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SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY
jouflirm Cottffdfrant
T. C. HOWilD iad 1. i. CHAW FORD,
CO B DITORI.
ATLANTA, OBOROIA.
TUESDAY, MARCH 5, 1861.
Georgia State Convention.
The delegate! of the Convention from the
several counties In this State, are hereby noti
fied to meet in the city of Savannah, on Thurs
day, the 7th of March next
GEORGE W. CRAWFORD,
Bel-Air, Geo., Feb. SI, 1861. President
The Inaugural.
A very few words* will do for this document.
It la a medley of ignorance, sanctimonious cant
and tender footed buJlyUm. If Lincoln was any
countryman of ours, we could blush for such a
](reclamation of governmental policy and pur
pose, when tho world was holding its breath to
bear the issues of life and death from his lips.—
We cannot, in good conscience, credit this Abo
lition President with the cleverness which it
would require to conceal his thoughts as effect
ually as he has done in his Inaugural, if it was
his purpose to hide his thoughts. The confusion
and muddle-headed quality which pervades the
lirst utterances of tho Yankee President, are all
utter perfect nature. We get glimpses now and
theu by close inspection, of an idea in Lincoln's
mind, in reference to the perilous condition of
public affairs. The most significant among these
distorted notions, is the opinion which this rep
resentative man holds of our form of govern
ment.
It is all out now—the late Union was intendad
to be, by the majority which has clutched its
powers, a consolidated majority despotism. The
apprehension so long entertaiued by sound aud
true men, tlmt we were in danger of seeing the
last of State rights unless we recurred oftener
to first principles, is now’ faet. If secession
stood in need of an apology, if a revolution car
rying us through fire and blood was to be Justi
fied, hero we have the apology and the unan
swerable defence.
Say that Lincoln's false suggestion that no
“right plainly written in the Constitution has
been denied,” who that loves his country, who
that has the foresight and providence of a dor
mouse in taking care of the future, who that re-
speets the memories or the labors of the Fath
ers, would ever consent to sec such an utter and
radical subversion of our institutions, as Lincolu
aud his party are now meditating through the
wretched heresy of consolidation. This is enough
to divide us, and more than enough to make us
draw the sword.
The apology for anti-slavery In the way the
Fugitive Slave Law has been enforced, is purlle
and unworthy the head of any government. We
suppose the violations of the African Slave Trade
inhibition, were alluded to by the side of the
infractions of the Fugitive Slave law by way of
set off. This comes well from the lips of an
Abolition sympathizer when it was asserted, by
those well informed upon the subject, that seven
ty-three slavers were ont from the port of New
York alone last August Besides the avowal and
argument, if it can by courtesy be called an ar
gument in favor of consolidation, the denial of
the right of secession, maintained by reference
to the old articles of confederation (?) there is ab
solutely nothing in this school boy production
except the threat of coercion. There will, then,
as they must have it, be war. We are determin
ed that if w r c must have masters, that they shall
not be picked from the snivelling canting Puri
tan. Pulpit and press, both at once, are too many
t o ride ur- Rouble. Ami to talk to us of paying,
in hard cash, for the support of such a mongrel
dynasty, is very much like bosh—very ranch in
deed.
Seriously the future is ominous. We are deal
ing first with men who hate us bitterly in spite
even of the thrill they endanger by so doiug.—
Next, it is the misfortune of the world that there
is not a single statesman to be found in all the
ranks of Black Republicanism. Ranters they
have in any abundance; some scholarly minds
ami not a few ambidextrous fellows, as hard to
hold iu the clutches of a syllogism as it is to
hold a fresh eel In a well soaped hand. But of
cool-hcadcd, practical statesmen, they have not
a man among them. Lastly, the Northern States
are ruined If deprived of the resources of the
South. No war can so effectually aud hopeless
ly subvert the prosperity of the Northern States,
as a hostile tariff enacted by the 8outhem Con
federacy. And when the war begins, it will be
not for forts aud custom houses and armories,
but for tho utter overthrow of our very existence
ns a people. Here, then, is the issue. There
stands the foe, are you ready ?
Give us Bread.
