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THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN.
W.D.’Mah.on
Everatb 0ol V
Ealp&M Easley.
Samuel Gomper
'J-G.Phelps Stokes.
•=»■ UptonSindaii? ,*>
Sherman*
lames
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELTS
VIEWS ON UNION LABOR
I strongly believe In trade unlona, wisely and justly handled, In
which the rightful purpose to benefit those connected with them Is not
accompanied by a desire to do Injustice or wrong to others. I believe
In the duty of capitalists and wage workers to try to seek one another
out, to understand each other’s point of view, and to endeavor to show
broad and kindly human sympathy one with the other.
By JAMES J. MURPHY, ,
President of Typographical Union
No. 6.
By EVERETT COLBY,
Republican Senator in New Jer
sey and Reformer.
l\ \ r WHAT should labor do In politics?" This question Is brought home
yl/ to the American people this Labor day with especial relevancy
V V because 'this year for the first time In the history of the modern
trade union movement In this country organized labor has gone Into politics
<m a comprehensive national scale.
Heretofore the leaders of union labor have sedulously avoided even
the semblance of Identifying themselves or their organizations with political
pertles. Suddenly has come a complete about-face attitude. Trade union'
Ism Is making the revolutionary experiment of seeking to have none except
labor’s friends placed on guard in the halls of congress and In the legisla
tures of the various states
tvhat the outcome will be no one knows. Even the labor union leaders
themselves do not appear to be entirely clear as to Just how far organized
labor ought to go In politics. Their ideas appear to be centered on retiring
from the law-making bodies those whom they regard as labor’s enemies
and of electing In their stead unionism's avowed friends. The future, they
declare, will take care of Itself.
Practical politicians of both the old parties are watching labor's new
move with anxious eyes and are fearful for the outcome. Invariably they
run like deer at the mere Invitation to discuss the unions' Invasion of the
Held of politics—and this applies also to some In the public eye who have
not been classed with the “practical” politicians.
A few Republicans and Democrats, however, among whom are Repre-
•entative James S. Sherman, of New York, chairman of the Republican con
gressional campaign committee, and verett Colby, state senator In New Jer
sey and Republican reformer, declare the workingman's vote should be cast
with the Republican party. Mayor Adam, Buffalo's rugged Democratic mayor,
asserts that labor Is not to be blamed If It protects itself In politics, but
condemns any one In public life who is a better friend to a class than to
the mass.
The Socialists, Including the two recent wealthy converts. J. O. Phelps
Stokes, of New York, and Joseph Medlll Patterson, of Chicago, and Upton
Sinclair, author of "The Jungle,'! see labor’s only political salvation In' the
Socialist party. Economists, the clergy, publicists and others view the new
question In. varying lights.
The Ideas of all on "What should labor do In politics?” are herewith
presented. They make highly Interesting reading for Labor day.
BV SAMUEL GOMPER8,
President of the American Federa
tion of Labor and Leader of La
bor's Movement in Polities.
Under our modern Industrial system
and through the numbers, power, ag-
gresilveness and manhood of our
trades union movement, much of the
burdens of ages which were borne by
the type of "the man with the hoe" has
been lifted. The bent form and the
receding forehead have been changed
to the upright attitude, and there has
been developed a higher manhood
«lth a better life today and
* beticr prospect for the days to come,
in strong contrast to the absolute mas
ters Of employers and the servility of
the workman of the paat Is the dlgni-
”, Jtd respectful position now at-
maintained by labor.
Public opinion In this country has
»en compelled by the trade union
m t nt *° ,ake a better and more
comprehensive view of the rights of
a "d to consider and even com-
mend the rational, natural movement
workers of America for self-
protectinn by associated effort.
„„i! any , " f our schools, colleges and
uni,erslttes now have classes In which
J21 labor problem In all Its
K5 '* Investigated and discussed.
iT'PtWfs «nd magazines devote
oiumns to the presentation of labor
* “nd dissertation on the rights
msm "o " f "funnlzed labor. Very
?*"' «" f the " e ' “ 11 ‘me, are not al-
,*•? favorable to the position or con-
of labor, but It ls a hopeful
iffuitu fu i! of opportunities and pos-
lb Utif,, „. hen thl , mogt potent RUb .
di,™. ramifications, Is being
tSS^I' , The greatest danger to the
°f ‘he country would be should
— * or no thought be given to the
5!“;Problems and principles In which
ntL much Interested. Investl-
guionsnd discussion can only aid In
bor L um ' ,h °f ‘he great cause of la
, r ~' hf cause of humanity.
cZl±' aa i e *° '“‘1« thought and
ire,!, lon have been given by con-
matterl 1 h , fi d e "'ro» of labor as regards
this £ f 'jnlolntlon that labor had
and entered upon a determined
laref? ? r ';.' slve J campaign to secure a
a , distinctive share In the
yerntnental affairs of the republic,
and working people organise
aa j-nri " 6 al1 ‘hose functions which,
Citizens, It Is their
they *5® “ < * Jtheir duty to exercise,
«,jL “"not hope to maintain their
van-iL , A Progressive position In the
ts,p rr n .1 Phases of modern society. La-
ot no demand upon government
M to sii ,k h c ” *■ no ‘ equally accord-
fan and 1™ ?* op ' e of °ur country. It
las, ad Mil be satisfied with nothing
senators In their
ve hi»n U ‘i h j?£ ter ,he almighty dollar
rights“t» n '"different or hostile to the
W a, bih 1 ".' They have had no time
in,,! 1 ' Inclination to support the
f P ^hor ItiPfiMiirnu lha onnnt.
*hlch c
labor measures, the enact'
we have urged, and
«u BJ""‘alned beneficent features for
prf,vi«i..„ r T"P c without an obnoxious
i,}"" 1 ," ‘o any one.
PS M ,'" Called not only to con-
*nd hw|. an d 'fk'slatlve Indifference
but a i 'f® »h« Interests of labor,
mas« ,he Interests of the large
luran, „ "dr people. The great tn-
porathmJ '™" Bn 'cs. the trusts, the cor-
dij.trv h *. .’"’.■called captains of In
st* of' thl''i '"deed become the own-
Public 1. J’alslators of our country,
the <w AeSS ma "y «f whom have
tip of , Stop thief!" nearest the
through !hJ on * u *. hftv ® been elected
Hit has
from them.
cume to a condition In Ibis, firing.
the greatest and wealthiest nation on
earth, that the almighty dollar Is to
be worshipped to an extent of forget
ting principle, conscience, uprightness
and Justice, the time has arrived for
labor and Its friends to raise their
voices In condemnation of such degen
eracy and to Invite all reform forces
to Join with It In relegating Indiffer
ence to the people's Interests, corrup
tion and graft to political oblivion; to
raise the standard of legislation by the
election of sincere, progressive and
honest men who, while worshipping
money less, will honor conscience, jus
tice and humanity more.
Labor's present movement Is a de
termined effort, free absolutely, from
partisanship of every name and char
acter, to secure the legislation It deems
necessary and essential to the welfare
and happiness of- all the people. As
the present objects of the movement
are purely in the line of legislation,, all
efforts are being concentrated upon
the election of members of congress
and the various state legislatures.
Those engaged In the movement are
guided by the fact that principles are
of primary consideration; office, secon
dary.
All observers agree that the cam
S ilgn of our fellow workmen of Great
ritaln has had a wholesome effect
upon the government, as well as the
Interests of Its wageearners, and the
people generally of that country. In
the last British elections fifty-four
trade unionists were elected to parlia
ment. If the British workmen, with
their limited franchise, accomplished
so much by their united action, what
may we In the United States not do
with universal suffrage?
The tollers of America, by asserting
their rights and electing honest men
to congress and to other halls of legis
lation, will more completely and more
fully carry out their obligations as
union men and more than ever merit
the respect of their fellow citizens.
BY WILLIAM D. MAHON,
President Association of 8tr
Railway Employee*.
"What Should Labor Do In Politics?
Just this: Divorce the people from
the old political parties and destroy the
blind following of political machines.
The very keynote of the labor union
Idea has always been to prevent the
unions from tying up to any party.
As I understand It. the present move
ment of labor Is not to form a politi
cal party, but rather to see to It that
men are elected to congress and the
legislatures who are honest, free and
Independent and willing and determin
ed that Justice shall be done to wage-
earners, as well as to all others.
Once you put the political machine
out of business, you wifi get legisla
tion favorable to all the people. This
sentiment ls gaining ground with great
rapidity everywhere, and Is not con
fined to the tollers. The tide Is rising
so fast against the "boss" and all his
works that It would be unnatural If
labor did not lend Its great force and
Influence to the universal movement
for a different order of things.
In its present campaign I would have
labor get control of the machinery of
the old parties wherever possible and,
where this can not be done, nominate
Independently. To defeat a man now-
In office who has been an enemy of
labor. 1 would elect "a stick, “neces
sary. Such a man should be humili
ated as much as possible.
It Is charged that labor Is seeking to
build up class legislation. What we
am. really trying to do Is ‘"break
down class legislation, from which the
country has already too long been suf-
WHAT SOME LEADING TRADES GAINED
IN NEW YORK DURING TWENTY YEARS
Rate of Wages Weekly Hears
Per Day. of Labor.
r. c. or p. c. of
TRADE— 1888. 1906. Inc. 1888. 1968. Itcd'n.
Job Printers.. .. $3.00 $3.50 .188 50 4S ,186
llrl('klnyer» 4.05 6.60 . 382 5.1 44 .100
Granite Cutters 8.60 4.60 . 286 53 44 .100
Plasterers 4.00 6.60 . 375 53 44 .169
Plumbers..., 3.60 4.76 . 367 61 44 .169
Marble Cntrhra 3.00 6.0) .668 53 4 4 .169
Ship Carpenters 3.26 4.80 .371 63 44 .169
Hhln Carpenters 3.80 3.60 .077 64 48 .111
Mod Hoisting Engineers 350 5.00 .428 63 ,4 .1S9
Tile Ijtyers 3.50 5.00 . 428 69 44 . 264
This table Is compiled from atatfstlc* furnished by the New York State Bu
reau of Labor Statist lea.
Speaking merely as an individual,
and not In any sense as representing
my organization, It has always been
my belief that every trade unionist
should be affiliated with a political
movement of some character. While
In England and some other countries
the unions have gone Into political
movements as unlonB, It remains to
be seen whether such a course will he
proved a wise one for the labor organi
zations In this country to follow. Nev
ertheless, the fact that the present pro
gram of seeking the election to con
gress and the various state legislatures
Rig]htReverandHei]i?7C.R»tfe8
I don't think It ought to be necennary
for the laboring man to get in politics.
He should be in politics now.
In New Jersey we have come to the
conclusion that the best way- to put
into effect any legislation the people
may desire is to go to the party pri
mary and vote for delegates to the
convention who are pledged to support
definite candidates, ,who In turn are
pledged to specific and definite princi
ples of law. 0
To my mind It does little good for
the voter of one party to go over to
the other party, because both are con
trolled by the same Influences and pre-
gress and the various state legislatures brilw "ilthoSt^t^iDlna'^n vont “ far as possible the enactment
of men favorable to labor has been the rlahta of others and wlthouf hnvInS <L f '»»s 'n “>«. Interest of the people.
entered upon by such able and tried
leaders as Samuel Gompers and the
other heads of the American Federation
of Labor makes the new movement one
which should receive the careful con-
slderatlon of every trade unionist In
the United States.
Notwithstanding all the carping crit
lctsm directed against - the trade
unions, there la no question whatever
that the existing great prosperity of
the country has been very materially
augmented by the trade union move
ment. Within the last decade labor
has been most active In .securing legls
latton favorable not only, to.the mem-
here of the unions themselves, but also
to non-unionists and the people gener
ally. Even the most unskilled classes
of labor, those which from the very
fact that they are so unskilled do not
easily lend themselves to organization
and are not yet fully able to appre
ciate the value of cohesion through the
union movement, have been vastly ben
efited by the laws which have already
been passed In labor's Interests, while
at the same time the whole labor
movement has been strengthened and
the whole mass of citizenship the coun
try over Is far better off.
In spite of all that has been doife,
however, much more remains to be ac
complished. Many of the reforms
which the trade unionist Interests are
now Insistent upon are bitterly opposed
by the law making powers, and It Is
obvious that labor's friends will have
to be put on guard all along the line
before many of these proposed reforms
can be won.
One of the most important reforms
now being sought by the trade union
ist, In my opinion, Is the stopping of
the abuse of the Injunctions. These
have been used against labor In a very
determined and. In many cases, very
unjust manner. I do not mean to eay
that the unlonlet absolutely disap
proves of the exercise of the Injunctive
power by the courts, but he does In
sist that the power be modified In
some way so that he shall not be
arbitrarily deprived of his rights.
Probably the greatest barrier to the
passage of Important laws sought by
labor Interests today Is to be found In
the United States senate, and the pres
ent method of electing members of
that body. Under the existing system
of choosing senators by legislatures It
hardly seems possible that labor men
or men friendly to labor can be elected
to the senate. When United States sen
ators are elected directly by the peo
ple labor will meet with much less
opposition In securing the enactment of
' gtslatlon favorable to Its Interests.
This, I believe, will all come In due
time. For the present the plan of the
American Federation of I .a bor to con
fine Its efforts to securing the election
of approved candidates to congress
and the state legislatures Is an ample
program, and If even moderately suc
cessful, ought to prove a formidable
entering wedge for labor In the politics
of the future.
BY JAME8 NOBLE ADAM,
Democrat and Mayor of Buffalo.
Labor 'should do In politics precisely
what every other body of citizens
should do in politics—It should do Its
utmost to see the best men nominated
and to see the best men elected, and
see that those who are elected do
their best after being elected. It should
do this fairly, squarely and fearlessly.
the rights of others and without having
Its own rights trampled on.
Capital as a class takes care to pro
tect Itself In politics. Labor as a class
ls not to be blamed If it takes care to
protect Itself In politics. But capital
and labor, either or both, are to blame
and are to be condemned If they should
resort to tactics that are dishonorable
or methods that are dishonest. The
man who wins In the long run Is the
man who plays the clean, straight
game. Theodore Roosevelt and William
J. Bryan are notable examples of this
truth.
The two most potent Influences In
the business world' are capital and la
bor. One of the most potent Influences
In politics In the past has been capital.
Naturally labor seeks In politics the
same position It holds In the business
world. But neither capital nor labor
should lose sight of the fact that poli
tics, business, capital, labor and all
else Is designed simply to serve the
best ends of man and achieve the
greatest good for the moot people.
I have no patience with the statement
that labor should not hare its particu
lar friends In public life. Capital has
Its particular friends In public life.
But no man In public life or In politics
has any right to be a better friend
to a class than to the maes. It Is
wrong to stand for the devices of a
part of the people against the Interests
of the people ns a whole. I believe
labor, and by labor I mean the work
ingmen of the country, should do Its
best to get the best of Its number Into
public life, and that these men In turn
should serve their fellow workingmen
most by standing steadfast tor what Is
right, whether It Is Indorsed by labor
or capital, or by every one or by no one
at all.
By RALPH M. EA8LEY,
Secretary of ths Nationsl Civio
Federation.
While there exists some confusion,
even In the ranks of labor Itself, aa
to the exact significance of the po
litical program of the American Fed
eratlon of Labor, It can safely be said
that, with certain exceptions, the gen
eral policy of the federation does not
mean the formation of an Independent
political party at this time. On the
contrary, Its policy has much In com
mon with that of the Municipal Voters'
League In Chicago, which resulted In
changing a notoriously bad city council
to a fairly representative and decent
body.
The league In that Instance found
It necessary to secure the nomination
of Independent candidates In only a
very few cases. One clause In the
‘campaign program” Is: "Where a
congressmen or state legislator has
proven himself a true friend to the
right of labor he should be supported
and no candidate nominated against
him.” This was the policy of the Chi
cago Voters’ League.
If organized labor can secure through
either of the dominant parties, nr In
any other way. the balance of power
in congressional or legislative bodies. It
will undoubtedly wield a great Influence
In favor of Its measures. It is as
legitimate for labor to organize to
promote Its Interests through politics
as It Is for organisations of employers
or other groups of Interests to work
for their own advantage.
To join an Independent movement
would do no lasting good. I fee), there
fore, If the laborer goes Into hla own
party primary, whether It be Demo
cratic or Republican, he can accom
plish more than by changing parties
or joining some Independent faction.
We advocate In New Jersey the di
rect primary, which gives the party
voter a freer opportunity of expressing
his opinion as. to the character of pub
lic men and public business.
By J. O. PHELPS STOKE8,
Socialist and Millionaire,
I am asked to express my views as
to what labor should do In politics.
I assume the term labor, as here used,
can with propriety be. held to denote
those who produce at least as much
wealth aa Is required for their own
maintenance. It la evident that a large
portion of those among our population
who are capable of producing as much
wealth aa they require, produce, aa a
matter of fact, far less, a very large
number producing none at all. It ls
equally evident that any one who con
sumes more wealth than he produces
Is taking of the product of the labor
of others (unless perhaps In such fa'
vored. regions as supply man's require
ments without effort on the port of any
one).
Where a vast group of men are com
pelled by circumstances beyond their
control to produce much more than
they and their families require, ns Is
the case at present, In order that hun
dreds of thousands of others inay live
In partial or complete Idleness or ex
cessive luxiio’, " wrong exists which
should receive wide public attention,
and one which, In a community con
trolled by the exploiters of labor, re
quires political action for Its correction.
Until the universal Introduction of
machinery Into the Industrial world
the exploitation of labor, as at present,
did not exist. 80 long as eaoh laborer
or would-be laborer possessed or was
capable of possessing the few tools
necessary to the production of mar
ketable commodities, and had access to
such lands as he needed, he was free
Industrially and his own master,
could produce os much or as little
he chose; could work for whatever
hours he chose, and cease from labor
as often as he chose, knowing that he
could resume at will, the tools being
his. .
The wide Introduction of labor sav
Ing machinery changed all this. The
average Individual workman, whether
he had access to land or not, could
no longer produce Independently In
competition with the machine. Tools
of the kind now used In the production
of the great majority of material
wealth became too costly for him to
own. The modern tool Is the machine,
or the power drill, or the steam en
gine, or the expensive farm machinery
that the average farmer has to mort
gage hla farm to buy. The modern
workman la obliged to, depend upon
the money lender If he Is to com
pete in the public markets. If he
would work at all and support life, he
must accept whatever conditions are
imposed upon him by them. As a rule
he cannot engage In self supporting
labor without the consent of those
whose capital, honestly or dishonestly
won, enables them to own the machines
and the land: and he can secure this
consent oniy on condition that he will
NOTABLE GAINS OF LABOR UNIONS IN 20 YEARS
lnbor Day of 1906-tbe twentieth since the day became a legal holiday, the twenty-fifth since Its first aetim! observance-finds
tbe workers of America vastly better off In many respects than they have ever Iteeu In history.
According to many hthor leaders atul economists, worker* ha lay are Itcfter paid by from 19, to 40 per rent, and In some cases
almost as high as 79 per cent, than two deendes ago. Their hours are shorter, and It Is asserted they are lietter fed, better
clothed and lietter housed; that their rhlldren arc lietter educated; that their environment Is happier, and that they have more
leisure to enjoy the Iteneflt* of all the rcfhitog Influences of life.
Twenty years ago there were few labor law*. Sow there arc many In almost every state, la 1888 the entire body of law In
»tr York atate la the interest 0/ wage earners consisted of less I ban half a down statutes, mostly unimportant. Today there
are scores of Important laws providing protection and safeguards for lalior of every sort.
In the Infancy of labor Dsy workers were poorly organised. Today upward of 2,000,000 tollers are ou Ihe rolls of trades
unions.
Reports of the stale tnlior bureaus show that .-apllal ami labor In many Important Indnstrtea are working In closer hnrmnny
and that trade agreements have In immerous Instances supplnnted the strike ami lock out meilusls of uettllng Indnstrtnl disputes.
Home rinse oh servers, among whom was the late Senator llanna, have within n few years predicted that the era of strikes Is
nearing Its end.
I'uldle opinion tweuly years sgo was niiiinst hostile to labor. