Newspaper Page Text
I local strength. It rtiiifht l>
THK DAILY SUN. oladed from tlie nhatyby
Fmdat Momrato Bn-nornm 1. Mr. Hendrick. was] fl
• Office it* the Sun Building, Wetl
av* office in the Sun Butldmg, Hctt
tide </ Broad itreet, Second Door South </
Alabama.
tdt' New Advertisements always found
on Firtt Pent; Local and Butineu Notices
an Fourth Page.
ANOTHER TRICK OP THE
HIDEOUS COALITION.
> In tke ismac of the Now York Herald ot
the 37th ultimo, which bet jnet reached
m, we find an editorial, which we pre-
y Wlo mm read am t*-d*y. Itia
eetited "The lit Caute'—An Astounding
Programme, though Perfectly AbturdfmtA
well might tho addition bare been made
to it of •<***/««."
1 by the earns maO which
• the Btraid, with its notice of
di the "rieehlili pamphlet”
, with Us 'titrltily oomfldaaUal”
I it, upon lead-
’ uMlof iii jliicb
■allr) treat*) by
it forth without a tuna, and
**t fkd into the hands of
ia? are intended to
aboat this insidi-
dB el the
I fom of Democracy
~ Moaaenh It is
I of theeaemy.
1 el the Berdd that this
l "by Alexander
m «*
other kin
| new hired by the
coalition to perform. “Mr. Stephana’
whole heart” ia not "devoted to a South
,t b jWtr^ndtOna of Nsrthera Domooraqy;”
hot it is devoted to the great patriotic
object of uniting the Southern and north
ern Democracy against the treacherous
] flmweaMot ol their common euomy,
known aa the “New Departure” Coalition.
AMthfc, the atari/ men knows perfectly
%all, notwithstanding the guilrful sophit-
by, by which he, “serpentlfke, ’’ attempt*
* taeoetrary Miff in the minds of
^unsuspecting maaiea of the
JDavia,”a^fathe/*roW, “haapro-
, <$»■«»«* tn Alabama and Georgia that he
accept! matting ;”,and “Hr. Bhphmt in hit
mtietpaper, holds the tame petition.
4 Ozgkhia ‘^atamc’’ statement, the Her
ald exdaima :
••WoraOoa.” oDosbarry pota It “they are both
is * tab.** h
Now,|whatveor^lr. Davie may have pro-
^ inr Mahan n, Georgia, or slae-
whase, ee to what “he atotptt" as the
euke ol the war against Ssoeaaion,
jAortjgcr.-tr::.” t *.
Jferald that "Atoiauder H. Stephens"
has i sweated again sad again that be doee
accept, aud in good faith, all tho actual
results of that war, whether legitimate or
otherwise. The Htrnld knows that the
position of The Atlanta Sun ("Mr. Ste-
phena' newspaper") ia not that assigned
it in the artiole quoted. The Her
ald knows the position of Tm Sun has
keen distantly stated in these plain and
nnmiatakaable words
••A Iwtuaato nralt of U. wir, w* tatters, wm the
■■tUeteeai—ol settlement/brrarr—In this eountry,
sfthspa'ievo* eense.lon — aprncttcnl urijo* re.
dr.ee etetum an; nsnrvnUone on the putinf Its Fed-
erel aovnrameai” • • • a a •
• • • "These qneatlone. thsntiw. rttetluf to
the right of anosertoa. for all praoScnl |«t1Ma»a and
ennjtelllna.i ne trail ns thoeaMti—S*»*»*■*“»
and extent at neon eerrltadem the southern su
we oooatder empIteUeeilr aatof Si -deed tee
We bare no disposition toie*lratbaae.aor eaxqaee-
Urn |—M 4 -! tn tkrm <i» ~rnr W« b*
Mar* also that la Ihte natter wa but rei-oat St a aai-
roraal aaaMteaat ol tte Southern Stele."
Ia this the came position which is ss-
aigned to Jtr. Davis in the Heraldt Fiend-
like atsdstnent I
Would even Dogberry, upon hearing
have said, “they art both in a taler"
Would not that simph winded parson, if
anoh a statement hati been presented to
him, backed by any number of witnesses
(claiming the two positions to be tho same)
has* ewelatmail, as ha did in the play:
-Doan—taarrr, sir, they bam <
smxtr 1
Ht as to ooMlMh, tin
We give the Heratd Dogberry’s judg-
mast upon the oaae he lias made, and
any to our rwadars that wo believe " thie
wary remarkable pamphlet' ia nothing
wiley trick ol the "Arne
Coalition," to bring trouble in
Ike Democratic Camp. Our duty re
gains as to sound the alarm, and urge
the Deaeoeraoy every where to “betcare,"
and to be on their guard against all the
scheming of those who ere "now plotting"
their destruction and the overthrow of
free institutions, not only by usurpation,
violence and perfidy, bnt by resorting,
when oeeaaion anils their purpose, to the
vflmesystem Of “.hcmlaml Am.”
A.H. a
the New York delegation iu the Cosaen
tion ol 1868, (uotwitijMsmliiig the L»d of
"reform, and eoff 'udfion," offered by his
friend,) by all other Democratic poli
ticians, what wonld be the fate of their
S tive loaders when trusting to mere
ians and sharpers. But strange to
say, subsequently the idea became somo-
how greatly intensified, that the good
will and efficient aid of Tweed A Co. were
yet indispensably necessary.