Now is the time for our tillers of the soil to
make their plans for the present year’s crop,
and we think there should be a serious inter
change of thought among this class of the
community before the final decision is made in
regard to the extent of land that is to be ap
propriated to Cotton. Let it not be forgotten
that while the South is fully able to cope with
external force, she is not strong enough to con
tend with fsmine. Our country is now threat
ened, and soon may be beleagured by most se
rious dangers. With non-intercourse with the
granaries of the nation in the North-West,and
more than the probability of restricted trade
with Kentucky and Tennesaee, what are we to
do for bread, unless we give more attention to
the grain crop than we have done for several
years back? We are not unmindful of the fact
that a great many superficial rsssoners have
volunteered much very sorry advioe to our
planting friends as to their duty to themselves
and the country in the management of their
own business. Situated as we onee were, sus
taining ike close relations in interest and sym
pathy of a united brotherhood, we always re
garded the morality as unsound as the pel ill.
csl economy of that selfish policy which coun
selled Cotton raisers (o make at home, and
keep at home, everything they needed. Peace
on earth and good will to all men. Is the sur
est basis of earthly well-being to individuals
and nations. It is the very stablest principle
upon which Tariffs and Commerce can rest,
and no plan of soeiety ignoring the inter-de
pendence of the human family can aver suc
ceed. While our political relations justified
tho liborality, wo always thoughtthat if Tsanos-
soo only raised stock and we raised Cotton, and
could also raiss corn and stock, it was not
brotherly or wise to sxolnds Tennessee from
a market, limply because we raiie mules
at a h'gher coit. Buttbe times sr* sadly chang
ed. The North-West is now our deadly foe.—
The grain and stock-raising States of Ken
tuoky and Tennessee, if they are not against
us, certainly are not with us, and much good
may that do ths South. We may be so affect
ed towards all these States, and that in a very
short while, as to make any calculation on their
eecistanoe a very unwise thing. If we will act
with prudence and ordinary forecast, no peo
ple that ever existed can be more truly inde
pendent of the world than the Cotton States.
People talk of grain and stock countries, bnt
we would like to know where, in any grain
country, could more corn, wheat, or oats, be
raised, to the hand, than in South-Western Geor
gia, much of Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas,
and Texas. Why, the rule is, aud the general
expectation is, in these States, that each plant
er shall raise grain enough to anawtr home
purposes and his Cotton crop besides. Were
the whole breadth of land in the Cotton States
laid down in grain and grass, as is done in the
so called grain and stcck-raising States, the
produce of the soil would rot on our hands.—
We need not, however, change the character of
our tillage, or relinquish our staple crops. But,
for the present, we should not forget that we
are noar suffering from the effects of two very
short grain crops, and that we are in dangerof
being cut off from resources of supply, upon
which we have long been accustomed to de
pend. Superadded to these strong reasons is
this additional fact, that we must, without
doubt, receive as much, or more, for a half
crop of Cotton as for an excessive one. With
a double grain crop—as much money value
for a short Cotton crop as for a large one—who
can doubt as to the true policy of our planters
and farmers in pitching the crop of 1801 ?
INAUGURAL ADDRESS
or
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Fellow Citizens of the L'niled States:
In compliance with a custom as old as the
government itself, 1 appear before you to ad
dress you briefly and to take in your presence
the oath prescribed by the Constitution of tho
United States, to be taken by the President
before he enters on the execution of his office.
I do not consider it necessary, at present,
for me to discuss those matters of administra
tive policy, about which there is no special
anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems
to exist among the people of the United States,
that by the occasion of a Republican admin*
istration, their property and their peace and
personal security are to be eudaugered.
There has never been any reasonable cause
for such apprehension. Indeed the most am
ple evidence, to the contrary, has all the while
existed and been open to their inspection. It
is found in nearly all the published speeches
of him who now addresses you, Ido but quote
from one of these speeches when 1 declare
that 1 have no purpose directly, or indirectly,
to interfere with the institution of Slavery in
the States where it exists.
