Newspaper Page Text
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15Y WILLIAM S. JONES
tgltronicU cntii Sentinel.
SAMVEL BASSETT, Associate Editor*
AUGUSTA, GA<
TUESDAY MORNING .. ..AUGUST 10.
O’ The Union Party of Bulloch county are
requested by Seriren county to meet tho Union Par
ty of said county, in Convention, at No. 6, C. R. R.,
an WEDNESDAY, the 10th of SEPTEMBER next,
for the purpose of nominating a Candidate to be run
by tbe two Countiea for Senate. At which time and
place those friendly to the Union will nominate a
Candidate for the Representative branch of the State
Legislature for Seriven county. Come one, come
ell, to save the Union.
Mast Union Mem.
Sylvan : a, Seri ven Co., Ga., Aug. 13. aul9-3
Union papers please copy.
Mr* Toombs In Jackson *
The Hon. Robert Toombs will address the citi
sens of Jackson county, and all others who may at
tend, at Jefferson, on MONDAY next, the2sth inat.,
the first day of Coart.
Mr. Toombs in Burke.
Tbe Hon. R. Toombs will address the people of
burke county, at Alexander, on SATURDAY, the
30th day of August, inst. The public are invited to
attend.
Mr* Cobb in Augusta*
As we anticipated, Mr. Cobb was greeted
by a large and most respectful audience, Sa
turday night—7 to 800 persons of all classes—
who paid him the deference of a most a'tentive
hearing. He had spoken in the forenoon at
Appling, rode over twenty miles, arrived here
at 7j I*. ML, and at 8 was on the Stage speak
ing. Os course it could not be supposed he
was in tbe best possible condition for a speech.
Notwithstanding all this, however, he rivited
the audience for about an hour and a half, in
one of the calmest, most dispassionate, closest
reasoned, clearest and soundest speeches we
have heard this campaign—delighting, and
convincing every body, but the Disunionists,
of his consistency and patriotic devotion to (he
country. And if there was any man among
them whose honest judgment was permitted to
exercise full sway, we hazard the assertion
his faith was shaken by the powerful and well
directed argument of Mr. Cobb. It was a
telling speech upon the voters.
After Mr. C- had concluded, Mr. Toombs
was called np, and although he was quite in
disposed from a severe cold and consequent
hoarseness, bis numarous admirers would not
be pot off, but must hear from him then. lie
yielded, in a few minutes warmed up with his
subject, and wielded his keen Damascus blade
with a skill peculiar to himself—every blow
toid with powerful effeot, and he dealt them on
aH sides in his happiest vein
When he concluded the audience dispersed.
The Latter Construed*
At an anniversary barbecue of the Richland
Rifle Company at Columbia, South Car lina,
on the Bth inst., the following toast was given:
*'JJy Guignard Scott. The late letter of Ex-
Governor McDonald of Georgia: A death blow to
Co operation Antecedent to seperate State action.
Henceforth the contest lies between Secession and
Submission.”
The key to this toast is to be found in the
word antecedent which we have italicised.
Gov McDonald’s letter means to Mr. Goio
mabd Scott, what we doubt not it means to the
other people of South Carolina. ‘‘Co-opera
tioa with Georgia antecedent to separate State
action is impossible. But secede and shed
blood. Light up tbe blaze of civil war. That
will bring Co-operation.”
The “bugleoian” from the weßt tells Caroti
ns not to expect Co-operation antecedent to
separate State action. Expediency is all that
he urges against such action, and his argument
on that subject ia at variance with his advice.
He tells her not to walk in it, but points out to
her the road to Co-operation.
Suicide*
John J. Smith, a young man about twenty
one years of age, who had been driving th*
Stage on the Greenville line for some months,
committed suicide yeiterday at the United
States Hotel, by taking laudanum It is sup
posed from lhe best information, that he swal
lowed it about 6 o'clock, A- M., and as he
locked himself up in his room it was not dis
covered till about 2P. M., entirely too late to
afford any relief. No cause is known for the
act. He seems to have been little kn >wn,
and nothing is known of the whereabouts of
his friends and relatives, except that a letter
was found in his trunk, 'ddressed to him by
B. F. Downs, Fort Kearney, who purports to
be his brother in law. ‘
Hopkins L Turkey. —The most gratifying
result in the Tennessee election is tbe defeat
of this ultra demagogue for a seat in the Le
gislature from FraufcHnoounty. We suppose
he desired a decision upon his course as U. 8.
Senator, and more efficient and decided rebuke
no man ever received. Franklin county usual
ly gives a iTemocratio majority of 800, and
this year gave Trousdale, the democratic
candidate for Governor 787 majority. The
vote for ARLsnex, Union democrat, stood 1002,
and 544 for H. L. Turkey. This was glory
enough for okk day.
Fikb Tobacco.— Messrs. W. 4k J. Nelsok
have laid on our table a plug of “ Payee’s Ex
tra Fine" Tobacco. Those of our readout
who like a choice article should call and test.
ita quality.
