged or changed. If this ; be so, where i.s the necessity of organizing a secret parti. or any distinct party, for their amendment or abrogation? Why not submit the subject to the people, aiid leave j them to decide upon a fair examination of t’ue question in the usual way, whether for- j cigners coming into and adopting this as their country, renuindng allegiance to alii other governments, aud performing the du ties of citizens, rfiall be denied indiserimi-; nately the ordinary rights and privileges of; citizenship ? Whether, if there be such a denial, it > should be absolute and unconditional; wheth- j er the term of probation to entitle a for- i eiguer to citizenship shall be prolonged ; i whether the privilege shall be allowed to j any who do not produce testimonials of 1 good character in tho country from which i he emigrated ; how such testimonials are to | be authenticated to prevent imposition?—i Cannot this bo better done by openly dis- , cussing the subject, than by secret arrange- 1 ments and combinations? Is a secret or- I ganization to be gotten up on every propos- 1 ed new measure of the government, and the i 'light of investigation to be shut out from i the public mind ? Is the freedom of speech ' and of the press to be voluntarily abandon- j ed by the people ? Patriotic men should I look to the tendency of this novel organiza tion to degrade us from the condition of an j enlightened people, sustaining our institu- j tions and our laws by the power of truth, reason and argument, to a nation of cabal- lers for office and spoils. If any part of the Constitution is sup posed to be wrong, or if new exigencies arising in the progress of society, should render amendments or additions thereto expedient and proper, there can bo no ob jection to submitting the matter to the poo- 1 pie. They have not become incapable of independent decision , nor do 1 think it fair to presume, by calling them to act under cover of darkeness, that they have become craven—that they are afraid of power and ; wealth. The power of the poor man is as ! great at the ballot box as that of his wealthy neighbor. If it. be not intended lo introduce a new j order of things, and refer all measures of i government to secret societies to decide what i shall be done with the people, tiierc can lie no good reason wherefore the expediency , and policy of onr naturalization laws should be made an exception aud controlled by a covert movomem. We admit the right of expatriation. When a man expatriates him self, ho abjures allegiance to the sovereignty to which he belonged, and forfeits his right j to look to if for protection. If he connects j himself with another government, with the consent of that government, und pledges his allegiance to it, lie is entitled to its protec tion, for himself, his family :ind his pro perty. If, in the new country of which lie be- j comes a member, the private citizen is on- i titled to certain privileges, and among them ! a voice iu the choice of rulers, why should j it be denied to him? There is but one nr- j gument against it, anti that is, that he may j not bo sufficiently acquainted with tho nature j of our government and institutions to enable j him to make a judicious selection The [ answer to that is that the law prescribes j for him a term of pupilage, within which lie j may inform himself iu these things. It appears to have been the policy of our State government, at a very early period, to admit foreigners to all the rights of citizen ship. Before the adoption of the Federal Constitution, a residence of twelve months within the State, and proof of good charac ter, and attachment to tho State government by the certificate of the grand jury, entilted a foreigner to take oath of allegiance to tho State, and ho was declared by statute to be “entitled to all the rights, liberties and im munities of freo citizens;” ho was neverthe- leas, incapable of holding office and voting for members of ihc General Assembly, for the term of seven years, and until, by spe cial act of the Legislature, he was enabled to do so. On the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and the enactment of a law under it for the naturalization of foreigners our State law became inoperative and void. The act of Congress took its place. As the term of time requisite to indoctrinate them in the true principles of our government, must necessarily lie a matter of opinion and judgement with tr ose who have the author ity to fix it, the discretion followed the power, and both weie vested in Congress.— Congress has fixed fi e years as the term of pupilage, within which it was supposed they might acquaint themselves with these things. If in the judgement of the people, the term of probation ought to be extended—if the naturalization laws arc otherwise defective, let it be shown, and they can be amended ; but the right of a foreigner to expatriate himself from his government can never be disavowed in this country ; and we can never claim from him the support of his head and his heart, his purse and his arms, and deny him the rights and privileges of citi zenship. If the terms on which these rights are to be granted are fixed by law, and ho conforms to them, they form tho govern ment’s compact with him. and it cannot be violated either by government or citizen without a breach of faith. The standard of merit and qualification for office ought to be as much regarded in a foreign born as in a native dozen, and should be as highly ap- precia in selections of men for office, and theaei nt o: foreign birth ought not to be visited a him as a crime. But, sir, a graver objection to this insti tution, so far as the South is concerned, is to be found in connection with open and avowed abolitionists at the North—men in fatuated by the spirit of fanaticism, enemies of the Constitution, imbued with au immit igable hatred of Southern people and their institution of slavery, and ready to resort to any device or any intrigue to destroy it, with a remorseless disregard of the horrid consequences that may ensue. What faith is to be expected from such men ? If they profess to their Southern brethren of this fraternity, that they will abandon their op position to slavery, do they not come with guile in their hearts and falsehood on their lips? A heavy responsibility will rest on Southern men, if they form an alliance and treaty offensive and defensive with men on empty professions, in hostility with their history and conduot in the entire past.