I believe 1 have no lawful right to do so—
and l have no inclination to do so. Those
who nominated aud elected me did 9) with full
knowledge that I had made this and many
similar declarations, and had never recanted
them. And, more than this, they placed in
the platform for my acceptance, and as a law
to themselves and to me, the clear and em
phatic resolution which 1 now read:
“ Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate
of the rights of the States, and especially the
right of each State to order and control its
domtstio institutions according to its own
judgment exclusively, is essential to that bal
ance of power in which the perfection and eu-
durance of our political fabrio depend, and
we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed
force, of the soil of any State or Territory,
no matter under what pretext, as among the
gravest of crimes.”
I now reiterate these sentiments, and, in
doing so, I only press upon the public atten
tion the most conclusive evidence of which tho
case is susceptible, that the property, peaoe,
and security, of no section are to be in any
wise endangered by the now incoming admin
istration. I add, too, that all the protection
which, consistently with the Constitution and
the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully
given to all the Slates, wbeu lawfully demand
ed for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one
section aa to another.
There is much controversy about the deliv
ering up of fugitives from service or labor.—
The clause I now read is as plainly written in
the Constitution as any other of its provision:
‘‘Noperson held to service or labor in one
8tate, under tbo laws thereof, escaping into
another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such
service, or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service, or
labor, may be due.”
It is scarcely questioned that this provision
was intended by those who made it, for the
reclaiming of fugitive slaves, nnd the inten
tion of the law giver is the law. All members
of Congress swear their support to ths whole
Constitution—to this provision as much as to
any other. To the proposition, then, that
slaves whose cases come within the terms of
this clause shall be delivered up, their oaths
are unanimous.
Now, If the/ would make the effort in good
temper, could they not, with equal unanimity,
frame aud pass a law by means of which to
keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether
this clause should be enforced by national or
by 8tate authority ; but, surely, that differ
ence is not a verv material one. If the slave
la to be surrendered, it oan be of but little
ooneequence to him or to others, by which
anthority it h done ; and should any one, in
any case, be content that his oath shall go
unkept in a merely circumstantial controversy
as to bow it shall be kept ?
Again, in any law upon this subject, ought
not all the safeguards of libarty known in
civilised and humane jurisprudence to be in
troduced, to that a free man ha not in any
case surrendered as a slave? anl might it not
be well, at the same time, to provide by law
for tbt enforcement of that clause in the Con
stitution, which guarantees that the citizens
of each Stale should be entitled to all privi
leges and immunities of citizens in the seve
ral States ?
1 taka tha official oath to-day with no men
tal reservations, and with no purpose to con
tract the Constitution or laws by any hypo
critical rules; and while I do not chooee now
to specify particular acts of Congreaa aa prop
er to be enforoed, I do suggest that it will be
nanch safer for all, both in official and private
stations, to oonform to and abide by all those
nets which stand unrspealad, than to violate
any of them trusting to find impunity in hav
ing thorn held to bo unconstitutional ?
It is seventy-two yours since tbo inaugura
tion of a President under our National Con
stitution. During that period, fifteen differ
ent and greatly distinguished ehiftne have,
in succession, administered the Executive
be* bah of the Government. They have con
ducted it through many perils, and generally
with great success. Yat with all ihii scope
for precedent, I uow enter upon the same task
for tho brief constitutional term of four years,
under great end peculiarly diflicnlty.
A disruption of the Federal Union, hereto
fore only menaoed, is now formidably asssritd.
I hold that, in contemplation of universal law
and of the Constitution, the Union of these
Slates is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if
not expressed, in the fundamental law of no*
tional governments. It is safe tc assert (but
no government propet ever bad a provision in
its organic law for ite own termioatioa. Con
tinue to exeoute all the express provisions of
onr national Constitution and the Union will
endure forever—it being impossible to destroy
it, exoept by some action not provided for in
the iostiumeol itself.
Again, if the United States be not a gov
ernment proper, but sn association of States
in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as
a contract, te practically unmade by less tliau
all the parlies who mode it? One party to a
cootraot may violate it—break it, so to speak
—but does it not require all to lawfully re
scind it ?
Descending from these geueral principles,
we find the proposition that, in legal contem
plation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by
the history of the Union itself. The Union
is much older than the Constitution. It was
formed, in fact, by the articles of association
io 1774. D was matured and continued by
the declaration of Independence in 177G. It
was further matured, and the faith of the
then thirteen States ezpressly plighted and
engaged that it should be perpetual by Arti
cles of Confederation in 1778, and, finally, in
1787, one of the declared objects for ordain
ing and establishing the Constitution, was to
ferm a more perfect Union.
But if destruction of the Union by one or
by a part only of the States be lawfully possi
ble, the Union is less perfect than before the
Constitution, having lost the vital perpetuity.
D follows from these views that no Staleupou
ite own mere motion can lawfully go out of
the Union—that resolves and ordinances to
that effect are legally void, and that actp of
violence within any State or Siates against
the authority of the United Slates, are ineur
reclionary or revolutionary according to cir
cumstances.
I therefore consider (hat in view of the
Constitution and the laws, the Union is un
broken, aud to the extent of my ability 1 shall
take care, ns the Constitution itself expressly
enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union
be faithfully executed in all the States. Do
ing this 1 deem to be only a simple duly on
my part, and 1 shall perforin it, so far ns
practicable, unless my rightful roasters, the
American people, shall withhold the requisite
means, or in some authoritative manner direct
the contrary.
I trust this will not be regarded as a me
naoe, but only as the declared purpose of the
Union that it will constitutionally defend and
maintain itself. In doing tbit there need to
be ne bloodshed or violenoe, and there shall
be none, unless it be forced upon the national
autherity. The power confided to me will be
used to hold, occupy aud possess the property
and places belonging to the government, and
to collect the duties and imports ; hut beyond
what may be necessary for these objects, there
will be no invasion—no using of force agaiust
or among the people anywhere. Where hos
tiiity to the United States in any interior la
cality shall be so great and so universal as to
prevent compeieut resident citizen* from hold
ing ihe federal offices, there will he no at
tempt to force obnoxious stniDgi-rs among the
people for that object. While the strict legal
right may exist in the Government to enforce
the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do
so would bo so irritating and so nearly iui
practicable withal, that I deem it better to
forego, for the lime, the use of such offices.
The mail9, uuless repelled, will continue to
be furnished io all parts of the Union. So
far as possible the people everywhere shall
have that sense of perfect security which is
most favorable to calm thought and reflection.
The course here indicated will be followed
unless current events and experience shall
show a modification or change to be proper,
and in every case and exigency, my best dis
cretion will be ezercieed according to circum
stances actually existing, and with a view sad
a hope of a peaceful solution of the National
troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sym
pathies and affection.
That there are persons iu one section or
another who seek to destroy the Union at all
events, and are glad of any pretext to do it,
1 will neither nffirtu nor deuy; but if there be
such, I need address no word to them. To
those, however, who really love the Union
may 1 not speak ? Before entering upon so
grave a mutter as the destruction of our na
tional fabrio with all its benefits—its memories
— its hopes—would it not he wise to ascertain
precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so
desperate a slip while there is any possibility
that any portion of the ills you fly from have
no real existence ? Will you, wh'le the cer
tain ills you fly to are greater than all the real
ones you fly from? Will you risk tho com
mission of S3 fearful a mistake ?
All profess to be content iu the Uuiou if all
Constitutional rights can bo maintained. Is
it true, theu, that any right plainly written in
the Constitution has been denied? I think
not. Happily the human mind is so constitu-*
ted that no parlj can reach to the audacity of
doing this. Think, if you can, of a single
instance in which a plainly written provision
of the Constitution has ever been denied.
If, by the mere force of numbers, a majori
ty should deprive a minority of any clearly
written Constitutional right, it might, iu a
moral point of view, justify revolution. It
certainly would, if such a right were a vital
one. But such is not our case. All the vital
rights of minorities and of individuals are so
plainly assured to them by affirmations and
negations, guarantees and prohibitions in tho
Constitution, that controversies never arise
concerning them. But no organio law can
ever be framed with a provision specifically
applicable to every question which may occur
in practical administration.