UtThb following persons were appointed Dele
gates from th* 121 at and 124th Districts to nominate
County MemUrs to the Legislature:
12Ief District. 124tt Dietrict.
Bamcbl Tar-eb, Wm. J. Rhodes,
Jambs Me Nam, Asm. BSAeo,
Jams* E. Cabjmm, Jaaea Timlby,
Thomas Tartar. G. H. Omul
—, — '■ —— —> i
The Alberti Case and Pi Ice Case.
With the practical enforcement of the Fugitive
Slave law our readers are familiar. Tho Crafts
were assisted in escaping the vigilance of agents and
officers, and are now in England. Shadrach was
rescued from the officers, in whose oharge be was,
by mo‘j violence, in the open day, and assisted to
escape into Canada. It cost the owners mire than
they were worth to recover the few others whe have
been restored to them. But we need not dwell upon
this branch of the subject as the facts connected with
it are so generally known. Alberti and Price hwe
been dragged from their families and incarcerated in
gloomy dungeons, for merely assisting in the execu
tion of the law in a solitary instance. The former is
a grey headed old man nearly seventy years of age,
whom a Pennsylvania Judge bad sentenced to hard
labor in tbe Penitentiary for ten years, before the
expiration of which time he will probably be called
from his gloomy cell to his grave. How heavily this
cruel and ferocious senteuce presses upon the in
firmities of this unfortunate eld man. His family
weeps at home, his spirits are weighed down and
crushed under the tyranny of a soulless fanaticism,
that disregards those tears end feeds with hellish de
light upon his torture.
The above paragraph is fall of loose state
men s. The slave Betsey was not arrested
under the present fugitive slave law, but under
the old law. Her arrest occurred August 14,
1850. The present law passed the Senate
August 24, 1850. The paragraph quoted
seems to have been intended to excits preju
dice in relation to the present fugitive slave
law. It was not then of force. The then
existing law was fully and successfully carried
out. Tbe slave Betsey was conveyed to Mary
land, and delivered to her master, Mitchell.
The indictment against Alberti and Price
was for kidnapping the child of Betsey. As
sisting in the execution of the present fugitive
slave law, or of the old law, had nothing to do
with it. The child Joel, was not, and is not
claimed by Mitchell as a slave; nor if a slave,
WBs there any power of attorney for his arrest.
The offence charged (that of kidnapping) is
an offence under the laws of Georgia, punish
able by imprisonment in the Penitentiary for
from 4to 7 years. (Penal Code, 4th Division,
Sec. 51, Prince’s Dig. page 626). To this
indictment they pleaded “ not guilty.” They
were found guilty by a jury of their-own
countrymen, for they were both Pennsylva
nians.
The case proves nothing against the fugitive
slave law. It had no connection with :t. The
arrest of the slave Betsey was not the offence
charged—the law under which the was arrested
was the old law, and was successfully carried
out. Nor does the case prove anything against
the laws of Pennsylvania, for those laws, if
faithfully ados nistered, are the same in kind as
the laws of Georgia. Convicted under a like
indictment, Alberti and Price would have
been, under our law, imprisoned in the Peni
tentiary. What tha case does prove is, that tbe
law of Pennsylvania—no; the law of the Uni
ted States —was not faithfully administered. If
correctly reported, of which we have no assu
rance, and do not believe, it proves that the
jury was corrupt, and the judge arbitrary and
tyrannical. For this, they—the judge and jury
—deserve the strongest reprobation. Tbe
unfaithful administration of the law shows
that which every body admits-—that there is
much prejudice and fanaticism upon the sub
ject of slavery at the North. The very letter
on which the Constitutionaliet is commenting
asserts “ that the anti-slavery sentiment of the
North has become mere virulent by defeat, for
it was utterly defeated in the Compromise
measures.” Our object, and the object of the
Union party of Georgia, is to strengthen tho
hands of those who strive to put down such
fanaticism. The Union contaihs many bad
men—who is ignorant of that? Each State
contains many bad men. It ia thia fact which
gives rise to the necessity of Government, of
Courts, of Jails, and Penitentiaries.
Ae to the cost of recovering fugitive slaves
—the Court eoEts amount to tea dollars. All
other costs incuned by the owner are the pay
ment of his agents and bis attornies’ fees If
there be any costs arising from mob opposition,
or like causee, they are defrayed by the Go
vernment. If a negro escapes from South
Carolina and gets to Texas, imstead of to
Pennsylvania, the owner must bear the ex
pense of sending an agent after him, and if
necessary, witnesses to establish that the negro
is his property. The Government cannot
diminish the distance between two States, and
the consequent travelling expenses of agents
and witnesses.
Who would have gathered any correct idea
of thij case, or of theTugitive slave law, from
the comments of the Constitutionalist 1 The
case only proves strong anti-slavery prejudice
at the North—the very fact which rendered
tbe Union Organization necessary.