— Such an alliance wiil give an insidious one- my strength, and enable him to accomplish his nefarious design on our constitutional rights. It is to be hoped that they will pause before they tako the final step and seal the bargain. Who belong to the Know Nothing organization at the North ? The great body of the Whig party and unsound Democrats, who have become abolitionists and freesoilers—men that Southern Demo crats have denounced on account of their freesoil and anti-slavery principles. Men there belong to it, who have said they intend to destroy slavery by abolitionizing the South. Men belong to it there, who have said and voted that Congress has jurisdiction over the subject of slavery, and that they will not stay their hand until it is abolished. Men belong to it there, who have declared in their public and private assemblies, and iu their legislative bodies, that the fugitive slave law shall not be executed among them. Men belong to it there, who deny the right to establish slavery, and who hold all regu lations concerning it void. Men belong to it there, who Jay down principles which seem, upon a superficial examination, to have bui little or no bearing upon the institution of slavery, but which, in their eventful op eration, will destroy it. They hold, in the first place, that in territory conquered from a foreign country where slavery is prohibit ed this political regulation (denying a con dition) shall become a law to the conqueror, (who, by the laws of his country, may own slaves,) to divest him of this species of liis property. They deny the power of Congress to protect this kind of property from ag gression and wrong, and have refused their protection, thus drawing a distinction against it, and to that extent putting the owner out of the protection of his govern ment. Men belong to it there, who aim at the ultimate destruction of slavery, by the ad mission of free States to a number sufficient to effect an amendment of the Federal Con stitution, and give Congress jurisdiction over the subject. Men belong to it there of every variety of opinion adverse to tho in stitution of slavery, but all of whom agree in two things—first, that slavery ought to be abolished, and secondly, that it shall be abolished. Surely, Sourhern men will well consider these things, as if they have associated themselves with this order for the purpose of accomplishingobjects which they believed to he beneficial to the country, finding the grave error into which they have fallen, will they not separate themselves from it ? The secrecy of the movement is wrong, and contrary to the spirit and genius of our go vernment. May not every citizen ask, if there he no covert design against my per son, my character, my property, my civil or religious rights, why cover consultation with darkness and secrecy ? There is no precedent for it in any free government. The independence of this country was not declared in secret. It was proclaimed in open day. The reasons for separating from the crown of England, were plainly, publicly and fearlessly given. The terror of the power of England was not sufficient to intimidate and deter our noble fathers from the open and public denunciation.— The Constitution of the United States was not a midnight production, aud the Consti tution of the several States were formed up on open anti public discussion. They all acknowledge and proclaim the principles of human rights and liberty, and are intended to secure them. They are written as with a pencil of light, and surely thej- enunot be destroyed but by works of darkness. TV by should any portion of the people of the South engage in machinations to defeat a single blessing secured by the Constitu tion? Why should we not rally and unite together at the F.suth t;> save the Constitu tion ? Tho grave objections urged but a short time past to a sectional party, havo given away, and tho public mind has now become pretty well satisfied that if a sectional par ty is gotten up in one part of the Union to destroy the Constitution, another sectional party may be gotten up to uphold and sup port it. But a party organized on princi ple, not departing in any of its tenets and practices from tho Constitution, but adher ing to it in all its parts with fidelity and truth, will not long bo a sectional party.— Patriotic men will rally to it from all quar ters. Sound men of the North and the South, of the East and the West, will stand together on the broad and strong platform of tho Constitution. It is tho glorious plat form of the Democratic party—emphatical ly the party of the Constitution, it is a platform which needs no amendment to suit dainty tastes or scrupulous consciences.— Men who can relish the Constitution ami conscientiously approve its provisions, can stand upon it without fear and without re proach. It is not a platform constructed o rickety materials, to hold political men of no particular opinions, ready to fall to pieces on the slightest shock. Why, then, cannot all meet together and act together on this great platform? It is not wrong if the Constitution is right. The circumstances under which I have written have prevented me from answering your enquiry and treating the subject in a satisfactory manner. I trust, however, that when published, what 1 have written will correct the reports which have been circu lated. 1 sincerely hope that the jumble into which things have got will he but epheme ral, and that all heads at the South will meet together in open council, with hearts full of’ patriotism, and resolve on con stitutional measures of safety, which all sections ought to approve. 1 have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your friend and obedient servant, ciiarles j. McDonald. An Anecdote of Calvin.—The late Al bert Gallatin, President of the Historical Society, related tho following anecdote to lion. Gulian C. Yerblanek, from whom wc get it: Several years ago, a number of Cal vin's letters were ft und among thearebieves of Geneva some of which, relating to his domestic affairs, exhibit, a curious picture of the daily life of this great Presbyter, and illustrate strikingly his peculiar habits and temper. In a scolding letter to the sydics, or magistrates of Geneva, he complains that they have filled Ids cellar with wine of poor quality. “1 do not keep open house,” lie says, “nor do I entertain many guests at my table, and therefore the quantity you have sent me displeases me, as well as the quality. I wish, therefore, you would take it avtay, and replace it with something that I can drink: I do not want much: merely enough for my own use and that of my family; a few barriqnes (barrels of about forty gallons eacdi) say four or five, will be sufficient for me once a quarter.” Return of Immigrants.—The New York Courier and Inquirer says that, sin e the 20th of April, at least two thousand imi- grants have returned to their fatherland, as is shown by the books of the South street- shipping agents, while the diminution in the number arriving, as compared with last year, is fifty per cent. The ship Daniel Webster which was to have sailed on Mon day, would take back a hundred immigrants, many of whom came out in her. These re. turning immigrants are not of the poorest, kind, and tako their money back with them. Gov. McDonald’s Letter. Wc must apologise to the readers of tho Intelligencer for being behind with the fore most in our publication of this admirable production. Wo will, in to-morrow’s issue, spread it before our readers, and we in vite for it a calm and impartial perusal,