Newspaper Page Text
THE DAILY BUN
Friday Momma September 8.
tm Office in Ike Sun Building, West
side of Broad street, Second Door South of
Alabama.
J9"* Neva Advertisements always found
on First Page ; Local and Business Notices
on Fourth Page.
mischief Mid ruin from which oil humm to carry the DeniocreHc party triumph
To Lawyers.
We publiah in foil, the decisiooa of the
Sapient* Court; also the Jailjr “Pro-
oeejin*" of the (tourt, and keep til*
‘■aider «< BuBiimk" standing in out
oolBronc^^^ lt
The New York World and Atlan
ta Bun Again.
We publhR to-tUy, Adi ^ r - ®* an '
ton Marble's reply to onr article of the
29th ultimo.
From this it see mi he declinee further
r on hit own chosen ground of
J Having pretionaly
I "irfummiumodcauum,”
he d9fr, F in like manner, abandons the
"argumentum ad hominem," to which he,
himaelf, and not we, bad descended.
“He muat excuse ua,” aaya he, (allnd-
iug to the Politioal Editor of Thi Scn,)
“from meeting him in the arena of black
guardism and persons! abase, to which he
has descended.” •
If we descended from the high pon
ton of it~n«»«tag public questions upon
their media, to the arena of inquiring
into “personal antecedents,” who led the
way in that descent which has become so
disagreeable to him ? How did we get
there except in pvnutt, end in the dis
charge of a high dnty to the Public ?
If there is anything in the nature of
“blackguardism” in our article, which
was only meeting Aim on hie own chosen
ground, why has he not reproduced it,
and exhibited to his readers proof of onr
personal depravity, at least, even if he
conld not venture to permit them to
jmlge for themselves of the foroe of our
logic or the merits of our argument ?
Our article, it appears, was moat grie
vously long, in the estimation of Mr.
Marble—but what "indecent” word, or
expression, or anything Bargaing of
"blackguardism," ia to be found in it
frflta beginning to end ? Wliat was the
“fUth” in if, which he says wo “mkod
from that aewer of scurrility, the old Aloe
of Brick Pomeroy's defunct Daily Demo
crat' “to fling at" him ?
Bid we use anything taken from Brick
Pomeroy's paper? What we quoted was
taken from and credited to the New
York Day Hook, published at his door
on the day of his llrat personal attack
upon us, in his vaunting arraignment of
onr' Democratic “antecedents.” And
what was the “filth” so “raked" and
"flung” at him? Was it anything but the
simplo foots, substantially stated, that Mr.
Menton Marble, in his "antecedents," had
formerly conducted the World newspa
per as a Radical sheet, and continued so
to conduct it os long sh his finauoes en
abled him to do so, and that lie himself
had acknowledged, when ho was com
pelled to sell out to the Democrats, it
was tbo most "mortifying event" of liis
life?
This may be a vory "illtliy" matter in
the opinion of Mr. Murblc, us well as
others; but if the statement be true,
where is,the "filth," or "blackguardism," or
“imlccency" in tlio publie announcement
of Ute/aoti? The “filth” is in the trans
action, and in tho confession, not in the
publication.
We stated that we liad waited to see if
he had anything to Bay against tho truth
of the allegations of tho Day Hook, be
fore we should rely upon and treat it aa
anch. The only reply he baa now to
, make to this allegation, touohing hit “an
teoedeuta,” ia that tbo/nct* stated are too
“filthy” lor dcoent ears! This is our urn
derstanding of his present position
We do not wish to do Mr. Marble or
any other man any injustice, but we say
to him if thero is anything of an unctran
or toiling nature in this matter, it neither
originated with nor sticks to us in any
way whatever. We did not so much as
put onr “naked hand” upon it; W o only
touched it with the tip of our pen.