Doubtless Mr. Vsliandighnm was par
tially oommitted to tba ‘tauaue” as curly
aa the date of the hypocritical nomination
and subsequent impudent attempt to
withdraw Mr. Heymour, in both of which
he had a band ; but, if I am com-ctly in
formed, Mid I think I am, it was not
until about a year ago, that, upon his
visit to the city of New York, the notion
of tho New Departure was determined
upon. He theu made a flying visit to
Indiaaapolk, and had a conference with
Hon, Daniel Voorhies, a known oppo
nent of Mr. Hendricks, and the terms of
surrender to Hedies' doctrines (levs'
opodat Dayton, were then and there final
ly aettlod. It will be aeon that they throw
inStbe shade, ao far as perspicuity is con
cerned, Mr. Kerr's “no reaction dodge,
and wen designed effectually to dispoee
of Mr. Hendricks' pretensions.
This “fighting tho devil” and llis
alike, with their own weapons,
peeitdly In a war of invasion, it will
thus be aeon, ia a dangerous experi
ment. But happily the danger to
the Orest Dcmoeratio party has aubstan.
Hally passed. With the unquestioned
overthrow of all political power hereto
fore poeseased by Tweed, Belmont,
Sweeny, Connelly and Hall, (the real
originatori of this conspiracy against
Jeffersonian Democracy), the conspiracy
itself must needs go with them. I herein
have no rofatsnoe to the quarrel of those
men with their local opponents, though
the rooord, so far, tells wonderfully
•gainst them. The momont au appeal
was taken from their machinations to the
party at large, and the real authors of
the crime and blunder committed in
Pennsylvania and Ohio were made known
to tho public, all real danger ceased.
And to what, but the energetic course of
Tub Atlanta Hun, and such like, is the
country indebted for this apjioAl and this
exposure 1 I have, from various sources,
the heat evidence of a general reaction of
E nblic sentiment. All honor to those
y whom it has been brought aboat!
Cato.
IHlUTIt'S IN GEORGIA.
uem tbSCT.ruiil.le rod Sentinel.
Now a Notes «ni the hltuatiou.”
NEW ORLEANS CORRE8PON
OENCE.
„ __-_.«knr
Ones vert ted unjuet
lying has*
WASHINGTON CITY CORRES
PONDENCE.
Raw Departure aa the Wane.
How Matter* are Progressing In
Louisiana,
WaaonaiON, August 35, 1871.
The eel might as well be let out of the
bag at owes, as at any future time. Mr.
YWhndtfhaat was got the funnier, (if the
sag roan in may bo allowod) of the New
Dspartnrs, at alL Mim.iaBhaelO.Kair.
. l>i Indiana, ia sntitisdto tba honor of
ff Riptoing %> oiddpaUm of etliiaal looUo.
s “fitting tho Devil with
pahtiool an
i beau fora long Urns'
nasds Wfitpos “re/orm, only
Hon*. Thk was a milder, or,
not* vagOt way of puttie* the
idea, tor aa an*
Mon " implying hgptility to
aattlomeat of tho war. «,
Maw, the neceteity arose, as it was I
thought, far some such gibberish, urban cl
the great West saw proper to oourt the
too* of tha Naw Yoi poUSdana in bo-
half of oo* or other of in many aapirank
forth* freaUancy. The ciiqo* in JYm
Ttrk Oily, bautto this day only apou st
and pat-
pokNss, auspt so hr sate give them ofneoeadty.
letter from Ivan lioc.
New Oiileanh, Ang. 21), 1871.
Rlilon Sun: President Grant--at lenet
so say tho prillt»-denies having given
any authority to tho Marshal to employ
United Htdtea troops nt tlie lato meeting
of the Nodical Convention in this city.
He is not disposed to have his name eon
uocted with su unpopular a proceeding.
The Republican newspapers, all ofer the
country, congratulate their party on the
President's having cleared his skirts of
tliis reproach, and f-pcak of tho rottrsc
pttrsneit by Oaaev, Paokard and tho
other Custom House officers with great
severity. If these men acted without au
thority from headquarters, the universal
judgment seem to bo that they ought to
lie summarily removed from office, i. o.
decapitated, but if tho newspapers de
nials of Grunt's complicity in tho affair
are false—extomporixed to get his Exoul-
ioncy out of an unfortunate scrape—then
ho, they say, ought to be docapitoted by
the whole Itepublieiui party at tlie cud of
his term, turn uevor placed before tho
American public again as a candidate for
tho Presidency. This would seem to bo
pretty good political logic.
I suppose a free press in a free country
is slwsys right and speaks the truth, at
least it should do so. Unto this time
all the Itepublieiui journals who su
Qeneral Grant, ore unanimous iu their
testimony on this subject, siul pruisohim
to tho skies for the right and manly
oourso ho has pursued. Still it is a little
singular, it must be confessed, that no
of these Custom House officials, who
have justly awakened so much indigna
tion by their insolent and overliearing
conduct, have as yet been removed from
office, as Governor Wnrmou'h and th*
other wing of the Radicals headed by
him, demanded should be doue instantly,
with a view to maintain the future res
pectability of Republicanism in this com
mnnity, and to propitiate tlie wratli of
tho large party of Republicans under his
command. A scarcely audible whisper
accordingly is going the rounds in cer
tain eirelos, to tire effect that the news
papers must have made some mistake in
respect to whst General Grant lias both
said aud done iu the mutter; and that if a
a white lie has been perpetrated
on the ocoasion, it is because the
end to lie attained, vix: tlie pres
ervation of General Grant's unsullied re
putation, justifies any sort of means that
are resorted to for the purpose. These
lies, however, are ao soon found out, that
the viotorie* achieved by them are gen
erally very abort livod. It is certain that
Casey A Co. still remain at their ports in
the rail enjoyment of Federal patronage,
and that no removals are now anticipated.
Under oil tho oirenmstanoea of the case,
it ia evident that General Grant has got
himself into a little difficulty, from which
it may not be be so easy to extricate him
self, and still maintain his popularity, as
he anticipated.
Than k a good deal of wire-working
going oo here just now, and parties
have not yet thrown off the worm to
soma tha butterfly. Democrats of the
old type, who adhere to principle, are a
pretty strong body among us, and will
make a vigorous struggle to right them
selves. we are sadly in want of political
Usd era of derided ability, who ora wil
ling to show their hands, but Affairs will
probably be brought to a orisia in two
monthi, and we shall then belter know
who we are to depend upon. Meantime,
we are waiting for tba developments that
are to be produoed by the repent split in
the Radical ranks Warmouth ia plotting
tight and day on the cheeses of consoli
dating hi* power by soma lucky change
of the cards. He k more crafty than
He hag] hogged the almighty
nigger, until he has begun to oovet leas
adoriferoui embraces. If he doe* not
th* standard of Democracy in some
its modem pluses, h* will be very
to get np a Whits man's party aa
t the farmer objects of bis nomag*
affection*—Hum's deasudauta.
In the maintenanea of sound principles,
tkink we oan depend here on two
organs, th* Box «"l the Bulletin
edited by gentlemen of derided ability.
Ik* 7Wm ia veering about, and whether
tt will evwrreaeh any harbor is uncertain.
I think tha Wisconsin platform would
suit it vary wall, juat at thk moment.
The Picayune has never been a politi
cal jonmaC hut might rouse itself up to
mask timely truth* under the premare
of neoeunty. Ivanhob.
Completion or th« New Departure Mall-
way- Safe Arrival or Mr, Villi At the
Terminal — Map id l*itu»|«-lion* at
Laet —The New Route Now Opes all
the Way— Sleeping Car Aecoiamoda*
ttoae—Taaael Through the Coaetltu-
tlon—Pau Through at Night—Vo to
fled a Democrat, Wake up a Republic
tan -turpi all About It—Fare Cheap
—Only One Change of Cars—Fine Ac
commodations at the Republican Rad
—Hr. Ahermmn Mast Virs Way to Mr.
Hill—IIpooch of the Former iu North
Carolina May Mare Him - Pleat/ of
Room, and (fcatckerTlaae than by aay
Other Line-For Further Information,
Consult the New Era, New York Tri
bune, Addrsse or Mr. Hill to the People
or Georgia, Mpeeeh or Mr. Akcruss
North Carolina, Correspondence of N<
York Herald (recently published In
the Chronicle aud Sentinel,) Speech or
Mr. Hill at Athens, giving Instructions
In Detail r- Weather Sotoe — Gentle
Zephyrs from the North—Fractlfyiug
Showers- Aspect sf tho Stars—Ulysses
and Benjamin In Conjanetlon—Aker-
inan Sotting.
Tho times lieing out of joint, wo have
remarkable) events to reconi and review.
Upon a recent literary occasion, before
an ummopicious people, nmembled un
armed, Mr. Hill, tho well known author
of the “Notes on the Situation,” and of
Hiindry more recent documents of inferior
Ravor, treated the andioace to a dish of
politics, served up under a thin crust of
philosophy, so-called. It was well cooked,
und presented in a form sufficiently pala
table, but “from this, os from a den of
distartiod vipers, crawled out innumera
ble and poisonous evils, to lame our ener
gies and pollute our blood.”
To whom were wo indebted for the
alirewd turn the literary occasion took,
and the infinite entertainment and in
struction of the audience on on unex
pected line of thought ? Were the com
mittee of invitation cognizant of the bill
of fare ? Why had we Mr. Hill, or any
man of equivocal position ? Informa
tion is needed. Did be push ? Did he
seek it ? The tiecnsion was auspicious for
his ends. Did it come by accident—a
mere piece of good luck—or was it by
contrivance ?
Tho fairness of the whole procedure,
and the agreeable surprise of the audi
ence in the eujoymentof u North side
view of themselves and their institutions,
and thoir unprepared state for this whole
some shower bath on their cherished no
tions and connections, served to render
the scene memorable and impressive. No
dispositions having been made for the
unexpected attack from within, the hear
ers wuro quite taken by su prise. The
confusion was expressed for a while only
by astonished silence, but the oompany
rallied and retired in good order, leaving
few prisoners behind. Most of them
have since made good their escupe, and
the handful left iu duress, it is no|>ed,
will soon be undeceived aud appreciate
the situation.
The surprise attack, on the whole, was
rigorous and well concerted. Our own
colors were on exhibition, and it was not
known how far the pew departure would
reach. The orator himself, after a retro
spect, had decided that “returning were
more tedious than go o’er.” Bold was
the leap, but tho followers few. The
lookers on looked into eaeh others, eyes,
rubbed thoir own, aud evidently did not
understand tho business.
What dowry could graco the new es
pousals? Mr. Akernmnwith the election
bill failed on Georgia, and was w ell nigh
up set. Mr. Hill was oat of public em
ployment. He pined, he longed to serve
his native State.
In December last (election bill, his
ow n address, aud all to the contrary not
withstanding) he had failed signally of
carrying thorgia. So a scat in the
ate/to serve his beloved State, was not
secured. Cun he carry it now, by this
new play on ito forbearanoe and patience?
Cany Georgia thus? What an enquiry I
The *gruud old Ship ot State moves steadi
ly oa its way. Mr. Hill's gyrationk make
no impression. We have looked over
tho prow of a ship and seen a porpoise
apparently leading the wav. running in
front for a long while. But when the
porpoise—blow ing and tumbling—turned
aside from his course to aooompliah his
own ends, did the ship turn aside with
him? The ship proceeded on its stately
way and tho porpoise on his—the great
and the small their several ways.
But, even if Georgia oaunot be carried,
something else may happen. Some
months ago the Chronicle and Sentinel
caught a distant dreamy view of Mr.
Hill in the Cabinet Let us watoh and
wait.
Possibly the good faith and good taste
of all this may bo more apparent to the
speaker and U) others thuu to us. Mr.
Ilill may unwittingly help sound princi
ples by showing whither unsound would
conduct us. But aro we not a patient
people?