No foresight can anticipate, nor any docu
ment of reasonable length contain, express
provisions for all possible questions. Shall
fugitives from labor be surrendered by nation
al or State authority ? The Constitution does
not expressly say. May Congrees prohibit
slavery in the Territories ? The Constitution
does not expressly say. Must Congress pro
tect slavery in the Territories ? The Constl
tution doss not expressly say. From questions
of this class spring all our Constitutional con
troversies end we divide upon them into ma
jorities and minorities.
If the minority will not aequieece, the ma
jority tnutt, or the Government must clots.—
There ie no other alternative for continuing
the Government than acquiescence e« ewe aide
or the other. If n minority in auoh a esse
will secede rather than acquiesce, they make
e precedent which In litre will divide nnd ruin
them; for n minority of their own, willseeede
from them whenever e majority refuses to be
•ont rolled by sueh minority. For i nets net,
why may not any portion of n new confedera
cy, a year or two beset, arbitrarily teeede
again precisely at portions of the present Un
ion claim to scolds from iu
All who cherish io ibis Union such senti
ments are oew being educated to the exact
temper of doing ibid. Is there such perfect
identity of interest among the States which
oompose the new Union as to produce harmo
ny ouly aod prevent reoowed secession?—
Plainly the central idea of eecevelon Is the es
•eoce of anarchy. A majority held in restraint
by Const lint ional checks and limitations, nod
alwavs changing easily with deliberate chang
es or popular opinions end sentiments, Is the
only true sovereign of e free people Who
ever rejects it. does, of necessity, fly to enar
chy oruodeipoiieifi.
Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a
minority aa a permanent arrangement ie wfcel-
ly iuadmissable ; so that rejeotiog the major
ity principle, anarohy or despotism in some
form, ie ail that is left. 1 do not forget the
position assumed by some, that Constitutional
questions are to be decided by the Supreme
Court; nor do 1 deny that such decisions roust
be binding in any case upon the parlies to a
suit, as to the object of that suit, while they
are also entitled to very high respect and con
sideration in all parallel cases by all other
department* of the Government; and while it
is obviously possible that such a decision may
be erroneous in any given ease, still the evil
effect following it being limited to that partic
ular cape, with the chance that it may be
overruled aod never become a precedent for
other cases, can better be borne than could
the evils of a different practice.
At the same time the candid citizen must
confess that if the policy of the Governmeut
upon vital questions affecting the whole peo
ple is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of
the Supreme Court, (ho instant they are made
in ordinary litigation between parties in per
sonal actions, the people will have ceased to
be their own rulers, having to that extent
practically resigned their government iolo the
hands of that eminent Tribunal.
Nor is there, iu this view, any assault upon
the Court or Judges. It is a duly from which
they may not shrink to decide oases properly
brought before them, and it is no fault of
theirs it others seek to turn their decision to
political purposes.
One section of our country believes slavery
is right Hnd ought to be exieoded, while the
other believes it is wrong and ought not to be
extended This is the ►ubstaniial dispute.—
The fugitive slave clausa of the Constitution
and the law for the suppression of the foreign
slave trade, are each as well enforced perhaps
as any law can ever be in a community where
the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup
ports the law itself
The great body of the people abide by the
plaiu legal obligation in »*olh cases And a few
break over in each. I think it cannot be per
fectly cured, and it. would be worse io both
cases after the separation of the sections than
before. The foreign slave trade now imper
fectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived
without restriction in one section, while fugi
tive slaves, uow only partially surrendered,
would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, wo cannot separate—
we cannot remove our respective sections from
each other— uor build uo impassable wall be
tween them. A husband and wife may be di
vorced and go out of tho presence and beyond
the reach of each other, but the different
parts of our country cannot do this—they
cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse
more advantageous cr more satisfactory after
separation than before? Can aliens nmke
treaties easier than friends? Cau laws— can
treaties be more faithfully enforced between
aliens than among friends? Suppose you go
io war—you cannot fight always, and when,
after much loss on both sides, aud no gain on
either, you cease fighting, the identical old
questions as to terms of intercourse are again
upon you.
This country, with its instilu'.ions, belongs
to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they
shall grow weary of (he existing government,
they cau exercise their Constitutional right of
ameuding it, or their revolutionary right to
dismember or overthrow it.
I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many
worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of
having the National Constitution amended.—
While I make uo recommendation of amend
ment I fully recognize the rightful authority
of the people over the whole subject, to be
exercised iu cither of the modes prescribed in
the instrument itself; aod 1 should, under
existing circumstances, favor, rather than op
pose, a fair opportunity being afforded the
people to not upon it.
1 will venture to add that to me the conveu
tion mode seems preferable, in that it allows
amendments to originate with the people them
selves, instead of permitliug them to lake or
reject propositions originated by others not
especially chosen for the purpose, aud which
might not be precisely such as they would
wish to either accept or refuse.
1 understand a proposed amendment to (he
Constitution, which awcudmout however, 1
have not sceu, has passed Congress, to the ef
fect that the Federul Government shall never
interfere with the domestic institutions of the
States, including that of persons held to ser
vice. To avoid misconstruction of what I have
said, I depart from my purpose not to speak
of particular amendments, so far as to say that
holdiug such a provision to now be implied
constitutional law, I have uo objection to its
being made express sod irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his author
ity from the people and they have conferred
none upon him to fix terms tor the separation
of the States The people themselves oan do
this also, if they choose, but the executive, as
such, have nothing to Uo with it. Ilia duty is
to administer ths present government nail
came to his hands, and to transmit it unim
paired by him to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence
iu the ultimate Justice of the people? Is there
any better or equal hope in the world? In
our present differences, is either party with
out faith of being iu ihe right ? If the Al
mighty Ruler of nations, with His Eternal
truth and justice be on your side of the North
or on yours of the South, that Truth and that
Justice will surely prevail by the judgment of
this great tribunal—the American People.
By the frame of ths Goveramenl under
wbieh we live, this same people have wisely
given their jublio servants but little power for
misohief, and have with equal wisdom provi
ded for the return of that life to their own
bauds, ntjvery short intervals. While the peo
ple retaiu their virtue and vigilanoe, no ad
ministration, by any extreme of wickedness er
folly, can very seriouely injure the govern
ment in the short space of four years.
My countryman, one and all, think calmly
and well upon this whole gubject. Nothing
valuable cau be lost by taking time. If there
be an objeot to hurry any of you in hot kafte
to a step which you would never take deliber
ately, that object will be frustrated by takiog
time, but no good object cau be frustrated by
it.
Such of you as are now dissatisfied at ill have
the eld Constitution unimpaired, and on the
oeasiiive paint, the laws of your on&Xrauto*,
and upon which the new administration will
have no immedfafe' power, If H should change
either,
If it be even admitted tbstyoe who are din-
eatlpfied, hold the right side in the dispute,
there still ie no tingle good roosou for ^red-
pale action. Intelligence, patriotism, Chris
tianity nnd a Arm reliance on Him who baa
jet 'on»ak«n this favored laod, are still
competent to adjust, io the best way, all otir
ot diffionjiief*
\ mr bands, my dissatisfied friends and
try men, and pot in mine, is (be momeo-
is*M of civil war. The Government will
yon—y#u can have no
you reelves iheifgressore. You hire
! no oath registered in heaven to destroy the
j Government, while 1 shall have ths most
solemn one “to preserve, protect aod defend”
it.
[ I am loth to close. We ere not enemies but i
friends. We most not be enemies. Though
passion may have strained, it must not break I
•nr bends of ifoetiee. The myotic chain ef
memory, stretching from every battle field
and patriot grave, to every living heart and
hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet
■well the chorus of the Union, when again
touched, as surely they will be, by the better
angels of our oature
a nupcnuTivc
SOUTH CAROLINA RAILROAD.
Charleston, March 1,1861.
S HIPPERS of Merchandise to points on the
South Carolina and connecting Railroads
who have heretofore consigned their shipments
to the Agent of the Souln Carolina Railroad
here, are notified that this Company will dis
continue the business of r.-ceiviog and forward,
ing on and af er the 11th instant.
This proceeding is made necessary, in conse
quence of the new duties and responsibilities
growing out of the Tariff Act, February 18th,
of the Congress of the Confederate States.
It will, therefore, be necessary that all freight
destined as above should be directed to Com
mission Merchants in the city, to whom the
Company will continue to advance ordinary
expenses, such as freight, drayage, aud wharf
age.
And Shippers will find it greatly to their in
terest to forward promptly to consignees in-
vo'oes and bills ef lading, to enable g< ods to be
passed through the Custom House without de
lay W 7. MAG RATH,
m5-8L General Agent.
UNION LOAN* BUILDING ASSOCI
ATION.
S TOCK-Holders in this Association can pay
their dues for the present month at the Of
fice of the Atlanta Insurance Company, until
Friday evening next.
Regular monthly meeting at the City
Hall, Friday night, March 8th.
March 5, 1861. DAN. PITTMAN, Sec’y.
CAUTION.
A LL persons are hereby notified not to trade
for any note made payable to myself in
New York or Philadelphia, as I shall resist the
payment, except in a just compromise.
J. W. II EWELL.
Atlanta. Ga , March 5, 1861. 3t
Clerk’s Office, Supreme Court, I
Millkdozvillb, March 2, 1861. j
A LL persons are notified that tli’i wilt be the order of
the Docket at Atlanta, .Marc! Term, 1*61 :
1st. Cherokee Circuit.
2d. Flint Circuit.
8d. T&llapooaa Circuit.
4th. Blue Ridge Circuit.
ftth. Coweta Circuit. CHA8. W. Do BOSE, Cl’k
n>4
PROFESSOR NOTTS
DANCING ACADEMY,
COR* Eft or PRACII TREE A tin MARIETTA STREETS,
Atlanta, Georgia.
1 Y AYS OF TUITION: Mondays and Tucs-
\J days, from 3 till 5 o’clock, P. M , for La
dies, Misses aud Masters ; and the same days,
at night, from 71 till 10 o’cloek, for Young Gen
tlemen.
Terms. $10 for the full course of 12 lessons.
Feb. 19—tf.
HOOK * LADDER CO., NO. 1.
M EMBERS of this Company are requested to
attend a special meeting on Thursday,
March 7, at 74 o’clock, P. M , at the Truck-
House, for the transaction of important busi
ness. By order of the Foreman.
ru43t N. R. FOWLER, Bec’y.
WILLIAM NACKIE,
FRESCO PAINTER AND GRAINER,
HAVING located perma
nently in Atlanta, will de-
roto his whole attention to
the above Branches in all their details.
Likewise, SIGNS of every descriptor, WIN
DOW SHADES, SHOW CARDS, CARVED
LETTERS made to order in any style, war
ranted to equal any Oity in the Unicu.
Orders from the Country attended to.
OFFICE—In Beach k Root's Building—
tairs febl
IMPROVED
METALIC BURIAL CASES.
L80, a general assortment of
. Wood Coffins, inoluding Rose
Wood and Mahogany.
Nznthzl’s Sheet Metallc Burial Catos,
An entirely new article, nearly aa light aa wood,
and closed up with India Rubber—air-tight—
forsaleatmy Rooms, iu Markham’s New Build
ing, on Whitehall street, up staira.
L. ROBINSON.
Residence on Bridge street, near Col. John
Collier’s.
Orders, by telegraph, or otherwise, prompt
ly attended to jan 2j-ly.
H. B. CLIFFORD,
BACON, FLOUR, COFFEE. SUGAR,
RICE, WINE, BAGGING, ROPE,
—AND—
GENERAL PRODUCE BROKER
—AND—
COMMISSION MERCHANT,
No. l<13 t 4 th or Wall 6t„
LOUI8VILLLE, et.
P ERSONAL attention given to all orders aod
consignments Having thorough knowl
edge of the markets and my business, I flatter
myself that 1 can save those who intrust their
business to me, a fair profit. 1 deal strictly on
the cash System. Those who send their mon
ey and orders to me get the full benefit of our
Cash Market I do not use the money, and
buy the nrtfelo on time of 86, 66 or 96 day*, as
is often done in all markets. I can ship as
TONIC,DIURETIC,
*T# oYsrtrg
: OLFE’S celebrated SCHIEDAM aKO-
. > MATIC SCHNAPPS should he kept i B
every family. It in variably cor rests the illef.
feels of change of weather, aud, as a hovers**
it is the purest Lkptor mads in tiro world. •
Put up in pint and quart bottles. Also, '
ldolpiio woi.rra
Pure Cognac Brandy,
Imported and bottled by hinmelf, warranted pur*- uj
the beat quality, with hfa certificate on th* Ixitta W
his seal on the cork.
UDOLPHO WOLVT8
Pare Port Wlue,
UDOLPHO WOLFE'S
Pure Sherry Wine,
Imported and hotted by himself, the smii.v as the Port
UDOLPHO WOLFE’.*
Pure Madeira Wine,
Imported and bottled by himself, for private and med
icinal use, the best Wine ever offered to the trade In bob
ties. This Wine is warrented perfectly pure.
UDOLPHO WOLFE’S
Pure Jamaica Rum,
Ml. Croix Rum, Scotch and Irish Whisky.
To the Public.
I will stake my reputation as a man, «ny standingai|
merchant of thirty years' residence In Nev York, that
what I pledge and testify to with my seal, toy label,and
my certificate, la correct,and can be relied upon hy ev
ery purchaser.
Phystciaua who use Wines ami Liquors in their prac
tice should give the preference to these articles.
Fur sale by all respectable Druggists and A|^theat
ric*.
UDOLPHO WOLFE,
Bole Manufacturer and Importer of Schiedam Aromalir
Schnapps,
No. 22, Beaver Street, New York.
HUNNICUTT, TAYLOR A JONES,
W Holeatalo A.gonta,
.Atlanta, Goorgia.
February L% lb«1.—<1 • n»
T HE Macon Telegraph Lino is now thorough-
1y repaired and ready tor business. Tbs
causes of delay iu the transmission of South
ern Messages is thus removed. Office next
door to Adams Express Office, Alabama strati
T. CAMPBELL, Manager Atlanta Office,
March 2, 1861. die
THOMAS & ABBOTT,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Atlanta, Georsin.
Office in Smith’s Building, Whitehall itrat
G. 8. Thomas, jalfitf B«w. F. Auvn.
SAM KIBKMAJf. . JOHN 1
KIRKMAN 6c LUKE,
COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
No. 170, Seoorid Strop).
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI.
Refer to Jo.. Ki.kmam, Jamb. Woam, I
GmEnsmiD, Nuhrille, Tenn. j.n 9-1.
TOR MLE AT COUT.
T KN Share* of 8toek In AiUnU PL®nilI«#
k Building Association. Apply at tit*
Roe. rr 3 ./It
THOMAS M. CLARKE,
Hnreeiworto Clmrlie A T.-wt-,
IMPORTER k DEALER IN
ENGLISH A IIEIICAK IMMHL
is often done fa all markets. 1 eta ebfp aa
low as any man in the South-West All Ikik
is a trial. New York Exchange received at
selling rate here. 1 do net speculate; do only
a legitimate business, gentlemen. fan tf.
siox a. nessox.
nonnae e. nonson
S. B. ROBSON & 00.,
WHOLESALE GROCERS
—AJT»—
Commission Merchants,
Whitehall Street,
ATLANTA......™*..... GEORGIA
Bell Everything in their Line of Trade ad
Tkf J"Here fm Cash
oetlw * »
A L80, Bweedes, English and Amerirsah*
Cost, German, Blister and Plow Steelj
so, Gunn, Rifle*, and Pistoia, Farmers’ la
meats, Carpenters' Tools, Ac., Carriage B
ware. Borings, Axles, Hubs, 8poket, aodl
Bole Agsnt for Fairbanks Scales, at Ne**
prices, Peach-Tree street, Atlanta, Ga. *
J. H. LOVEJOT,
WHOLESALE & RETAIL
qne DMALia in ^
TubitM, »i*r, Lk]uw. Cigun, *<•
Ok.rokn Hook, F«<ft-Tm i
Atlanta, Oaorfla-
hMS-ljr 1