It, moreover, oertainly comes with ill
graoe from one in Mr. Marble's situation,
in this ease, to repeat his charge of “egc
tism” against ns, fur the pridewith which
we propoeed to enter the discussion of
personal "antecedents" with him, and
the oonfideooe with which we challenged
the production of proof that wo bare
ever given a vote inconsistent with the
principles of the Democratic Party os or
ganised in 1800; and the spirit with
which wo called upon him to adduce
proof that he bed ever ia his life given a
tingle vote in supi>ort of these principles,
or ever bore any other relation to the
Democratic Party of tho United States
than that which was bought with a price ~
the very mention of the origin of whioli
now seems to be considered by him so iut-
m<mnerty,though by hiasilenoohe admits
all to be true.’
With equal bad graoe does it come
from him, in his retreating stops, to give
out that we were in e " rage" in putting
very plain bat important questions to
liim, or in exposing to the Public tha real
Radical character of one who is endeavor,
ing to pass himself off as a true exponent
of *' Democratic Public Sentiment
However profound onr indignation may
have been at the gnile directing suoh
conduct, then certainly wee no indies-
tionof “nge" manifested in the quiet
and easy mode adopted for nnmaahing
the impostor* This was nothing but
the propounding to |Mr. Marble of the
very plain questions ho regarded aa a
"trifle” too “impertinent” for him to
answer.
This simple aa well as most dispassion
ate teat oonld not be borne; but at Its
touch,
" Up h, ,toru.
Discovered tod surprised,'*
Hence his own present irate bearing—
»woUen and fmaing—like that of his
Stoat uehotype, when made to show his
real character, while engaged in e like
oeoufation ol deception, “ plotting” that
woes have sprang 1
Hence, also, his last Psrthean dart hurl
ed at us sa he sullenly retires from liis
selected field of controversy, (about per
sonal “antecedents” and “fidelity” to
Democratic principles,) in which lie has
lost so much.
He may, have thought that this
weapon, so burled, would provo as fa
tal ns a "poisoned dagger thrust into the
bowels” of his adversary, and thus stop
all further pursuit or encounter. But V'
need not lay any suoh “flattering unc
tion to his souL" His garbled oxtniet
from the “corner stone speech” is but
the broken fragment of a shaft which has
often been harled with equal violence
and malevolence before; and it now falls
at onr feet as harmloss as oh any previous
oeoaaion.
The unblushing fsco with which he
now uses it us he doe* has no fitting
object of comparison, except the same
unblushing face with whioh lie holds him
self forth esa true exponent of tho princi
ples and sentiments of the Democratic
party. The object is to make tho impres
sion upon the minds of Southern Demo
crats that be, Manton Marble, editor us
he was of the New York World, when
it was avowedly a Radical sheet, is a
wiser and safer counsellor for their inter
ests than we ore, who committed so fatal
a blunder as to announce to tho world
that the truo cause of the withdrawal of
the Southern States from the Federal
Union in 1861, was not tho "apothegm”
that “Colton is King,” or anything else
of that sort, but that it was the open and
pal pul lie breach of faith on the part of
certain of their Northern confederates
on that clause of the Constitution of the
United States which had l>een declared
from the bench, by Judge Baldwin of the
Supreme Court, to be the "corner stone”
of the whole structure.
The leading idea of tho si>eech on
thia point was, that however prevalent
the public sentiment might havo been
against negro slavery or suliordinn
tion as it existed in the South at the
time the compact of 1787 was entered in
to, yet the Constitution then adopted
formed upon this basis; and that there
was no change in this particular in our
new Constitution from the old. Soino
matters, on which doubtful constructions
had arisen, hud liocn definitely settled—
that was all. The Constitution of the
Confederate States and the Constitution
of the United States, upon tho subject of
negro Bluveiy, wore shown in the speech
to be essentially the same.
Garbled portions of this speech, it is
trnc, were sent to England by many of
Mr. Marble's political associates at the
time—perhaps somo of them through the
columns of tho II orld, then no open and
avowed Radical sheet—for the purpose of
misrepresentation and deception, ns gar
bled portions are now given by him for a
liks purpose, though from a seemingly
different standpoint on his part. The
whole spoooli, however, imperfeotly repor
ted as it was, (and uh the reporter himself
said in a note to his report, which Mr.