Tho great object of Mr. Hill in his ad
dress seemed to be to demonstrate that
in all the leading matters of dispute be
tween the North and South, the North
was in the right. The soundness of abo
lition principles, and the superiority of
Yankee civilization, were his main topics
of discourse. The superior insight of
the Radical party into the true policy of
the oouutry was made very manifest, and
our ow n errors exposed ip a masterly way.
Now, if we had been invited to such a
banquet (of tho Delano type), and a rep
resentative man of those principles an
nounced as such, had entertained us.
there would have been no ground of
oomplaint But to come in tho name of
a disciple, and with the kiss of a disciple,
was that fair play. 9 By the standard of
old civilisation—no—with emphasis—no.
But with the new type, fair ia not the
word. Shr**d ia the word—shrewd,
sharp, acute (omitting the first syllable).
These wonts are popular with the new
lights. Number them—count them one
by one, aud try these words upon them—
they will fit them all.
The December address and the rail
road lease were in ominous, suggestive
pracimity. What is to follow the Alumni
speech? What is to follow?
Is it to be u seat in the Cabinet? Was
that the elevated aspiration
"Which v*k«d to ccaUcy the living lyr®!
Or is the oonjecture of the New York
Ueruld correspondent the sound view?
He thinks a third party is what Mr.
Hill ia after, on tha negro element as the
* Mfc
No one doubts ho ia after something,*—
It is not in human nature to behave ao
for nothing.
To come more particularly to the mat
ter and manner of the address.
The distinguished ventriloquist ad
dressed two audiences—a Northern and
Southern. It was a hard task, end re
quired both tact and/new; but he poseee-
sed both, end one guiding thought sus
tained him to speak tp tho North over
the heeds of the Smith, without startling
the one too much while tickling and d*
lighting the other-this was tho problem.
The easement wee thie, via: That the
North mast be pleased at all eveota. This
steadied him. Brass was in demand, bnt
the supply was adequate. The display of
4tpr de ling (of tongue, not hand) was
fine. The little .Tapaneeb Tommy, who
cried “all riglt, ’uhc(T to jump through
a barrel, not iuraiug over tnc tumbler of
water, npr puling out the lights placed
within on tlie bottom. Such a piece of
juggle-7 ilU Nr Hill attempt. lit* went
tliroutfli tlio barrel successfully, imd lar
ded on tho Northern side, bnt in passing
he turned over the tuinbler end extin
guished the lights. His Northern audi
ence wore delighted. Pieans will go up
in his praise from the Republican party
press. Hia speech will be s eampaigu
document, ss erst wss that of tlie more
illustrious Akerman. But st the South
—ob, here I he spilled the residue of con
fidence, if miy was left after the speech
and actions of lost year. Mr. Hill’s caul
dron hod been then and there turned
orer and spilled in the fire. People were
angry at themselves that they hid trust
ed him ever. What they hid mistaken
for quite unexpected manliness and ad
hesion to principle on his part was all
explained, and when seen exposed in its
nakedness, it proved to be sham and
stuff—tile mere vagariee of a man in
search of tel/.
The argument of Mr. Hill was at onoe
loose and dogmatic. It too, waa a sham,
and will pass away as a shadow. There
was no close and careful study of princi
ples or application of principles to
facts. A few of those common
places in regard to our people and our
industry, which were familiar to all men
of obeervation, and in perfect harmony
with their own established convictions—
were enormously exaggerated and blown
into huge soap babbles by the breath of
the speaker. They broke of themselves
on the touch of reflection. The arga
and cheap. The production of
grain, etc., not of cotton, ivoethc prime
occupation of foruiois. The tendency
then was strong to the Northwest, rather
than tho South. The Northern people,
by virtue of intercourse with the world,
had more of tho car of mankind than we;
and tho South was represented
us a graveyard. Life Assurance
Companies assumed that it was
extra hazardous to livo at tho South
or even visit our section. Misrepresenta
tion was equally rife of our social and
moral condition. An agricultural people
is really the most virtuous, hut we were
as much misrepresented morally and so
cially as iu regard to health. Such were
among tho considerations, especially tho
facto that no agricultural country iu Eu
ro]* cultivated our staples, and that those
in our own climate did not speak our
language, which seemed to give the North
a start in the way of population. There
were other influences of great moment.
For example, the policy of the Govern
ment was to raise revenue exclusively
from imports and none by direct taxa
tion. The effect of this on Southern
prosperity we will not discuss, as our rea
ders ore familiar with it, except by point
ing to two or three pregnant facto. 1st.
The South furnished tlie bulk of the ex
ports. 2d. The imports passed in a large
measure to the Sooth, whence the export*
started, ss tlie ultimate consumers. 3d.
Therefore, the actual duties were puid by
the South, with commissions, Ac. 4th.
Also, the enhanced value of articles not
imported, bnt virtually prohibited, were
paid by the South under the policy of
the Government.
One other view; these purchases by
ment assumed all the form and gravity of I the South were made with the entire crop
aspect of a most philosophical discus
sion, bnt it will not bear weight. If the
oelentiUe aim ot it all was real, then the
insults heaped on oar inslitations and
people were yratuilout. They were lugged
into the discussion with profuse and
wasteful liberality.
The form of argument selected by the
speaker was tliat which gives most pluy
to powers of sophistry, viz: the inference
of a cause from an effect There is large
range here for misrepresentation and de
ception. From an effect, to go back to
its cause. The effect may be complex—
of long dnralion, of manifold aspect, and
wound np in many an involution. The
ingenuity of the aophist selects one ante
cedent among the many, and says this par
ticular antecedent is the came. The oar-
see may be os many and os complex as the
series of effect, but it is his province to
direct attention to the one single antece
dent assumed to be the came wbicli is to
explain everything. This he exaggerates
and magnifies, and so tracos ito effect,
not by actual comparison with facts, but
by the method of evolution out of bis
own bead, instead of the historical mode
of observation and comparison.
Slavery is this one cause—the fountain
of all our evils, "whoso mortal taste,”
Ao. Never did Abolitionists look with
more evil eye on slavery thsn does Mr.
HilL Would it be stranger thru some
things which hare happened if, in Decem
ber next, hr should denounce it in the
true blue style, as "the sum of all villain
ies ?” We shall see. This new depart
ure rood is a rapid one. "A den of dis
turbed vipers" is not for short of the
mark. Indeed, we are not sure but it is
an improvement, which will be adopted
by the rhetoricians. “A den of disturbed
vipers” is oven more suggestive than
“the sum of nil villainies."
Mr. Hill is an expert rider of tho Abo-
litinn hobby ho has mounted, and makes
fine time. Ho will evidently win the
race, With slavery in his eye, he can
see no other causo of our troubles. That
is on his brain. Be seems to forget that
during the entire war the slaves of the
Soath were under perfect oontrol—fed
the armies in the field—fed tho women
and children at home, and were among
tho most indnstrious of producers, furn
ishing human muscle of an inferior race,
gaided and controlled by hnman brain of
the superior race. Not on insurrection,
and scaroely an apprehension daring the
wholo war. The number of negroes,
about 4,000,000, was not too great to be
occupied in the production of bread-
stuffs. Was slavery then an element of
weakness ?
Perhaps, however, it was not sla
very, hut the more presence of tho black
race in the South in any oondition that
weakened us ? Mr. Hill did not say
this, nor would it help him. His con-
gralu'aiont on the success ot abolition
policy would still fail him. For they
are here still—the blacks. Being here,
do they tcorl letter os freedmen than be
fore ? Do the negroee as citizens admin
ister government better than the whites
without their aid ? Let Mr. Hill answer.
Do the men work better 7 Are not most
of the women and chihlren drones ? Do
they work as before, and as do white
women and children in Europe 7 la a
word, has the negro labor system im
proved by virtue of emancipation ? One
universal outcry demonstrates ito im
mense falling off and uncertainty.
The negro is here still. How aro we
better off ? Is he a help to the good or
der, industry aud progress of society ?
Answer South Carolina; answer cities
with negro Aldenuin and police; answer
Liberty county and sea coast of Georgia;
answer deserted fields and waste plaoesof
the Soath.
But it may be said it was the influence
of the negro on the white nun. The ne
groes were for less numerous tlua the
whites. There were sections where they
were very few in number. Bnt the ger
minal answer is to be found in this, viz:
that our population was sparse, and so
tho division of labor impracticable. It
was not slavery but a scant population
which promoted a skilled class of
laborers. The effect of this at onr
strength and the proper mode of meet-
ing^it are not correctly given by Mr.
To trace the causes of the relative
growth of the North ss oomparod w ith
the South would require careful study of
history in detail, and muoli thought would
bo uooded to oonvey sny jtut idea, or to
famish rational grAand of conviction to
B reader or hearer, The adaptation of the
South to agriculture, tamed tho atten
tion of setuera to that vocation. Not tho
wantjof adaptation to other pursuits, but
this was the one most tempting and re
quiring least preparation, capital and
combination. Tho North, presenting
less ready adaption as a fanning country,
the population entered more into oom-
meroe and navigation, and into manu
facturing. The ordinary laws of emigra
tion carry people to like latitudes, cli
mates, and like pursuits. The hope of
mooting persons of the Mine nationality,
end speaking the same language, kq
much to do with the direction of emigra
tion, England being oar mother ooun-
try, the ohief tide for s long time was
from England—just ss emigration to
Mexico or Cabs was from Spain, and to
Osnsds or Louisiana from France.
The commerce of the North promoting
its intercourse with other pooplos, gave
them an advantage. Their acquaintance,
the destinations of their ships, etc., gave
them the start, end opened the original
channels. The first emigrants, by cor
respondence, brought others to the same
section. The revolutionary war stopped
the tile for a time, bnt when if set in
from England it not orally sought the
is characters of climste and prodne.-
is. The magnificent grant by Vito
is of the northwestern territory
opened on immense body of fresh lend.
produced, not out of mere profits. If
we oold u cotton crop—ssy for $250,000,-
000, of which $50,000,000 was profit—the
per cent of tax on imports was virtually
levied on the 250 of expenditure and not
on the 50,000,000.
The expenditures of the Government
were at the North. Ho that the bulk of
the revenues were levied on the South,
with half tile population, and carried to
the North to bo expended. We cannot
elaborate but only suggest.
The influence on the ultimate results
of the war, of the want of skilled lslior,
is immensely over-estimated by Mr. Hill,
or misunderstood by him. Our slaves
were occupied in making provisions, and
did it well. Our soldiers wore needed to
fight, and they did It splendidly. Meet
ing the skilled men of the North (so-
called) they never failed on equal terms
_man for man, Th' re would have been
some points of advunhigo iu our prepa
ration for the field, arising from skilled
labor, but other causes were much more
operative. We have beon oocustomed to
number among the causes of our defeat
the fact that our self-confidence wns too
great, and prevented us from making fall
use of onr resoaroeg. The food supply
we met. By appreciating our want of
manufacture, and arranging to keep open
the blookade, wo could have converted
her many crops—in war os wo did in
peaoe—in to manufactured material of any
sort she neoded. With the proceeds of
her annual crops she oould havo had am.
pie materials of war. We came near to
snoeess even without them. But we nev
er were—whether on the questions of im
migration, of taxation, or of arrange
ments for fighting—quite careful enough
of our own interest, und we suffered for
this reason in competition with the keen,
shrewd, sharp people of the North. In
our former policy, being part and parcel
of the United States, our arrangements
and preparation for war were for war witli
foreign powers, and tbo industry of the
oountry, ns a wholo, wns sufficiently di
versified for all purposes of defense ns a
whole. Even with hb os with an agricul
tural poople, it would have been sulficieut
had we boen careful jo maintain the
means of exchange.
Indeed, in regard to the alleged weak
ness of tho South, which Mr. Hill ex
plains as an effect, and slavery os ito cause,
the thing to bo explained was rather our
strength than our weakness. What other
pcoplo with the same relative numbers
have fought so welt aud so long ? Sup
pose the whole strength of the remaining
portion of the United States hod been
turned against a manufacturing section
of equal numbers, instead of against the
South; would we not have starved them
out muoh more qutokly than they con
quered us ? Food is one of the most
difficult articles to supply from s distance.
It is easier to supply tools than food, for
man and beast—very expensive articles
of transportation.
In the original idea of the Union, the
deficiencies of oar section were compensa
ted by the productions and lesourees of
another. It is weU, however, for each
section and State to diversify ito indus
try. In peace it is usually practicable
with what we do produco to buy what we
(Jq not. It was our true polioy iu war to
see to it that tins fucility of interchange
was not taken from us. By caution on
this point, au agricultural power, instead
of being weak is really the strongest for
defense. We stood out against 20,000,000
longer than would New England and New
York.
It was not our weakness, bat our want
of foresight in making the best use of the
resources we actually possessed.
Anil so, on the whole, what Carlisle
would call Mr. Hill's “little compact the
ory" on tlie suhjeot, is wide of the mark.
Ho is not muoh of a philosopher, more
of a juggler. So far from having given
us the cause of our weakness, he Tins as
signed ono of tlie elements of our
strength. To use the expressive figure
of tho some writer, he has “laid his
goose egg," and now thinks the wholo
matter settled by bis short and easy me
thod of explaining history. Indued, Mr.
Hill's aim ever is not at troth bat at tip-
pparances. Ho is fond of the outside.
Redoes not understand the subject on
which he enlightens us ,and lyia views ore
as shallow as they are insulting, and ns
his reseaches and convictions usually are.
But why do we olass him with the Bo-
publican party ?
Mr. Hi 11 may deny the fact that ho ia
gone orer to them, sonl anil body. His
letter is an apparent effort to struggle
back, but let us still “watch and wait ”
He made sure of thp North by that speech,
taking the chances with us, He and the
North now understand ouch other. Hav
ing that booty in his strong box, and be
yond persdventnre, ho returns to look af
ter tho lera important South, with Bnch
protestations of affection, snob longings
and yearnings ss to make tlie stones
weep.
Bnt we are too logical for all that Mr.
Hill laid down hia premises, bat failed in
term, to draw his conclusion—that con
clusion, logically drawn, was the Bepnb-
liosn party. His speech might legiti
mately have wound np with s toast to
that organisation. Now, it is this "Q. E.
D.” which ws propose to draw. Whst
wss the legitimate ooncl onion from hia
E isM 7 Ought ha not, at the Alumni
er, to have offered some such toast
ss the following:
“The Republican Party—wiser in coun
cil and stronger in action ; understand
oar interest better than ourselves. We
apologise to them for onr stupid opposi
tion in the past. We return thanks for
the services they havo rendered us again it
onr will. Henceforth he their policy onr
policy—their civilization onr civilization.
Let us have bat one cease—one party.—
Above all, one pune!"
This sentiment might appropriately
have been followed by s song—addressed
to the hood of the Cabinet Air : “A
place ill thy memory—dearest.” Din
ners iu high places ore tho order of the
day, and Mr. Hill an expert.
Would ouch a toast liuve been a non ss-
qtiilnr 1 Was it not tlie just upshot and
condensed essence of Mr. Hill's speech;
Some Itepublioin (of color if no white
man was convenient, or office holder)
could have properly responded.
“Abolition principles—the new civili
zation—the Republican party, the uiithur
of both. It is a sound principle of po
litical action to co-operate with the
friends ot a policy against its foes. Tin*
Republican tuirty is tlie friend, tlie De
mocratic party the foe ot this policy.”
Hoag—to bo sung with expression.—
Air: "Home at lait."
What fitter conclusions from the prem
ises 7 Nor was the lone less expressive of
the zeal aud abandon of u new convert.—
Ho saw clearly tlie way to the heart of
the North, and tlie way was pleawut to
the eve, und a thing to he desired to
make' one—acceptable. The three posi
tions succinctly set forth in the Constitu
tionalist recently were those of Mr. Steph
ens, of the Pennsylvania and of the Ohio
platforms. Mr. Hill goes “a rood beyond
the farthest mark.” Indeed, his speech
is truly, “truly loyal"—Intensely loyal—
and will ho so prononneed by com/ie/ent
judges.
His argument sound—then the Repub
lican party deserves our confidence, and
wlmt is more, our c<)-o]*ratlon. But bus
tho speaker so conciliated onr confidence
in his candor, his integrity of purpose,
his calmness of thought and sobriety of
judgment, that wo shonld forsake all oth
ers, and cleave only unto him 7 And with
him accept our old supposed enemies as
onr true and only friends—ss men, wise
aud not simply nlirewd—who love ns, not
ours? Loud us bests the dram, no re
cruits will follow tho drummer. One
who sees now no plainly the contrary of
what he saw so recently, does not com
mend himself to us us a guide to be
trusted.
There are those who thiuk Mr. Hill
aims to build up a third party, composed
of negroee, supplemented on this block
foundation by a sufficient number of old
line Whigs, Americans, railroad men,
office holders, Ac., Ac., to control the
State. Does he so read the old Whig
anil American partiee? Does ho fancy
them to be mere riff-raff, subject to his
bidding? Many of them rank among tho
noblest patriots of the land.
What it is, is uncertain, bat nobody
doubts he is after something. His logic
leads him to the Republicans. What
need of a third party does his speech re
veal? There is s suitable one already ex
tant and in power, nnd so bo does best
to make up to Mr. Grunt. Uneasy in
his prosent quarters, he is on u courting
expodition. Ho keeps wooing nnd coc-
ingaround in all directions. Even “black
Dinah” is not omitted as he congees
around seeing that his fair friend of the
African persuasion may have beaux or
husbands, blessed (under tho blessed
new regime) with votes. Tho gay Lotha
rio is growing impatient and ciuiuot wait.
Ho cannot keep down much longer, or,
to change tho figure, Mr. Hill's anxiety
to serve the public is growing oppressive,
and ho mokes open proclamation : “Be
hold, it is tho eleventh hour, and no man
hath hired me.”
Tho new civilization 1 Have wo not
truly taken a grand start in it 7 Witness
the administration of the Government,
Federal and Htute, and compare them
with the past, from Washington and
Jefferson, Madison aud Monroe, descend
to Abraham, the railsplitter, and for
lower, to Grant, tho tanner and jockey.
By a close day of thought, descend if
you can. The decient required a decode
of notion. The range is wide, nnd thought
grows weary. Remember in Georgia
the days of Nisbet, Bartow and tho
Cobbs, now buried. Of Herschel V.
Johnson and Jenkins in the Executive
chuir. Remember the convention of
1861 witli the Stephens and Toombs, the
Cobbs, Nisbet, Johnson, and the host of
great men from one little State, who
would have been illustrious in any coun
try in any age. Como theu to the mon
grel body, white, black and mulatto (a
few names get iu os it were by chance,)
who formed oar last Conslition of 1868,
and join Mr. Hill, if you can, in shouting
pinans to tho new civilization 1 We must
be excused. Take any point of the
management ot tbo past aud compuro it
with tho present. Take finance. Take
judicial dignity and honor. Take the
lone of tho people and tho Government
With ono accord, as when old time is
compared with new and crude, we con
sent "Tho old is lietter." His pathway
of progress would elevate Georgia into a
Jamaica, and South Carolina into
Hayti.
And this is the ultimate test Judge
the two eivilizatious by their fruito.
What fruito so noble as noble men 1 In
old times, influeuoes like oars developed
au Abraham. In our own country, in
modem times, the two noblest names of
modern history—Washington and Lee—
we aro asked for fruits. Oar mechanical
structures arc less. Onr fruits in men,
and in oil that constitutes human great
ness (other than its mere drapery and
outfit) suporior. Mr. Bill asks for our
Wcbstera? We present him (suddenly
estranged and forgetful) with Calhouu
and Ciay, and with the holding intellects
which havo controlled the oountry—two
for ono—from a section whose popula
tion is as one to two. Our Storey 7 Tlie
Constitution established by onr states
men, this compiler oould not compre
hend. Marshall expounded it
Mr. Hill's mind seems much occupied
with dress—clothes, lists and tho like.
This all appropriate—his love of tho out
side. A Northern oorreepondent says he
met at tho Virginia Springs “tho worst
dressed, bnt beet mannered men in
America.” Let Mr. Hill judge not by
the outward appearance. Look not only
on tlio houses, but on tho inhabitants.
Not on tho raiment, but the men who
wear it. Often a professional gamester is
the boat droased man in a oompany ; and
to the finest type of a gentleman after the
etylo of tho new civilization. We will
none of him.
But the most sacrilegious of Mr. Hill's
assaults was tho woman of the South.—
They are too far bevund tho poach of his
calumny to noea a uefenso. And if they
needed it, they would find a defender is
every true-hearted man. U uver there
was, in any oountry, a peculiar develop
ment of all that ia admirable and lovely
in womanhood, it was here. If purity,
modesty, tendaraess, sympathy, ware
aver combined with practical traits, with
piety, charity, industry, attention to the
tick and the poor, thougbtfuhiem for the
wants of many, it was in our Southern
women.
When ho brought ont his comparison,
to their detriment, with “black Dinah,"
why did not his tooguo cleave to the roof
of his month 7
Bat wo must have done with three out
rages on oar judgment and onr foellngo.
With some comments on Mr. Hill's letter
we will close:
The letter is very characteristic—brim
ful of /ahe imprmtione. What Ml unfor
tunate man he is, forever begging for de-
toy- Thu master of the art of expression,
how happens it that he makes such erro
neous impressions on the public mind by
his actions, letters and speeches ?
He keeps himself ever suspended be
fore a puzzled world, buzzing about its
ptihwaj. Each speech or letter is hot a
pretext for another. Explanation must
follow cxplmidliou; apology, apology, un
til jthe public jud^mieut is a-weary.—
Why docs not Mr. Hill think more in
proportion to the amount of talking he
does ? Ho would relieve himself aud the
public by following the example of Mr.
Webster, who took no steps backward,
simply bocause Lo looks! before taking
steps forward.
Tbo sugar-coated bait he presented to
the public seemed to nauseate it. 80 ho
ruu*t roll it iu sugar ug*iQ—in a letter-
and then publish it in a modified form,
purged au 1 diluted, better adjusted to
the stoma jh of tho people.
Whst a delicato sense of tho proprie
ties he has. He who had just been guilty
of the outrages we havo been detailing
ou tba kuowu sentiments aud.convictions
of his audfcuue—this man sesu great iu-
delicary in criticism on his sentinn nts,
uuiess tho public would wait some weeks
to digest his ppisou without taking au
antidote. H«>w knows the public it is to
be published? If the criticisms were by
persons present at tho npi e U, they heard
for themselves. One commentator iu
his letter remarks, “If he cannot say on ■
thing to-day, and publish an entirely dif
ferent thing to-morrow, he ia not the man
we lake him to bi If he cannot pah-
listi a speech which win eontradiet the
synopsis nlrcnJy given, and the Very sense
of hearing of his audience, be is wanting
in tho very talent for which we give him
most credit This is plain talk, but
plainness of speech is sometimes neces
sary. After lua hsre-faeed trifling with
tho long-suffering of the public, how del
icately sensitive Ee is to what is due to
himself.”
But whenoe tho false impressions nwl
version$ ol his speech, of which he so
much complains? Scattered far and
wide by whom 7 _ By the very alumni rf
whose unanimity in appreciation of it Mr.
Hill informs us. That little conventional
hnmbug called “the unanimous voice of
the Atntpni" was a feeble “aye” from a
few voices. To vote “no” was in the
hearts of many, bnt they were more con
siderate of Mr. Hill's feelings than he
had boen of theirs. That is the sort of
information one always gets from Mr.
Hill. How foreign the impression from
the facts. Again, it was a “literary ad
dress,” “does not allude to politics’’—a
bottle of oarrorive sublimate, labeled
rose water—* Radical talk, labeled “a
literary address”—the huge black oat of
Abolition in a tab, softly labeled “noth-
ingbuhneal," “be not afraid.”
How marvelously the gentlemtfu over
rates his importance and status. Mr. Hill
has over-drawn on the oonfidenoe ol the
public, and is now bankrupt in that arti
cle. If he had understood it aright, the
flection in Deoember was notice to that
effect—confidence out.
Mr. Hill line succeeded in ac qniring tho
reputation of a sort of political bigamist,
playing at fast and loose with his con
sorts. There is no foundation in his po
litical history fur the oonfidenoe of tho
country. It lias established for him no
character for wisdom, stability or sin-
cerity. We have scaroely tonchod tho
record that convicts him of tho contrary,
HU first proceeding is to lay the ux to
to the root of that reverence for all that
is noble aud good, which alone can bear
wbolsesome fruit All his protestations
of purity of purpose and self-sacrific
ing devotion to the interests ot the coun
try make no impression. In the pub
lic estimate he U classed with the men ho
well described by Judge Longstreet, who
are endowed with the daugerous and fa-
tu) gift of “an oily tongue unrestrained by
sincerity qf heart"
It bus boon no pleasant task to review
thuse oroukud ways. But it is the duty
of every good man und true to endeavor
to stop the current of corruption, and re
store to our country, sorely beset without
and within, good government aud hones
ty in high places. Sknu.m i
—Chronicle and Sentinel, Augusta, tin.,
Aug. 24. 1871.
From tbo New York World.
“ T lie Lost Cause”—An Astound
ing Programme, Though Per
fectly Absurd.
We publish to-d»y, with the “strictly
confidential” circular introducing the
document, a very remarkable pamphlet,
entitled, “Conceesion, or How the Lost
Causo May 1* Regained, and tho Inde
pendence of tho Houth Secured—Being
an Address to my Fellow Countrymen,
by a Concestionist, Ae. Published by
tho Southern Association.” The “strictly
confidential” circular letter is dated
“Rooms of the Son thorn Association,
New York, August, 1871,” thongh it ap
pears to be issued for tbo “Southern A»-
sociation, Washington.” And this is all
that we know aliout it, thongh looking at
tho indignant repudiation of the “new
departure' bv Jeff Davis, Alexander H.
Stephens and numerous other lending
Southern fire-eaters, we may say to this
extraordinary political paper, as Hamlet
said to his Governor's ghost—
Thoa ooni'it la aacta • qu*tetioa*SM .tape,
I'll .peak to thee.
The dooument before ns is divided into
three parts. Part First is a compact,
doublo-distillod Southern argument, in
tended to show that "we, the people of the
South, ore s nation, different and distinct
from the people of the North,' end that ‘no
effort to bind us together by force can
suooeed,” and that at best “such a union
can only be temporary.” Part Second
enters upon the main question, "how tho
Lost Cause may be regained," and says
that to this end “the first step is to turn
back forever upon the venal, hypocritical,
false-hearted Yankee, ‘new departure'
democracy of the North," beoause, intent
only upon the spoils of office, “they have
ever deluded and deceived us.” Next,
“concentrate all yonr attention and ene>
gins upon your own domestic political
affairs,” and then, men of the South,
having eleared the track, yon have only
to do threo things to secure your inde
pendence, viz:—
Firat—Skcare thk complete control, through tlie
htitojttok’ of la. local government of every South-
Socond—When thie la dona call a cosvanlion ol
Uia State, rod alact a President for your Southern
Confederacy.
Third—.Appoint a Oemmtaalon to Washington to
demand yonr tndepandeuoe, rod Irani for a peacea
ble separation.
It is oontended that this plan of opera
tlons, being “according to law," oaunot
bo interfered with, sna that the demand
suggested, if firmly made this |time, will
suooeed. Ws or* next told that "North
Carolina has oommenoed the good work"
in tho impeachment of the Radical Gov
ernor, Ac. Port Third of this "con-
oessionist ” document is “addressed to
the People of the North” in favor of tlie
separation of the two sections, where! *y
“the independence of the South end the
peace, prosperity and liberty of the
North ore inseparably linked together.”
In other words, the two sections cannot
be united till they are divided, and they
must be separated in order to livo har
moniously together.
Whenoe comoth this extraordinary rev
olutionary document 7 Yon may call it
madness; “but there ia method in it.” It
is oonceasioniat, and yet itia secession"'
It preaches concession in order to gain
secession, and, sticking s pin here, we
thjuk there is something in it We are
informed, in the circular letter aforesaid
that this Southern programme of indeis*!"
lienee “was prepared by one of the most
distinguished of Georgia's statesmen, y
This means, we suspect, that Mr. A. ti_
Stephens is the assn, and upony’~. 7
sumption we can sevy—J-. ,
liohment of 0- fieathem rights |>»
(rmuinued em pesgt thretl