Newspaper Page Text
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~,EO W ADAIRJ. HENLY SMITH,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
ATkAKTAf GEORGIA L
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1861.
FOR PRESIDENT,
JEFFERSON DAVIS,
OF MISSISSIPPI.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
ALEX. 11. STEPHENS,
OF GEOKOTA.
Electoral Ticket.
STATE AT LARGE:
□avid 1RW1N,....0f Cobb.
HOS. E. LLOYDof Chatham.
ALTERNATES:
J. R ALEXANDERof Thomas.
W. H. DABNEYof Gordon
DISTRICT ELECTORS :
I.—J. L. HARRISof Glynn.
2 —ARTHUR HOODof Randolph.
3. J. L WIMBERLYof Stewart.
4. ED McGEHEEof Houston.
5. I P. GARVINof Richmond.
6. ISHAM FANNINof Morgan.
7. 0. C. GIBSONof Spalding.
8. - JOHN RAYof Coweta.
9. —H. W. CANNON,of Rabun.
10.—H. F. PRICEofCass.
ALTERNATES:
1. J. L. SINGLETONof Scriven.
2. —J. S. DYSONof Thomas.
3. J. M. MOBLEYof Harris.
4—l. E. DUPREEof Twiggs.
5. —J. S. HOOK.of Washington.
6.
7—J. T. STEPHENSof Monroe.
8.
9. J. H. BANKSof Hall.
10.—F. A. KIRBYof Chattooga.
Confederate Senator.
A distinguished statesman in one of the
Confederate States, in announcing that he is a
candidate for Congress, says : v
“Old political issues belong to a past era—
old party lines are now effaced—old personal
grudges and contentions are receding before
an enemy to eachand all of us: and the freemen
of the South are standing in solid column,
through which beats but one heart of defimt
courage and purpose. Withered be the tongue,
which, for its own selfish objects, would mar
this patriotic harmony of feeling and aim.—
With myself, old party quarrels are a sealed
book. So shall they remain.”
This is noble and patriotic, and the senti
ment does honor to the man making the an
nouncement. A similar sentiment should an
imate the heart of every candidate for office,
as it does, of every true patriot in the land.
In striking contrast with this eminently wise,
liberal and just sentiment, we occasionally
see the claims of men urged for office, because
they have long been secessionists, and their
course should now be “ indorsed;” or because
they were onee opposed to secession, but have
honestly suppot ted it since the State tock that
position, and they, too, must be “ indorsed.”—
This is all wrong and unpatriotic; and we hope
it will cease. Offices should be filled with men
who are true to us now, and who are able to
fill their requirements, better than any one
else.
Two papers in this State have lately admit
ted communications into their columns, urg
ing Hon. Alfred Iverson for Senator, because
he has long been a disunionist, and labored to
bring about a separation of the North and
South for some time before it was accomplish
ed. We regret to see this plea made, and that
any journal will admit such into their col
umns. If thus early old party issues and dis
tinctions are to be revived, and men rewarded
or punished for the position they onee occupi
ed on some party or political issue or distract
ing question, our present revolution is worth
nothing. It will be a failure, so far as any
good results are concerned, and wilt turn to
ashes on our lips. If old party lines are to be
drawn, it will be done to our ruin. The in
stincts of self-interest may keep us together
til! we achieve a victory over the North ; but
the seeds of the same death will be deeply
planted in our body politic, soon to mature,
and produce the same bitter fruits of dissolu
tion, which we are now compelled to hold
to our lips and eat to the fill. The question
arises: had we not better be slain by the
hands of a murderer, than commit suicide
And if we are to destroy ourselves by our own
foil,, were it not better that we had submitted
to the Government of Lincoln, and suffered
ruin at the hands of him and the Abolition
ists ? These questions are worthy of consid
eration.
These are times when our wisest, safest,
ablest and best men should be selected to fill
important posts; and, having been a seces
sionistor not, before secession took place, should
not now enter into the consideration of a man’s
qualifications for any office. Before that was
done, a man had a perfect right to be in favor
of, or opposed to secession, as he saw fit, and
neither had he the slightest grounds to ques
tion the patriotism or the propriety of the
other’s course. Some men among us favored
secession from 1850, till it was accomplished,
dome adopted it at a later day—two or three
years ago—among whom, were the Hon. Al
fred Iverson. He was first elected to the U.
9. Senate, as a Union man, by the Union par
ty of this State. Many others did not adopt
secession till it was accomplished; but no pa
triot will, simply on that account, give prefer
ence to an old time secessionist over one who
adopted it as the policy of his State when ac
complished, provided he then did it honestly
and heaitily, and has since done all he could
to support the State in the policy. A man who
has been untrue to us, since the State seceded,
should be dealt with as a traitor; but nothing
should be said or done that would revive old
party distinctions, feelings and animosities.
The secession of the State effectually wiped
out all old scores, with every man who has hon
estly supported the country in the position she
has assumed. Before secession took place,
a man had a right to oppose it if he thought
proper; but no one had any such right after
that policy was adopted. The measure was
of the greatest possible importance, and the
S O UTHERM CONFEDERACY
issue was a vital one; and when the voice of
the people in their majesty was given for se
cession, it then became every man’s duty to
look about for the most efficient means of
maintaining the position of the people thus
deliberately taken, and contribute all in his
power tor that purpose. A man who loves his
country, and feels that his destiny is indisso
lubly linked with it, will always stand up to
its every measure which is of vital importance
or against outside enemies, whether he had
advocated or opposed that policy, before its
adoption, or not If he does this, none can be
truer or more deserving the respect, confidence
and honors of the people, and t no patriot will,
for selfish purposes, open up issues which be
longed to the past and &re settled, and in which
the whole country acquiesces.
One of the correspondents alluded to grum
bles loudly because his friend Judge Iverson
has so long labored for secession, aud now that
it is accomplished, he is getting none of the
rich fat fruits of it; that his claims were over
looked by the Georgia Convention in selecting
members to the Provisional Congress; that a
Governor has been chosen, and the Judge,
though desiring that office, and had sought
the nomination for it, was not honored by
having his name even considered by the Con
vention ; that candidates for Congress are now
being brought out, but everybody gives him
the go-by; and that Senators must soon be
chosen, and nobody seems to be urging his
claims. He complains bitterly, and thinks
the country is ungrateful—all because the
Judge has been adisunionist longer than some
others.
Judge Iverson has a right to be Senator if
he desires to be and can be, (and we have
good evidence that he desires the office,) and
his friends have a right to work for him, if
they think proper; but neither he nor they
have a right to urge his election on such
grounds.
In choosing Senators, the moral worth, the
intellectual endowments, the good judgment,
experience, statesmanship, and the ability to
serve the people to some purpose in this trying
time, should be considered. These involve
questions regarding a man’s fitness for high
office worthy of every one’s grave considera
tion ; while the position he has heretofore oc
cupied on secession or any other past or dead
issue does not. Such issues will be revived
and made by his friends, where there is great
anxiety to get him in, and where there is a
pervading, oppressive consciousness that merit
will not be sufficient to carry him through.
We make no issue against Judge Iverson.—
We stand upon principle. If he and his friends
want the office for him, let them urge his
claims and qualifications; but let them do so
upon the ground that he can serve us at this
time better than any one else—or at least as
well : for we hesitate uot to say, that no one
in Georgia ought to want to go to the Senate,
while a man can be found who will accept the
office, and can serve us with more ability and
efficiency at this time. A man and his friends
who, in these times, wants an office on any
other consideration, are selfish aud unpatri
otic, and should be rebuked.
A Chance to Do Some Good.
We ask special attention to the communica
tion in to-day’s paper signed “ Friend.” It
is a good move—in the right direction. By
reference to the Constitution of the State, Bth
clause, 2d Sec., 3d Art., the provision alluded
to will be found. It is, as our correspondent
says, a wise one, and the opportunity to save
something should be at once improved by the
Legislature. Our taxes will be heavy as long
as this war lasts ; and if it lasts a long time,
they will be very heavy. It behooves the peo
ple to pay out no useless money ; and the
most useless and wicked waste of money on
earth is paying a man a high salary to fill an
office, with nothing to do
VVe have ascertained that quite a number of
persons, in various parts of the State, are now
candidates for the four offices ; and we have
but little doubt that only two of them will be
filled, and the other two merged into them.
We have not the slightest doubt but the duties
of two of these offices, for a whole year, can
be fully discharged by a competent man, with
three months’ labor. Justice to the people
demands the most rigid economy in all things.
We ask the people and the press of the State
to speak out on this subject. Let “consoli
dation” be the watchword.
Hung- the Wretch.
A friend from Newton Factory informs us
that a brutal negro in that neighborhood, a
short time since, attempted to violate a lady—
the wife of a most respectable citizen, and es
caped ; but that he was captured after a few
days. On Wednesday last, a large number of
the citizens of Newton and Jasper counties
assembled at the house of John A. Allen, Esq ,
in Jasper. A Committee, consisting of twen
ty-one prominent and respectable gentlemen,
were selected to take the matter into consid
eration. After deliberation, they decided to
take the law into their own hands, and that
the negro should be hung that evening at four
o’clock. This decision of the Committee was
ratified by the assemblage without a dissent,
and the sentence was executed at the appoint
ed hour.
Red Mark Again.
We are sending out to all our daily subscri
bers, whose time expires before the Ist No
vember a back number of our paper, with a
cross mark, and the day on which their sub
scription terminates, entered on the margin
of the paper with a red pencil. Let all who
wish to continue renew in time. We cannot
send out our paper without the money in
advance. Advertising is almost nominal,
and we live and are able to publish our paper
almost from subscriptions alone.
And let all who can, send us $5 in advance
for a year’s subscription. It will cost, them
less and be of very great advantage to us.—
The time and labor of re entering monthly
subscriptions is a daily tax on us, while some
other portion of our business is suffering for
want of our attention.
Read Mr. Memminger’e Letter.
For the “Southern Confederacy."
Col. Gartrell’s Eligibility.
Messrs. Adair J Smith ; In discussing the
eligibility of Col Gartrell (if elected) to a seat
in Congress, I premise that he is twenty-five
years of age and is a citizen of the Bih Con
gressional Distw't, and I avail myself of the
permission you have granted to Col. Gartrell,
“or any of his friends,” to review an article
in your paper of the 15th instant, over the
signature of a “ Private Citizen,,” and will
endeavor to do so in a “proper temper.”
The clause of the Constitution under which
the citizen contends he is not eligible,
reads as follows : “And no person bolding
any office under the Confederate States shall be
a member of Congress during his continuance
in ojfice.” Col. Gartrell has shown, by his own
letter, and by the arguments and opinions of
Judge Thomas aud Col. Toombs, that it will
be no violation of the Constitution io take his
seat, (if elected) because he does not hold his
office of Colenel of the 7th Regiment Georgia
Volunteers under the Confedirate States. Ido
not hesitate to express it as my decided con
viction that Judge Thomas is as well qualified
to discuss this question as the “ Citizen,” and
that Col. Toombs is possessed of more ability
to discuss such a question than any man in
the State, except, perhaps, Judge Lumpkin,
and I know, by reading the article of Citizen,
that Judge Lumpkin did not write it. It would
be arrogance in me to discuss, over again,
this question, after it has been discussed by
Col. Gartrell, Col. Toombs and Judge Thomas,
in your paper. Rut I will discuss the ques
tion in a different way. Can Col. Gartrell, if
fairly elected, take-his seat without a viola
tion of the Constitution, or the laws of the
land, if we admit that he, Col. Toombs and
Judge Thomas are all and each mistaken? I
say he can. He certainly can resign his office
as Colonel whenever he pleases. Thus doing
he gets clear of all the objections which the
Citizen or Mr. Fielder urges against his eligi
bility. Suppose Col. Gartrell, after having
served his country on the bloody field of bat
tle, and having been called home to serve his
constituents by an overwhelming majority,
(and no one doubts but that he will be thus
elected) that be should accept that office and
resign his office as Colonel because the former
is more suited to bis taste or qualifications,
aud when there are others in the regiment,
from which he has been thus called, as well
aud better qualified to command it than he is,
and who are willing to be thus promoted
Who has any right to object to it? Is it not
very unfair, while Col. Gartrell is fighting em
battles and we are quietly at ease at home,
over six hundred miles from the local ion where
his arduous duties occupy all his time, so that
he can have no chance to be heard in his own
defense, that even outsiders should object io
bis resignation, for no benefit to ary one in
his district except, perhaps, Mr. Fielder or
Mr. Jones, who oppose him for Congress—
when his friends are disposed to give him
again their votes for an office he has twice fill
ed to their entire satisfaction ? Who has any
right to say his friends shall not decide this
question for themselves ? If the voters of the
district disapprove his resignation, that will
be indicated by a minority vote But if his
constituents call him home to serve them in
Congress, ana make no objection that another
shall take command of the regiment to which
he belongs, and of those patriotic men he has
so well treated and kindly taken care of on
the tented field, who, in Georgia, can offer any
good reason why Col. Gartrell’s friends should
not decide this question for themselves. To
morrow I will discuss the question, Is it prop
er for Col. Gartrell io be a candidate at this
time? GWINNETT.
[For the Confederacy.]
The Question of Eligibility.
Messrs. Editors: Since the question of rhe
eligibility of an army officer to a seat in Con
gress is eliciting some discussion, I desire to
call the attention of your readers to the way
it is understood in Virginia.
Col. G. W. Randolph, who now commands a
Virginia regiment in the army, was nominat
ed for Congress by a Convention, in the Rich
mond District, and had accepted the nomina
tion.
On the 17th instant, he published a card in
the Richmond papers, withdrawing from the
canvass, on the ground that he had become
satisfied of his ineligibility, while holding a
commission in the army, which he said he
would not resign for any office; and that he
had been under a misapprehension as to the
provisions of the permanent Constitution of
the Confederate States. He says :
“Since the publication of my card, I have
had an opportunity of examining the perma
nent Cons',itution, and I find that it contains
the following provirion :
“ And no person holding any office under
the Confederate States shall be a member of
either House during his continuance in office.”
Although commissioned by the Governor,
yet I am in the service of the Confederate
States, and therefore, v it bin the spirit, if not
the letter, of the above prohibition ; and, to
qualify myself for a seat in Congress, I should
have to resign my commission in the army.
I deem it best to recall my accej tance of
the nomination for Congress, and, according
ly, I request that no poll shall be held for
me.”
Several other gentlemen in Virginia, hold
ing commissions in the army, were candidates
for Congress. Among them, were Extra Billy
Smith, Roger A. Pryor, Thomas F. Goode, and
Col. Baldwin. Since the appearance of Col.
Randolph’s card, Mr. Pryor has declined also;
and the Richmond papers confidently an
nounce the declination of the others. No doubt
they will. They ought to; for no man should
be holding a civil and military office at one
and the same time; and no man, who is effi
cient as a military officer, should be -allowed
to leave the field for the sake of a civil office.
If he is a poor military officer, let him resign
at once; and, if he then wants a civil office,
enter the lists fairly for it, as others do.
OBSERVER
If it costs Lincoln $1,200,000 a day to hold
Washington City, how much will it cost to
subjugate the South ?
Confederate States ot America.
Treasury Department, )
Richmond, Oct. 15th, 1861. (
The Commissioners Appointed to Receive. Sub
scriptions to the Produce Loan :
Gentlemen :
Enquiries have been made from various
quarters.
1. Whether, during the continuance of the
Blockade, efforts should be made to procure
further subscriptions.
2 Whether the Government will authorize
promises to t e held out of, aid to the planters,
as an inducement to such further subscrip
tions.
Ihe first inquiry srems to imply a misun
derstanding ot the scheme of the subscrip
tions. Many persons have supposed that the
Government was to have some control of the
produce itself; others that, the time ot sale
appointed by tne subscription, was to be ab
solute and unconditional The caption at the
head ot the lists, when examined, will correct
both these errors. The subscription is con
fined to the proceeds of sales, and contains an
order on the Commission merchant or factor
ot the planter !o pay over io tbe Treasurer
the amount subscribed, in exchange for
Confederate Ronds. The transaction is sim
ply an agreement by the planter to lend the
Government so much money ; and, in order
to complete the transaction, a time and place
are appointed when and where the parties
may meet to carry it out. The important
point is, that it shall certainly be completed
at some time, and that is secured by the en
gagement. ol the planter. Whether that time
be December or June is simply a question of
convenience, and works no injury to either
party. The Government is sure of the even
tual payment and derives from that certainty
so much credit; and it loses nothing because
it gives its bond only when the money is paid.
It is obvious, therefore, that the subscrip
tions are quite as valuable to the Government
during the blockade, as after it. The block
ade simply suspends the completion of the
engagement. It becomes the interest of both
parties to wait for a good price, and the Gov
ernment will readily consent to a postpone
ment of the sate.
You perceive, therefore, that it is desirable
to continue your exertions to increase the
subscriptions ; and you are authorized to say
that the Government will consent to a reason
able extension of the time appointed for
sales.
2. Ihe next enquiry is as to a promise of
material aid from the Goverrinieut to the plan
ters.
In answering this enquiry, 1 am to speak
in advance of any action of Congress. What
that body may see fit to do, it is not for me to
determine. I can express merely the views
of this Department, and these must govern
your action, until reversed by a higher au
thority. It would be a sufficient answer to
the enquiry, to say, that the action of the
Government is settled by the Constitution.—
No power is granted to any Department to
lend money for tbe relief of any interest.—
Even the power of Congress in relation to
money is confined to borrowing, and no clause
can he found which would sanction so stupen
dous a scheme, as purchasing the entire crop
with a view to aid its owners. But it may
be said that the Constitution of the Provision
al Government may be altered by Congress,
and that it is the duty of this Department to
prepare the way for such alteration, if, in its
judgment, the financial necessities of the coun
try demand the change.
I am not disposed, then, to close the enqui
ry with the abrupt answer thus made by the
Constitution; and will proceed to consider
the subject upon its intrinsic merits.
Two plans of relief have been proposed.—
The one is that the Government should pur
chase the entire crop of tbe country ; the
other that an advance should be made of part
of its value. In either cases the payment is
to be made by the issue of Treasury notes,
and therefore, if we put aside for the present,
the many and serious objections to the posses
sion, transportation and management of the
crop by the Government, it becomes simply a
question of amount. To purchase the whole
crop would require its whole value, less the
amount of the subscriptions made to the Gov
ernment. If we estimate the whole crop of
cotton at 200 millions and the subscriptions at
50 millions, the purchase would then require
150 millions of Treasury notes, and, if to this
sum be added tbe amount of values for other
agricultural products, which would certainly
claim the same benefit, t he sum required would
probably reach 175 millions.
The amount called fur by the other plan of
making an advance, would depend upon the
proportion of that advance. Few of the ad
vocates of this plan have put it lower than
five cents per pound on cotton, and at the
same rate upon other produce. It may, there
fore, be very fairly set down at about one hun
dred millions.
If we consider first, the least objectionable
of these plans, it is certainly that, which re
quires the smaller sum ; and if this be found
impracticable, the larger must of necessity
be rejected. Our inquiry, then, may be nar
rowed down to a proposal that the Government
should issue one hundred millions of Treas
ury notes, to be distributed among the plant
ing community upon tbe pledge of tho forth
coming crop.
The first remarkable feature in this scheme
is, that it. proposes that a new Government,
yet struggling for existence, should reject all
the lessons of experience, and undertake that
which no Government, however long estab
, lished, has yet succeeded in effecting. The
■ “ organization of labor” has called forth many
' ingenious attempts, both speculative and prac
• tical, among well established Governments,
| but always with disastrous failure. With us,
I however, the experiment is proposed to a new
Government, which is engaged in a gigantic
war, and which must rely on credit to furnish
means to carry on that war. Our enemies
are in possession of all the munitions and
work-shops which have been collected during
forty five years of peace—their fleets have
been built up at our joint expense. With all
these on hand, they yet are obliged to expend
nearly ten millions of dollars per week to
carry on tbe war. Can we expect to contend
with them at less than haaf that expenditure?
Supposing that it may require 200 millions of
dollais; then the proposal is that at a time
when we are called upon to raise this large
sum for the support of tbe Government we
shall raise a further sum of 100 millions for
the benfit of the planing interest.
For it must be observed, first that the Gov
ernment receives no benefit whatever from
this advance. The money is paid to each
individual planter, and in exchange the Gov
ernment receives only his bond or note—or,
if the cotton be puchased, the Government
receives only certain bales of cotton. This is
to say, the Government pays out mony which
is needful to its very existence, and receives
in exchange planters’ notes or produce, which
it does not need and cannot in any way make
use of.
It must be observed, in the next place, that
treasury notes have now become tbe currency
of the country. They are, therefore, at pres
ent the measures of value. In this view it is
the duty of the government to limit their is
sue, as far as practicable, to that amount
which is the limit of its currency. Every
person acquainted with this branch of polit
ical science is aware that if the currency pas
ses this point,it not only becomes depreciated,
but it disturbs the just relations of society,
precisely as though an arbirtary authority
should change the weights and measures of
the country. If the currency of a country
should be suddenly extended from one hun
dred to two hundred millions of dollars, that,
which was measured by one dollar is now
measured by two. and every article must be
rated at twice its former price. Os course all
contracts are disturbed. The debt incurred
before the increase is discharged by paying
one-ball its former value: and each article pur
chased must be paid for at double its former
price The government from the necessities
of war, is >be largest <f al) purchasers, and
thus, by a kind of suicidal act., compels itself
to p*y two dollars tar what one would have
formerly purchased. And, at this rate of ad
v»nce, two hundred millions of dollars can
effect no more, than one hundred millions of
dollars would have effected before; or, in
other words, one hundred millions of dollars
are actually sunk in tbe operation.
Such a condition of the currency, the Gov
ernment has anxiously endeavored to guard
against The war tax was laid for the pur
pose of creating a demand for Treasury notes,
and a security for their redemption. Their
redundancy has been carefully guarded against
by allowing them to be funded in eight per
cent bonds. If necessity Giall compel the
Government to issue, for the defense of the
country, aud to keep out two hundred mil-,
lions, it is plain that every accession must
impair and may defeat all these precautions.
If the Government should undertake, for
the sake of private interests, so large an in
crease of issues, it may hazard its entire credit
and stability. The experiment is too danger
ous, and relief for the planters must be sought
in some other direction And may not that
remedy be found ?
In the first place, let the planters immedi
ately take measures for winter crops, to relieve
the demand for grain and provisions. Let
them proceed to divert, part of their labor
from cotton and make their own clothing and
supplies. Then let them apply to the great
resource presented by the money capital in
banks and private hands. Let this capital
come forward and assist the agricultural in
terest. Heretofore the banks have employed
a large part of their <apital in the purchase
of Northern exchange Lei them apply this
portion to factors’ acceptances of planters’
drafts secured by pledge of the produce in the
planters’ hands. An extension of the time
usually allowed on these drafts, would over
come most of the difficulties. This extension
could safely reach the probable time of sale
of the crops, inasmuch as the suspension of
specie payments throughout the Confederacy,
relieves each bank from calls for coin. The
banks are accustomed to manage loans of this
character, and will conduct Gie operation with
such skill, as will make them mutually advan
tageous The amount of advance asked from
the banks would be greatly less than if advan
ces were offered by the Government, and all
the abuses incident to government agencies,
would be avoided.
It seems to toe, therefore, that it is neither
necessary nor expedient, that the Government
should embatk upon this dangerous experi
ment. li is far better that each class of the
community should endeavor to secure its own
existence by its own exertions, and if an effort
be at once made by so intelligent a class as
the planters, it will result in relief. Delay in
these efforts accasioncd by vague expectations
of relief from Government, which cannot be
realized, may defeat that which is yet practi
cable. Respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
C. G. MEMMINGEB,
Secretary of the Treasury.
.'_L—B. . . * ■■ . 11 -- 1 ■ ■
Notices.
W' c are authorized to announce
Rev. R. W. BIGHAM as a candi
date to represent tbe 9th Congressional District,
in the next Congress. oct. 11-tde.
e are authorized to announce
the name of TIIOS. W. J. HILL,
of this city, as a candidate for Secretary of the
Senate. oct. 10-tde.
Wc arc authorized to announce
the name of HERBERT FIELDER
of Polk, as a candidate to represent the Eighth
District of Georgia >n the Confederate Congress.
Sept. 25-tde.
'' e are authorized to announce
EfM** the name of Hon. JOHN A.
JONES of Polk, as a candidate to represent
the Sth Congressional District in the next Con
federate Congress. His record is before the
country, and by that he is willing to be judged.
Sept. 18—tde
We are authorized to announce
the name, of Colonel L. J. GAR
TRELL as a candidate to represent this (the
Eighth) District in the Confederate Congress.
Septl3-tde.
A New Independent Georgia Regiment.
A. Leyden, an officer now serving in the
Ist Georgia Regiment in north-western Vir
ginia, has been authorized by the Coefederate
Government to raise a Regiment, to serve for
three years, or during the war.
Organized Companies in any part of tbe
State, whether armed cr not, will have an op
portunity of going into active service, by
sending their muster-rolls to him at Atlanta,
Ga.
Companies must be full to be accepted.—
Those not having arms, leuts, &c., will be
furnished by tbe Government. A Lieuten
ant Colonel and M»jor will be elected by the
companies forming the Regiment, on its or
ganization.
To Planters and Soldiers.
Planters wishing home-made wool hats for
their Negroes will find such, in large supply,
at J. M, Holbrook’s Hat and Cap Manufactory,
on Whitehall street. lie has also a fine as
sortment of Soldier's Caps, of various styles
and prices. Oct. 18—ts
Wanted:
OVERSEERS, MECHANICS <t LABORERS.
MEN wanting employment as above can get
steady work and good wages by applying
at Grays Furniture Store on Whitehall street.
CHARLES I GRADY, Agent.
Oct 19 4t.
Wanted,
A good Milk Cow, with a young calf. In
quire at this office. sept. 25-ts.
mmEw '- v^y JO ii
-. wSSiIk y
BY AD AIR & SMITH.
TERMS:
Daily, one year, 85; six months, 83
one month, 50 cents.
Weekly, one year, 82; six months,
81.25 —invariably in advance.
J3?~ln all cases, subscribers to the Dally
“Confederacy” will be charged at the rate of 50
cents per month tor any length of time less than
one year.
We ask especial attention of every liimlly to
our paper. Those enjoying daily mail facilities
will find
gailg (SwfMtaqj
filled with the latest intelligence from the seat
of war, both bv telegraph, hud from reliable
special correspondents, of unquestioned abil
ities and whose facilities for getting correct In
formation are unsurpassed. We are laying out
large sums of money and exerting every effort
to make ours a first class journal.
THE I
CONFEDERACY
HAS MORE THAN
TIIR E E TIM E S
The circulation of any paper
in Georgia, north ol Augusta,
and is
FUL IYYS KQ U-A.to
to that, of any paper In the
State.
NO LABOR NOR EXPENSE
will be withheld that will add to the attractive
ness and interest of our paper. To reimburse
us for the heavy expenses we have Incurred—
not simply the ordinary expenses of publishing
a paper, but for our correspondence and tel
egraphs, wc must rely in a great measure upon
receipts from subscriptions. We ask our ftienda
everywhere to assist us In getting subscribers.
Every man who takes our paper, so far as we
know, is pleased with it. We feel very sure
that we have not a single subscriber that could
not at least send us one more with but, little ef
fort, while many could send us a dozen or more.
Let every friend be assured that with the in
crease of our circulation, our ability to make a
better paper will be greatly enhanced, and such
means shall be used to the best advantage. We
hope those who have subscribed for our Dally
for a short time, will renew their subscriptions
and
Go it for the Whole Year*
It W’ill benefit us more, and save considerable
trouble in erasing, and re writing names on oui
mail book.
We have every possible facility for obtaining
correct news. This, however, costs us heavily,
and we hope every one who is so anxious to gel
war news will admit the equity of subscribing
and paying for our paper.
ln S all the
NEWS pM
®hc Wetltlj
is one of the largest and most attractive news
papers in America, and will be filled with the
choicest reading matter—made up from the
cream of our Daily issue. Tn future It will be
mailed punctually every Wednesday morning
on the Georgia, the Macon & Western, and the
State Road trains. Send in your orders.
The Weekly is a very large sheet, full of the
choicest reading matter. The cheapest way to
get the news is to subscribe for the Confeder
cy-
Postmasters are authorized to act as our
Agents in obtaining subscribers and forwarding
the money—for which they will be allowed to
retain, as commission, twenty-five cents on each
Weekly, or fifty cents on each Daily subscriber.
Persons getting up Clubs of five, ten or
more subscribers, will be supplied with the
copies ordered at 12% per cent, less than our
regular rates.
No name will be entered on our books
until the money is paid; and all subscriptions
are discontinued when the time expires foi
which payment is made, unless the same be
renewed.
Address, ADAIR & SMITH,
June, 186 L Atlanta, Georgia