Marble well knows) we uro strongly in
clined to HUs]M3Ct, he never gave, mid liover
will give, either to his English or Amer
ican readers.
But tho assertion that this si>cccli “se
cured” to Alexander H. Stephens "his
trinmpliant and unanimous election to
tho second office iu the Confederate Gov
ernment” is as reckless in regard to (act
and truth as tho assertion, further on in
the Bamo article, that it was chiefly owing
to it that Franoe and England did not
rcoognizo the Independence of the Con
federato States; and that it was tho "rnul-
sdroitness" of this speech “which stran
gled the Confederacy iu its cradle I"
Now, the speech was not mule until
some time after tho election, and, there
fore, could not havo secured it;
and nothing is clearer from tho
•peeob, taken all together, than that
our line Government was founded
upon the same “corner atoue” as tho old.
Then, as Franco and England had both
recognized tho United States, witli this
“corner stone" in the compact of their
Union, how preposterously absurd is it
to affirm that they would have recognized
tho independence of the Confederate
States hut for the “malmlroituesa" of this
speech, whieh showed them that the peo
ple of the Southern States were not a
band of "conspirators," ni Mr. Marble
and his associates were representing
them to be, and that even upon the sub
ject of negro slavery the Constitutions of
both Governments rested upon the same
"comer stone ?" Equally subtle, crafty
and flimsy is tho "spider web" argument
“ spun” by Mr. Msrble, in all that be
has said about our isolation from tbo
antly through the naxt Presidential con
test under their old banner—without any
change of principle or any lowering of
the flag, by simply yielding to this drift
ami increasing current of public opinion,
and popular condemnation of tho meas
ures of those who are aiming at tho over
throw of our free institutions, and tho ca-
tublisliuicnt iu their stead of a central
ized empire. It is, moreover, otir most
thorough Mirf that the whole of this
“New Departure” movement, started by
Mr. Marble, as editor of the New York
World, in 1868, is nothing but a crulty
device of the enemies of the Democratic
party in disguise to check and obstruct
this "drift” and portentously swelling
currant of publie indignation against
usurpation, fraud, and perfidy.”
We know much more of Public Opinion
in tliis country, on this subject, than ho
is willing for his readers to know.
We know much more also of the private
averments of some of Mr. Marble's asso
ciates, witli tlieir irreverent oaths ns to
their determined purpose in this mutter,
than perhaps he is aware.
One other remark as to the teachings
of Mr. Mnrble upon tho duo observance
of “the drift of public opinion,” and
we will have done with him for the pres
ent
While it is true that tho “drift of pub
lic opinion" iu this country, ua the part
of tho masses, is all ia the right direction
at this time, so far ns concerns the usur
pations of the Federal Government with
its corruptions, yet we utterly protest
against the doctrine that the "greatest
conceivable mistake” in politics, or any
thing else, is in not always finding out and
following the “drift of public opinion.”
The greatest conceivable mistake in
patriotiem and statesmanship, iu our judg
ment, is in not understanding, or in
“Departing" from, the caaeutiul princi
ples of Public Liberty, and giving coun
tenance—much less sanction—to any acts
of usurpation I
Mr. Marble's teachings on this subject
are of the same character with those of
the arch-tempter of mankind, when he
subtly instilled into the ear of Eve the fa
tal idea that she might in safety “Depart"
from the injunction given her liy the
Moat High, when ho said to her, if she
should cat of the forbidden fruit, "Y r e
shall not surely die.” The first step in
“Departing” from principle, integrity and
truth is often the fatal one, whatever may
be tho "drift of pnblic opinion” on the
subject. A. H. S.
WASHINGTON.
great centres “of intelligence like Lon
don or New York," and our want of due
appreciation of the “drift of publie opin
ion" in other localities than our own.
It is true we do not livo in a city, and
cannot, therefore, belong to tliat olass of
men referred to by Dr. Johnson, whose
minds "dwell in on alley." But “egotis-
tioal" as Mr, Marble may prouonneo it to
be, we do claim to know something of
“the drift of ptiblio opinion” in this
country, on tho subject of Congressional
usurpations, and the “drift” of it, in all
the State* and sections of the Union. Our
knowledge is not founded entirely upon
newsps]>er utterances, or other like
sources of information, but upon public
reoordi and indisputable foots.
From them wo know that a majority of
the voters of tho United States in 1868,
(if all had been permitted to vote
who were justly entitled, and who
now permitted,) were against
these iniquitous measures by which
the 14th and 15th amendments are
dmmnl to havo been inoeqiorated iu-
twtho Constitution of the United States.
We do know that the “drift of publio
opinion" against these monstrous out
rages lias grown stronger sinco then in
every State in the Union where it has
not been checked by the “New Depart
ure” counsels of Mr. Marble and hia as
sociates. Wo do know, from the best of
evidence, founded upon popular elec
tion* that there was nothing
Bpoclsl Correspondence of ths Atlanta Duly Sun
A Ill« Hanker Fnmtng ow«?r other Peo
ple's Mullers—A Vender of Fraudulen
llonds—Why Bullock wonts to Sell
■tote Bonds—Why they ore Hnrd to
■ell—Bullock's I'm don of Anglcr--Teli
(-graphic Puffing—'The Htate Bond In
vestigations Viewed ot Washington'
Dining nnd Wining with Ntnte llokd
■ (ratings—Blodgett In a White House
Irene-Kulns Ills Prospecte by His
Blunders—One of Bullock's Old Letters
-A few Plain tturstlon* put to lllsC
O. D. RxccUenry—Ills Late $N,(MH) Let
ter at the People's Expense—Direct and
Damaging Charges Against Him—
Btnrlllng Radical Plot Against Urnnt
Washington, D. C., Sept. 3, 1871.
Mr. Henry Clews, of New York, the
famous bunking agent of Messrs. Bul
lock tV Kimball, was iu this city Thurs
day lost, very much excited over tho va
riouH rumors of Kimball's failure and
Bullock's side of fraudulent Georgia State
bonds. Clews’ visit to Washington was
evideutly for the purpose of preventing
tho further circulation of reports concern
ing Kimball's failure and Bullock's ut
terance of forged bonds.
It seems rather singular that a man of
Henry Clows, reported financial foresight
should consent to net ns a vender of
fraudulent lK>nds.
It is stated that Bullock's anxi
ety to have his bonds speedlily
negotiated is for the purpose of
raising funds to buy up tho Georgia
Legislature and prevent impeachment 1
Can the Lcgisliitui'o l»e ItouglitV Will
the people submit to the barter and sale
of tlieir public servants? If so, they de
serve to oc controlled and plundered by
such men as Bullock, Blodgett and the
big speculators and peculators of Atlanta
and elsewhere, who are lielieved to be in
terested in all tlieir frauds, not to men
tion the financial suckers of Wall street,
w ho get a large proportion of their (the
people’s) hal’d earnings.
Clews remarked to a Mend in this city
that ho has recently had considerable
trouble in effecting the sale of Georgia
bonds, for the reason that Treasurer An-
? ier is not friendly to Governor Bullock,
le also says that Bullock showed him a
pardon where ho (Bullock) hail pardoned
Angier for mulfeasanco iu office ! This
is a specimen of Bullock's tricks to throw
discredit upon tbo honest men of vour
State.
Tho fulsomo puff of Henry Clows A
Consent from here by telegraph, on the
night of Sept. 1st, is an evidence of how
Clews succeeded iu soft-soaping some /**>-
pfr. Of course all tho Georgia papers
published the puff, (that is, all those who
who are members of the Press Associa
tion) to the great delight of Gov. Bullock.
It was a feather in his cup, an indirect
approval of hit judgment in selecting the
great Banking liqfA* of Henry Clews &
Co. to become thbUnoncial agents of the
State of Georgia. It’s tho old story of
Joseph und life brothers reversed.
The investigation now going on at At
lanta relative to robberies committed
against the State Hood ores tee considera
ble interest here. There are not a few
|>eople here who ltave at one time or an
other, no doubt, been di nod and wined
out of the stealings from the State Hoad.
As far bock as the winter of 1868, Bul
lock used to como here, during the ses
sion of Congress, and spend thousands of
dollars, which must have bceu State
Hood funds, (at that tiwo the State Hoad
was about his only source of plunder) in
entertaining Hadical Senators and ltop-
rosentativos, in efforts to havo tho infa
mous Militia bill passed and tho State of
Georgia consigned to a condition worse
than military despotism. If thero was
no other sin to lay at Bullock’s door, thin
single one should bo sufficient to damn
him in the estimation of every Georgian
who love* hia State and would see her
freed from tho miserable crew whose only
aim is plunder!
Blodgett, too, was here, hand in hand
with Bullock in the furtherance of these
mischievous schemes against themen, wo
men and children of Georgia. But Fos
ter seems in a fair way of being punished
for his acts, whilo the areh fiend will per
haps escape.
I wonder of Blodgett remembers a
visit be paid to the White Hoaso on the
evening of March 11th, 1863, accompa
nied bv Cliff, Hopkins and PrentiM?
How Gen. Dent regarded the quartette
with suspicion, believing them to be Ku*
Klux, etc. I was present and remember
very well the object of the visit. The
speech of Blodgett to the President, in
which the peoolcof Georgia were grossly
slandered, and painted in such dark col
ors tliat even Grant became disgusted nml
abruptly terminated the internew.
I have since concluded that the dislike
which Grant conceived forBlodgett tit
that interview intluenced his (Grant’s)
action towards tho ambitions would be
Senator last winter while he was trying
to gain admission to Congress as a Sena
tor elect from Georgia.
Tho Washington Chronicle of March
8th, 1863, contained a long letter from
Bullock in reply to u communication
addressed by the Hon. Nelson Tift to the
lteconstruction Committee, Bollock de
nied that he ever used his influence with
the Reconstruction Committee for the
purpose of having the State Government
destroyed and a Military or' Provisional
Government established in its stead.
No one ever charged Bullock with giving
any direct testimony or openly advocating
the destruction of the State government.
On the contrary, every one who has ever
read his (Bullock’s) testimony before the
Reconstruction Committee, will easily
remember that the crafty financier, when
asked by the chairman sf the committee
if he (Bullock) had any thing to suggest
as to what should be done with reference
to Georgia by the United States Govern
ment, recommended that the laws should
be executed literally, and to admit to the
Legislature only those who could take the
oath requred by law. But will his 0. O.
D. Excellenoy dony that he employed
Blodgett, Baylor and several retired col
ored legislators of Georgia to come
here and work up the very case which
ho then so poalively denied any
knowledge of and which he so strong
ly repudiated in hia recent eight thou
sand dollar letter written in reply to
Senator Scott's macular ami pub
lished at the expense of the tax payers of
Georgia ? Will ho deny that he procured
letters to be written in this city purport -
ing to come from Georgia, setting forth
the deep distress of the ** truly loil” of
all colors in Georgia, and tolling how
they were persecuted and murdered by
the desperate “Ku-Klux V” Will he deny
that it was through his influence that
false representations of the “ Ogeecbee
Troubles” were daily placed before the
Reconstruction Committee ? I have no
doubt but what he will deny it, bnt never
theless it is true and can I# proved.
Bullock not only spent the earnings of
the State Road, and other State funds, in
procuring testimony for the purpose of
destroying the State Government, but he
paid the expenses of a clique at Washing
ton whose sole duty was to “eat, drink
and be merry." Besides all this he em
ployed the assistance of several females
to assist him in manipulating votes of
certain Senators. This fact can also be
proved by competent witnesses.
The secret meeting of prominent lie-
publicans at Auburn, New Nork, several
days ainoe has oaused quite a flutter in
political circles, especially among the im
mediate friends of General Grant. It is
understood that the purpose of this secret
meeting was to select a suitable candidate
to oppose Grant in 1872, and that Ex-
Secretary Seward is to l>e the nominee of
this new faction of the Republican party,
provided they cannot carry tlieir point at
the regular convention. Grntz Brown,
of Mtssouri, will probably be selected as
their candidate for Vieo-Presideut.
Angus.
►w-*
From the New York World of tbo 2d Sept.
A. II. S. as a Political Counsellor
and Prophet.
sion, or have so much disposed them to
forget or condone his previous vehement
opposition. It secured his triumphant
and unanimous election to tlie second
office in the Confederate government,
though he sunk into insignificance soon
after liis inauguration. But that cele
brated speech, though it brought a tem
porary advantage to him, did more than
any other ope tiling to blight and ruin
the Confederacy. It was industriously
circulated iu England by the agents of
the Federal government, and operated
os a fatal bar to any European recogni
tion of the new nation. That speech was
the most egregious political blunder ever
perpetrated by a man of talents. The
chief hope of the Confederacy rested upon
the Southern apothegm, “Cotton is
King.” Mr. Stephens dethroned that
king and destroyed the hopes of the
Confederacy by his astounding inability
to understand auy other public opinion
than that of his own locality.
The English government and the Eng
lish aristocracy looked with greut favor
and partiality on the sect-union cause, and
they would have been supported by the
distressed laboring eiafeues who suffered
so severely from the flaUon famine if Mr.
Stephens had not pul into the hands of
the Federal government a weapon of re
sistless force. The English laboring class
es had been educated for two gen*-rations
iuto a profound horror and detestation of
negro slavery; and when the second offi
cer of tho uew Confederacy proclaimed
that negro slavery was it* chief corner
stone, those starving laborers would have
rebelled en masse against the British gov
ernment ii it had ventured to reorganize
the new nation. The French Emperor
wus perpetually instigating the English
government to join with him in recogniz
ing touihern independence; but they
durst not bravo the fury of the English
middle and laboring classes whoso intense
detestation of human slavery wus strong
er thun the gnawings of hunger and pity
4qt their ragged, pining children. A re
cognition by France uud England would
have secured the independence of the
South, and it is chiefly owiug to Alexan
der R. Stephens that this recognition
was not given. IJis amazing blindness
and want of judgment were fortunate for
the Union; but they show how little this
statesman can be trusted to pilot a cause
be meaus to surire. With his hand at the
helm, tho ship is sure to be wrecked upon
the worst rock in the channel. To illus
trate hia unapproachable maladroitness,
we insert the following passage from his
corner stone speech, which strangled the
Confederacy in its cradle:
But, not to be tedious in enumerating the numer
ous changes for the better, allow me to allude to one
other—though butt, not leflet: the uew Constitution
lias put at rent further all the agitating questions re
lating to onr peculiar iustitution—Africau slavery
It exists among ua—tho proper status of the negro
‘ a. This kxii
Insurance Company.
Seven Per Cent. Interest Paying Plan.”
The Missouri Mutual Life Insurance Company
OF HT. LOUW, MO.
Jt'otMng Concealed—Yolhlny Exaggerated-—.Yo false Erpreta-
llons liaised.
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o P S E V B BT P B R O B Iff T .
On ail ea*h Premium* paid to the Company. lliia Dividend can b« used
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This Is Heatly a Seen per cent. or Money at Com
pound Interest, Coupled with Use -idvantuges of Cite tails UUt i
There 1* no uncertainty about the AMOUNT of the Annual Dividend* to Policy holder*. It 1* a definite
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r form of civilization.
i ediate
. h*d anticipated thi*
••rock on which the old Union would split.'
wan right. What was conjecture with him is
realized feet. But whether ho comprehended tin
great truth upou which that rock itood aud tUindi
may be doubted. The prevailing ideal euterl tinnl by
him and moil nf the leading statesmen at the time o/ the
formation of the old Constitution were, that the
KLAVEME.it or THE AFRICAN VVAH IN VIOLATION
wtu wrong in prineijde,
socially, morally, and politically, it was an evil they
knew not well how to deal with; but tbo general
opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow
or other, in the order of Providence, the institution
would be evanescent and pass away. Thi* idea.
snmjdion of the equality of races. This was
It was a sandy inundation; aud the idea of
erumeut built upon it—when the storm came aud
Uie wind blew, it fell.
Our new government u founded upon eqactly the op-
jostle ideas; its foundations art laid, iu oornku-
monk rests ujhdi the great truth that the negro is i
equal to the white man. (Aa( hlavkry* subardinah
to the superior jyioc, i# pw natural asp
(MWplTiog. (Applauae) This, our new government,
The Atlanta Sun of Augunt 29 devotes
five and a half columns of its editorial
page to the World, and perhaps A. H. S.
might not think as quite civil if we failed
to rceognizo his profuse attentions. Wo
have looked in vain through bis long ar
ticle in the hope of finding something
which might deserve a reply; but ho must
excuse us from moeting fiim in tho arena
of blackguardism and personal abuse to
which he has descended. He lias raked
that sewer of scurrility the old tiles of
Brick Pomeroy’s defunct daily Democrat
for filth to fling bt us, and says he has wait
ed moro thau two weeks to see whether
we would contradict some o! this ribaldry
which was reproduced in tho Day Bock
beforo replying to onr last artichis com.
men ting on bis services to the Dei locratic
party.
We respect ourselves and respect Mr.
Stephens too much to wallow with him in
this slough, and are ainccrelv sorry that
our light banter borrowed from Don
Quixote should have thrown a statesman
of his years and pretensions into this un
seemly rage. He has given a signal veri
fication of Swift’s remark that anger,
though it strengthens the sinew’s of the
bodv, weakens those of the mind. We
doubt whether, even iu bis coolest and
most self-possessed moods, tho east of Mr.
Stepheus’ talents fit him for rivaling
Brick Pomeroy in tliat considerate ana
dignified gentleman’s peculiar line; but
certaiu it is that au enragpd o|d mag,
whoso mind has long been trained to a
dexterous handling of tho weapons of
of argument, mokes a pitiable figure
when he is impelled “against nature nnd
his stars" to begin a late apprenticeship
in Hinging mud with his naked hands.
Without taking any further notice of
Mr. Stephens’ unbecoming loss of tem
per and decency under a little good-na
tured ridicule, we wifi avail qureelvps of
this occasion to state somo reasons why
the Southern people ought not to regard
tho ex-Vice President os a safe and dis
creet politician. As he challenges atten
tion to bis anieoedtmts, ho cannot reason
ably complain that we refer to them. He
acted a conspicuous part in a memorable
crisis, and the most perverse ingenuity
could not have turned his rare acuteness
and eloquence (then in undecayed ripe
ness) to a more mischievous uso to the
cause he meant to support. His mistake
thou, in the fullness of his faculties, like
his mistake now, in their wane, consisted
in his inability to appreciate any other
publio opiuion thau that of his imme
diate neighborhood. Ho is by nature
too much of an egotist to enter easily in
to tho viowa of others; but if it had been
his fortune to spend his earlier and more
impressible years in a great center of intel-
genco, like London or New V°rk, instead
of a small rural town, pis native alertness
might have enabled him to read with
more or less facility what has always been
to him a sealed book, namely, tho drift
of publio opiuion outside of his own oou-
fiued circle. His stupendous blunders
as a politician have resaltod from this in
ability.
When, soon after his powerful s|>cecli
X inst secession before the Georgia Leg-
ture, Mr. Stepheus espoused the cause
of the secessionists, he furnished wliot is
E rlmps the most glaring example in all
itory of the irreparable kamago which
may be done to a cause by on able but
maladroit advocate. We refer, of course,
to his famous corner-stone speech. From
his point of view, aud within his own
narrow horizon, no *)*ech could have
been more apt and dexterous. Nothing
else could have so recommended the new
convort to tire older advocates of seoes-
. JTJOk- (ApplfiUW) This, <
.1 the ,first in the history of the world based upon
great physical, philosophical, and moral truth, ThiH
iruUi bceu slow iu tUe process of iu develop-
uiunt, Hko all other truths iu tho various depart-
uiouts of Hoioucc. It is so. evuu amongst us. Many
who hear me, perhaps can recollect well that tliia
truth was not generally admitted even within tlieir
day. Tho errors of tho past generation still clung
to many so lato as twenty years ago. Those at the
North who still cling to theso errors with a zeal
above knowledge, we justly deuouiiuato fanatics.
Iu n subsequent passage of that aston
ishing spetHsb Mr. Stephens said, still
speaking of slavery: "This stone, which
wus rejected hy the first builders, is be
come the chi'/sloneof the corner iu our new
edifice. (Applause. ]" Nothing could
havo heeu more opportune thun this in
sane speech for counteracting tho machi
nations of the secession ugents in Europe.
It was a poisoned dagger thrust into the
bowels of the Confederacy.
Mr. Stephens is committing the same
kind of a blunder as a Democratic editor
that lie perpetrated as a secession orator.
It will prove less mischievous to the cause
1)0 profosses to servo only because ho has
no such standing and authority in tho
Domocratio party as he possessed in the
Confederate government. This blunder,
like the other, is a consequence of liis
utter inability to estimate the moral and
social forces that control public opinion
outside of* liis own narrow circle. The
capacity to detect the tendencies and take
the truo muosuro of publio seutiment in
all quarters which cau affect the success
of his policy, is the first aud most in-
dispensahlo qualification of a statesman ;
and among all the public meu of our time
none has shown himself so signally defi
cient in this qualification as the
late Vice-President of the South
ern Confederacy. If his past blun
der.) had Dot destroyed his ]iolitical
standing and undermined all confidence
in the soundness of his judgment, the
Republicans might circulate ins editorials
in tho North with as much effect as at
tended tho circulation of his corner
stone speech in Europe. His editorials,
if ho were a recognized political leader,
would bo as fatal to tho success of the
Democratic party as the corner-stone
speech was to the recognition of South
ern indopendeuco. Dr. Johnson ouoe
said of somebody, “Sir, hit mind dwells
in analley.” Mr. Stephens's mind dwells
in tbo rural baobelor residence which ho
calls Liberty Hall, and breathes a stifled
atmosphoro which the free winds of
heaven do not disturb and purify. It is
a groat pity that sol acute mul ingouious
a miud kos.not had the advantage of a
larger intercourse with the world. Hut
perhaps it is not in nature that the spi
der who spins his web out of his own
bowels, Bhould emulate the exouraivo bee
that gathers wax and sweetness from
uverj flower that blooms in the memlows.
Airintense, self-absorbed egotism is not
fnvorablo to a wido acquaintance with the
ways and thoughts of men. Hut to mis
conceive tho drift of opiniou is tho most
fatal of all mistakes in politics,
Mr. Stephogs's prophesies of the success
of hi* hide-hound policy are on a par
with his former glowing predictions of
the disintegration of the old Union and
the assimilation of the States to the new
Confederacy of which slavery was to he
the oorner-atone. Judged hy the way his
•anguine predictions have liccn fulfilled,
the prophet deserves os little confidence
as the politician.
A Southern correspondent Las lately
taken ua to task for Iwstowing so much
space and notice ou Mr. Stephens, Stink
ing that we give to his opinions an im
portance which nobody concedes to them
in the South. Very likely our Southern
correspondent may tie right; but as the
editorials signed A. H. 8. are favorite
electioneering documents with the North
ern Radicals, it has seemed to us right to
aoeompanv the Imno with an antidote.—
The Southern |>e»ple have indeed too
much reason to know how fatal ia this
man's advocacy of any cause.
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