Second Dispatch. — Boston, Aug. 14th.<—Fur
ther intelligence from toe Cape of Good Hope
states that.ihousands of cattle bad been cap
tured by the enemy- The greet chief Keeli
had gone over to the rebels, and ordered
the missionaries to leave tbe territory, Im
mense forces were collecting in tbe moun
tains, and thi Boors were eo panic struck that
they refused u> act. Fears were entertained
that the savages would murder tbe farmers
and other families by wholesa'e
Ip one atlick they captured 3000 sheep and
700 head of cattle, but they were retaken by an
English corvettq, with, 10 men, who overtook
the enemy, killed 15 of them, and captured
14 guns. Stf Hear? Smith was endeavoring
to negotiate peace wiiji tke rebels on condition
that rhey surrender alt firearms an I ca-t.e; but
wjth no success. Numbers of colonists were
emigrating beyond iheJEnglish frontier, and the
Cape papers state that England will have to
annex all the habitable part of South Africa. >
. * re informed by a gentleman, just ar
rived from the neighboring farms, thsft' the
cotton crop, instead of being benefited by the
reoont rain, has been seriously injured. It has
taken the rust—is shedding its leaves and bolls
V . ery «P id,y ’ " nd * ver y doubtful If more
than 300 pounds will be made to the acre. In
many places the corn crop is very light, and
net enough will be mape for subsistence.
Tbisis a gloomy picture: It is calculated
to-depress the spirits or those Who have been
hoping against hope thtt the Idng drough
would terminate hHrome’bcndftcial
result. But alas, the rains appear to have been
AUGUSTA, (IA. WEUNESDAV MORNING, AUGUST 20, 1851.
more detriments! than the drought, for nothing
but a miracle can now save the cotton crop
from total ruin.— Eutaw (Ala.) Dtm.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel,
Mr. Calhoun's Position in 1847. •/
I send you a copy of Mr. Calhoun’s speech
and resolutions, taken from the Union newspa
per of the 19th of February, 1847, from which i
made some extracts In an article I sent you a*
few days since. Its publication at this time is
caUed for, that the people may understand what
was considered the true position for the South
to take, relative to this slavery question. Mr.
Calhoun, whose eagle eye looked above and be
yond the present, saw in the future that the only
hope for the South was to plant themselves upon
the Constitution and demand of the North the
surrender of two growing and cherished propo
sitions one was the exclusion of slavery from the
territories, better known as the Wilmot Proviso —
and the other was the declaration that no more
slave States should be admitted into this Union.
In the adjastment, both were given up, and the
principles of Mr. Calhoun’s speech and resolu
tions, followed almost to the letter. The Con
stitutional Union party might very successfully,
rest the issue now pending upon theproposit on,
that if in the Compromise any princi
ple is to bi found antagonistical to Mr. Cal-\
houn’s doctrines, yea, they might go farther, and '
say that if those doctrines arc not affirmed and
practically illustrated by the adjastment, they
would yield the contest. And, I now boldly
challenge any friend ot the Southern Rights
party to point out any doctrine or principle in
the Compromise measures inconsistent with Mr.
Calhoun’s opinions in the speech of February,
1847. I trust every man in Georgia will read this
speech, and read it attentively; it is the true doe
trine, and it was, and is successfully vindicated
and upheld in the measures known as the ad
justment. Notice his views about the .Missouri
C improtnise, which some of the fire-eaters of
this Slate pretend to believe would have been
a panacea for all our evils. The very doctrines
he contended for, wo obtained, and now those
that pretend to be his greatest admirers think it
goodesusefor a dissolution of the Union, and
clamor for the very thing he repudiated. From
all tvhich, I think we may charitably draw this
conclusion; that the men of the South, who
are seeking to dissolve this Union, whether
openly or secretly, on account of the late Com
promise measures, would have been dissatisfied
under any and all circumstances. What they
askedfor in 1847, they obtained in 1850, and yet
some of them have felt a want of independence,
in this Union for 25 years, which .Mr. Calhoun in
his speech as late as 1847, designated as "glo
rious.”
It is a serious question with the people of
Georgia to ask themselves, what do these rest*
less, dissatisfied disturbers of the pub.ic peace
and quiet want ? From their present position in
connexion with their past opinions, you have no
security that they will bo satisfied if yru grant
their demands. One thing id, 1 think, cl n ar, and
that is they desire a breaking up of the Govern
ment, and they are not choice in the means they
have selected to effect their object. If they want
the courage necessary to teil their own people
th it they ought to cast off the yoke that binds
them,and to relieve themselvesfrom the degrada
tion, they affect to believe has been imposed up
on them, where will they stand, when South
Carolina rushes madly into the vortex of disun
ion. JcsTica.
The Slavery Question,
Mr. Calhoun here rose and taid : “Mr. President,
I rise to offer a Bet of resolutions in reference to the
various resolutions fro n the State Legislatures upon
the subject of what they call the extension of slavery,
and the proviso attached to the House bill, cal ed
the three mi lion bill. What I propose before 1
send my resolutions to the table is, to make a few
explanatory remarks.
“ Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this
floor some time ago, that all parlies in the non-slave
hold:ng States had come to a fixed and solemn de
termination upon two propositions. One was, that
there should be no further adnrssion of any States
into this Union, which permitted by their Constitu
tion the existence of slave y ; and the other was,
that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the
Terri or.es of the United States ; the effect of which,
would be to give to the non-slaveholding States, .the
monopoly of the public domain, to the entire exclu
sion of the slaveholding States.”
Since that declaration was made, Mr. Presi
dent, we have abundant proof that (here was a
satisfactory foundation for i*. We have receiv
ed already solemn resolutions passed by seven
of the non-slaveholding Stales —one hall of the
number already iu the Union, lowa not being
counted —using the s rongest possible language
to that effect; and no doubt in a short space of
time similar resolutions will be received from
all of ihe non-slaveholding Stales. But we
need not go beyond the walls of Congress, the
subject has been agitated in the other House,
and they have aeut up a bill prohibiting the
extension of slavery” (using their own lsn
guage) “ to any territory which may be ac
quired by the United States hereafter.” At the
same time, two resolntinns which have been
moved to ex’end the Cumpr tnise line from
the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during
the present session, have been rejected by a
decided majority.
Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the
times; and it is high time that the Southern
States, the slaveholding States, should inquiry
what is now their relative strength iu thig
Union, and what it will be if this determination
should be carriod into effect hereafter. Sir,
already we are iu a minority—l use the word'
“ we” for brevity sake—already we are in a
minority in the other House, in the electoral
college, and, I may say, in every department
of this Government, except at present in the
.Senato of the Unit d States —there for the
present we have an equality. Os the twen'y
eight States, fourteen are non-slavetioidmg,
and fourteen are slaveholding, counting Dela
ware, which is doubtful, as one of tho non
slaveholding States Bat this equality of
strength exists only in the Senate. Cue of the
clerks at my request has furnished me with a
statement of what is the relative strength of
the two descriptions of States, in the other
House of Congress, and in the electoral col
lege. There are 228 representatives, including
lowa, which is already represented there. Os
these, 133 are from the non-slaveholding States
nnd 90 are from what are called the slave
Sla.e*, giving a majoiity in the aggregate to
the former of 48. In the electors! college there
are 168 votes belonging to the non-slavebolding
Steles, and 118 to the slaveholding, giving a
majority of 50 to the non slaveholding.
We, Mr. President, have at present only one
pcsition in the Government, by which we may
make any resistance to this aggressive policy
whioh has beeu declared against the South;
or any other that the nou-alaveholdiog States
may choose to take. And this equality in this
body is of the most transient character. Al
ready lowa is a State; but owing to some
domestic calamity, is not yet represented in
this body. Wben she appears here, there will
be an addition of two Senators to the Repre
sentatives here of the non slaveholding States.
Already Wisconsin has passed the initiatory
stage, and vrill be here at the next session
This will add two more, making a clear major
ity of four in this body on the side of the
non-slaveholding Stales, who will thus be
enabled to sway every branch of this Govern
ment at their will and pleasure. But sir, if
this aggressive policy be followed—if the de
termination of the non-slaveholding States is
to be adhered to hereafter, and we are to be
entirely excluded from thi territories which
we already possess, or may possess—if this is
to |e the fixed policy of the Government, I
ask, what will be our situation hereafter t
1 Sir, there Is ample space for twelve or fifteen of
thtisrgeU desciipiioQ of States in the Terriiories
belonging to the United States. A (ready a law is in
course ot passage through the other House, creating
one North of Wisconsin. There is ample room for
another North of lowa ; and another North of that;
and then that large region extending on this side of
the flocky Mountains from 49 degrees, dow < to the
9'«xan line, which may be set down fairly as an
area of twelve and ■ h-ls degrees of latitude—that
extended region of itself is susceptible of having
six, seven, or eight large State, To ibis, add Ore
gon which extends from 49 to 42 degrees, which
w : ll give four more', and I make a very moderate
calculat on when I say that, in addition io lowa and
Wisconsin twelve more Stales upon the Territory
already ours—without reference to any acquisitions
from Mexico—may be, and will be shortly added to
these United States. How will we then standi
There will be hut fourteen on the part of the South —
we are.to befixed, limited, and forever —and twenty
height on the pan «-f the aeo-slaveholling states!
! Twenty-eight! Double our number 1 And with
; the sc i e di -rop rtion in the other House and in the
eiecteral coll-ge ! The Government, sir, will be
.entirely in the hands of the non-slaveholding States
, V—overwhelmingly.
\Sir. if this state of things is t> go on—if this deter
mination, so solemnly made, is to be persisted in,
where shall we stand, as far as this federal govern
ment of ours is concerned ? What, then, must we
do? We mast look to justice —to our own interests
—to the Constitution We will have no longer a
shield even in equality here. Now, can we rely
upon the sense of justice of tl is body? Ought we
to rely upon this ? These are the solemn questions
which I put on all sides.
. ' Sir, look to the past. If we are to look t-> that, I
will not go into details, we will see from the begin
ning > f this government to the present day, as far
as pci uniary resources are concerned —as far as the
disbursement of revenue is involved, it will be
found liiat we have been a portion of the community
which has substantially supported this government
without receiving anything like a tantamount sup
port from it. But why should I go beyond this
very measure itself? Why go beyond this deter
mination on the part of the non sluvehalding States,
that there can be no farther addition to the slave
holdingStates, to prove wbntour eondi ion is?
Sir, what is the entire amount of this policy? I
will not say it is so designed—l will not say from
what cause it originated. I will not say whether
blind fanaticism on one side—whether a hostile
feeling to slavery entertained by many not fanatical
on the other, has produced it; or whether it has been
the work of wen, who, looking to political p->wer,
have considered the agitation of thi* question as the
most effectual mode ot obtaining the spoils of this
government. I look to the fact itself. It is a policy
now openly avowed to be persisted in. It is a poli
cy, Mr. President, which aims to monopolize the
powers of this government and to obtain sole poises • \
aion of its patronage.
Now, I ask, is there any remedy ? Poes the
Constitution aflord any remedy ? An 1 if not, is
there any hope ? These, Mr. President, t-re solemn
quesuaus—not oniy to us, but, let m ‘ say, to gentle
men fiom the non elaveholding States, to them
Sir, the day that the bala. ce between the two sec
tions rs the country—the slaveholding States and the
non-slaveholding States—is destroyed, is a day that
will not be far removed from political revolution,
anarchy, civil war, and wide-spread disaster The
balance of this system tain the elaveholding States.
They arc the conservative portion—always have
been the conservative portion—always will be the
conservative portion; and with a due balance on
their part may, for generations to come, uphold this
glorious Union of ours. Put if this policy should
be carried out; if we are to be reduced to a hand
ful ; if we are to become a mere ball to play the
Presidential game with ; to count sometning in the
Baliiraore caucus ; if this is to be the result; wot
wo I I say to this Union !
Now, e : r, I put again the solemn question, doeß
the Constituton affrrd any remedy? Is there hny
prevision in it by which this aggressive policy ; bold
ly avowed, as if perfectly consistent with our insti
tutions an i the safety and prosperity of the United
States!—may be confronted ? Is this a policy con
sistent wiih the Constitution ? No, Mr. President,
no ! It is, in al! itsf-u'Uies daringly opposed tothe
Constitution. What is it? Ours is*a Federal Con
stitution. The States are its constituents, and not
the people, rite twenty eight States—the twenty
nlqe St.itrs (includiu; Io wa) —stand under this gov
ernrae; ’ r* twenty-nine individua s, or as twenty
n:oi map would stand to a consolidated pow
er. It wu3 i.ot made for the mere individual proi
perity of the State as individuals. No, sir. It was
made for higher ends. It was formed that every
S'ate coesii'uiing a portion of this great Union o‘
ours, should enjoy all its advantages, natural and
acquired, with greater security, and enjoy them
more perfectly. The whole system is based on
justi e and eq lality—perfect equality between the
members of tni3 Republic. Nor can that be consis
tent with equality which will make this public do
m tin a monopoly on one side—which in its conse
qu ncee, would place the whole power in one section
of the Uuion to be wielded against the other section
cf the Union ? Is that equality ? >
“ How do we stand in reference to this Territorial
question—this public domain of ours? Why, sir,
what is it? It is the common property of the
states of this Union. They are called the Territo
ries of the Uni ed States. And what are the United
States but the States united ? Sir, these Territories
are the property of the States united ; held j antly
for their commun use. And is it consistent with
justice—is it consistent with equality, that any por
tion of the partners outnumbering another portion,
f shall oust them in this common property of th-irs—
shall pass any law which sh dl proscribe the citizens
of o'her portions of the Union from euiieratinv
. with tbeir property to the Territories of the United
1 States ? Would that be consistent—can it be con
sistent with the idea of a common property, held
jointly for the common benefit us ail ? Would it be
so considered in private life ? Would it not be con
sidered the greatest outrage in tlf- world, and which
any Court on the face of the gl-be wouid at once
overrule ?
“ Mr. President, not only is that proposition gross
ly inconsistent with the Constitution, but the other
which undertakes to say that no ''tate shall be ad
mitted ;nto this Union, whi-h shall not prohibit by
its Constitution the existence of slaves, is equally u
great outrage against the Constitution of the United
States. Sir, I hold it to he a fundamental procipie
of our political tysietn, that the people have a right
to establish what Government t! ey may think
proper for themselves ; that every State about to be
cctne a member of this Union has a right to form its
own government as it pleases ; and that in order to
be admitted there is but one qualification, and that is,
that the Government shall be republican. It is not
so expressly prescribed by the instrument itself, but
by that great section which guaran'eea to every
S ate ia this Union a republican form of Government.
Now, sir, what is proposed? Ills proposed, from a
vague, indefinite, erroneous and most dangerous
conce lion of piivste individual liberty, to overrule
this gre? t common liberty which a peop'e have of
framing their own Constitution! Sir, the individual
right of men is not nearly so easily to be establish
ad by any course of reesoning, as his common liber
ty. And yet, sir, there ara men of such delicate
feeling on the subject of libsrty—there are men who
cannot possibly bear what they call alavery in one
section of the country-—(and it ia not so much slavery
as an inst itution indispensable for the good of both
races)—men so squeamish on thia point, that they are
ready to atrtke down the higher right of a communi
ty to govern themselves, in order to maintain the
absol tie right of individuals in alt ciroum stances,
to govern themselves.
“ Mr. President, the resolutions that I haro pro
rwed, present in exact terms thene great truths,
propose to presant them to the Senate ; I propone
are a votsupo » chain ; anl 1 trust there is no
1 gemleman here wbo will refuse a direct vole upon
these propositions. It is mainly that we shall
know the state of things.
” It is due to our constituents that we should insist
upon it; and I, as one, will insist upon it that the sense
of this body shall betaken; the body which repre
sents the States in their capacity as communities,
end the members oi which are to be their special
guardians. It is due to them, sir, that there should
be a lair expression of what is the sense o( this body.
Upon that expression much depends. It is the only
stand wh'ch we can have, it is tbe only position
which we can take, which will uphold us with any
thing like independence—which will giro ua any
(chance) at all to maintain an equality in this Union,
on those great p-inciples to which I ha-e had refer
eece* Overrule these principles, and we are nothing I
• Preserve them, and we will ever be a respectable
portion of the community.”
Sir, here let me siy a word as to the Compromise
line, 1 have always considered it as a great error-r
--highly injurious to the South, because it surrendered,
or mere temporary purposes, th-se high principles of.
the constitution upon which I think we ctight to stand.
lam against any Compromise line, It st I would;
have been willing to have continued tbe Compromire
line. One of the Resolutions in the House, to that
effect, was offered at my suggestion. I said to a
friend there, [«r. Burt,] “Let us not be disturbers of
this Union. As abhorrent to my feeling- as is that
Compromise line, let it be adhered to ip good faith;
and if the other portions of the Union are willing to
stand by It, let us not refuse to stand by it. It has
kept pegee for some time, and in the circumstances,
perhaps it would be better to keep peace as it is.”
But, sir, it was voted down by an overwhelming ma
jority. It was renewed by a gentleman from a non
elaveholding State, and again voted down by an over
whelming majority.
Well, I see my way in the Contitution. I cannot
in tbe Compromise. A Compromise is but an ict of
Congress. It may be overruled at any time. It
gives us no security. But the Constitution is stable.
It is a rock. On it I can stand. It is a principle on
which we can meet our friends from the non-slave
holding States. It is firm ground, on which they
can better stand in opposition to fanaticism, than on
tbe shifting sands of Compromise.
Let us be done with Co n promise. Let us go back
and stand upon the Constitution!
Well, sir, what if the decision of thia body shall
deny to us this high constitutional right, which in my
opinion is as clear as any in j the instrument itself—
the more defined and stable, indeed, because deduced
from the entire body of the instrument, and the na
ture of the subject to which it relates 1 What then 1
That is a question I will not undertake to decide. It
is a question for our constituents—the slaveholding
States. A solemn and a great question, Mr. Presi
dent. And if the decision should be adverse at this
time, I trust and do believe that they will take under
solemn consideration what they ought to do I give
no advice. It would be hazardous and dangerous
for me to do so. But I may speak as an individual
member of that section of the Union. There I drew
my first breath. There are all my hopes. lam a
planter—a cotton planter. lam a southern man and
a slaveholder—a kind and a merciful one, I trust —
and none the worse for being a slaveholder. I say,
for one, I would rather meet any extremity upon
earth lhan give up one inch of equality —one inch of
what belongs to us as members of this great repub
lic ! What! acknowledged inferiority! The sur
, render of life ; s nothing tosinkingdown into acknow
ledged inferiority !
I have examined this subject largely—widely. I
think I see the future, if we do not stand up now;
and in my humble opinion the condition of Ireland is
merciful and happy—the condition of Hindustan is
place and happiness—'he enudition of Jamaica is
prosperous and happy, to what the Souihern States
will be il now they yield!
Mr. President, I desire that the resolutions which I
now send to the table be read.
(The resolutions were read as follows.]
Resolved, That the territories of the United
States belong to the several States comprising th ! s
Union, and are held by them as their joint and com
mon property.
Resolved, 1 hat Congress as the joint agent and
representative of the States of this has no
right to make any law, or do any act whatever, that
shall directly, or by i's eff-cts, iaake any discrimina
tion between the States of this Union, by which any
of them shall be deprived of its full and equal right
in any Territory of the United States acquired, or to
be acquired.
Received, That the enactment jf any law which
should directly, or by its effor ts, deprive the citizens
of any cf the States of this Union from emigrating
with their property into any of t e Territories of the
United States will make such discrimination, and
would, therefore, be a violation of the constitution,
and the rights of the States from wnick such eit zens
emigrated, and in derogation o' that perfect equality
which belongs to them us members of this Union, and
would tend directly tosubvert tho Union itself.
“ Res lved, That as a fundamental princip'e in
our political creed, a people in forming a Constitution
have the unconditional right to form and adept the
Government which they may think best calculated
'o secure their libertv, prosperity and happiness;
and that in conformity thereto, no other condition is
imposed by the Federal Constitution on a State in
older to be admitted into this Union, except that its
Constitution shall be Rep iblican ; and that the im
position of any other by Congress would not only be
■n violation of the Constitu ion, but in direct con
flict with the principle on which our political sys
tem rests.”
McMillan and thb VVilmot Proviso
Much has been said by the Southern Rights
wire pullers of this county against the vote of
Mr Cobb .on the Oregon bill, containing a
provision excluding slavery from that Territory,
In fact, this is about the only thing they have
been ab'o to say against Mr Cobb in the prevent
campaign, and that they oqly use when “bush
ing it ’ among the old Whig-t, as its rather a
delicate topic to urg-before a Democrat who
supported Polk, ( qually guilty with Cobb)
up to the day of bis death, ari l then swore
that he had been the greatest President since
the days of Washington!
Wo wish to ask the-e gentry wh»t they are
goingto do about thia matter in the case of our
old friend Mac, their candidate If Mr Cobb
gave the vole, it ia ‘-as true as preaching” -hat
Me Millan endorsed it. We will give a scrap
of history for lh- especial ‘(drawing” of these
gentleman and the information of (he good
peopleofthis coun'y : Ata meeting of the
Democratic party of Elbert county, in the year
1849, after the passage of the Oregon bill,of
which meeting Mr. McMillan was a member,
the following resolution, in sibstance, was
tutroduced and adopted, with one dissen ting
voice :
Resolved : That the course of our distin
guished Representative, Howell Cobb, Upon
the slavery question, has been faithful to the
South, and meets our hearty and cordial ap
proval.
L-jok at that, what say you Juror ? “do you
like him ?” Perhaps some of you mav say no,
not such resolutions w* passed—try it if you
ftney the experiment, and we will bring the doc
uments to prove, not only that it was passed,
bit that your candidate voted for it We
hope you will take this article along in your
next oru*ade against “Cobb an. the Pro
viso I”— Washington Gazette.
The Michigan Conspiracy Case —The
defenoe have at length closed their testimony
in this case, which has already oecupied the
Court nearly two months. The only new in
cident worth mentioning is, that a man named j
Hsrvey, who swore that Phelps employed him ,
o burn the railroad depot at Detroit has made
a full confession, upon the stand, of ,bis
perjury. He says that he whs emplofbd by ,
an agent of the defendant to swear as he did i
and that in truth he never saw Phelps in In
diana, or elsewhere, until hb was pothted out j
to him at the Court hooeb. The test! nob'y of
such an abandoned wrectb cannot have any
weight on either side.
VOLUME XV.-AO. 100.
T £ GR APHIC HEWS.
I, <xu«iu!t>Tor hrontclr & Sentinel .
• '• •' ■ - '
Charleston Market.
Monday, Aug., 18.'— Cotton —Operations sus
pended. Sales to day 37 bales at 7| ots.
NEWS ITEMS.
From the Charleston Courier —by Telegraph.
New Orleans, Aug 14 —Four hundred bales
inclu ling thirty of the new crop, were sold in
thia Cotton market os Thursday, and Afiddlin ’
Fair was worth 8| ct§. Pork is still advancing,
and sales of Mess have been effected at sl6.
For Corn there is a lair demand; mixed is
quoted at froni 38 a 40,-and prime yellow at
47 oents.
Advices received in this city from Galveston
to the Bth inst, state that die ejection returns
from four or five of counties of Texas
show that Bell is far ahead for G ivernor,
Anderson Democrat for Lieut'Governor,
and Howard, Democrat for Congress.
Accounts from Mexico to the 29th ult., give
the information that the Government had Call
ed * Convention of the Governp g of all the
States, which was to have met at the Capital
on the Ist inst , for the purpose of consulting
upon financial "ffairs A discovery had bean
made of the existence ol'a conspiracy to recall
Santa Anna in Guanajuato,. which was frus
trated. The Senate had passed a rssolut on
relative to the planting of military colors on
the isthmus of T huantepec. i v *
Mobile, Aug. 15.—The Artie’s news has no
effect on holders, and Cotton is consequently
stiff at previous prices. The sales during the
week amount-o 2300, and to-day. Friday, to
550 bales. The stock comprise* 30 000 bales.
Middling is worth from to 7£ cents.
- | ■ —!
From the Baltimore American—by 'telegraph.
Boston , August 14.—A most violent storm oc
curred here and in the vicinity yesterday. In
this city a large quantity of hail fell,' and three
men were prostrated by lightning.
At Gravesend, near Lynn ,• thehouse of Joseph
Vicary.jr., was struck and considerably'dAmaged.
James Lewis was knocked down, and with diffi
culty restored.
A house in Lynn occupied by several families,
was also struck, making a complete wredk of
everything inside. No lives were lost. **:
Three persons were prostrated in Shepard
street. The lightning also struck several other
planes in Lynn.
The whole atmosphere appeared charged with
electricity.
In this city the mainmast of the schooner Eg
lantine was struck and shivered to pieces.
At Cheslea, the wind blew a tornado, but ther®
was no hail.
At Long Island, hailstones weiging- a qaarter
of a pound were picked up.
Every wherein this neighborhood the otqrm
did more or less damage.
Boston, August 14.—A real estate broker,
named John Elevens, doing business at-5- Ex
change street, committed suicide last rtitfht fn
his office by cutting an artery in his right leg.
He wa < discovered this morning dead.
The deceasod was formerly secretary of the
Commonwealth Insurance Company, and #brth
considerable property.
Ho was married last Saturday to one of his
tenants in Groton. i
The inquest is now in progress.
Huntingdon, B a., Aug. 14.—The Democrats
of this county met in convention yesterday, and
elected delegates to the general convention, to be
held March 4th. They were instructed to vote
for Cass, 49 to 3.
Louisville , Aug 13, —The steamer Ocean Wave
while lying at the lower levee yesterday, took;
fire, and before it could be subdued her upper
works were entirely destroyed.
There is an insurance on the boat for four
thousand dollars.
Louisville, Aug 14.—Additional returns receiv
ed increase Dixon’s majority for Governor to
nearly 4000. Nearly every county has been
heard from.
Indianapolis, Ind., Aug. 13.—Tho new consti
tution of this State has been adopted by 23,000
majority.
Boston, August 15.—The Frenoh Consol at
Hay ti was lately here and stated that he was
on his way home for instructions' from Gov
ernment in case Soulouque insisted on iuv*.
ding Bt. Domingo He further stated that the
English and French C< nsuls would present
orders fort blockade of Port' atf' Prince and
Cape Haytien, in case of hostilities. The
American Government has refused to enforce
by Violent measures, the claims of Amerioan
citizens.
Kingston, Canaria, August 15.—A pio nic
party in a boat, was upset yesterday and 15
lema es and 4 males were drowned/
Toronto, Aug. 15 —Parliament adjourn®
next The Government has accepted
the invitation of >he committee to attend the
railroad celebration in Boston, on the third
week of September.
The committee dino with Lord E'gin to day
and go to Montreal to morrow. 1
Buffalo, Aug. 15.—Davis, the fugitive was
this evening remanded by Commissioner
Smith to hi 3 master, Mr. Moore, of Louisville!
While on his way from the Court House q
mob attempted to rescue him, but lai'ed in
their ptl'p se. Con«iderable excitement pre-.s
vailed, bnt mat ers are now quiet.
Chicago,
tirely disappeared from our city
Cisc in®ATI. Aug. 14 —The re'urna have at
length «II been received fiom the T-nth Con
gressional District, and show the election of
Samuel Been ion, Ind. Whig, instead of Bor
den, Dein., as previously reported. The dele
gation stands eight Democrats, two Whigs.
The steamer Dscoiah exploded at Peoria,
111 ,on Saturday. She was bound for Mtnne
sota, for the accommodation of a number of
settlers who were onboard, and was wooding
when the explosion took placy. E evea
persons were killed and quite i number b«d lf
wounded.
Toronto, Aug. 14—In the Canadian As
sembly last night, tho Government resolution*
were adopted, by which 10 mihipus of dollars
are appropiaied towards the of n
ihe great trunk railway tbrougn Canada to
Halifax, N. S.
The decided action of this and the
known favor with which this'long talked of
and great national enterprise is regarded in the
lower provincos, leaves tittle room to doubt
hut that it will now be prosecuted to a success,
ful issue.
BOUNTY LaNjuS.
BY an aefcaf-ths late Gongtress, Bounty LANDS
Imve been granted to the Soldiers sod Wid
ows of Soldiers who served in the 'ast wsr with Great t
Britain, jn 1812, or |n any of the Indian wars since
1790; also to Commissioned officers of the Mexican-
War. >'vsd uxuii
Havit' formed an association with legal gentle -
men in \ Islington City, 1 am/ fully prepared with
the neost.- ury forms and raquiremeols of the Aet, to l
proceed ir behoof of *U those interested therein;
also to pi* • eouty. oifims of every, desoriptiou against
the Govern. non t.
Officeon Jackson, between Reynolds and Brosd-sti
08-ts JOHN MILLEDGK.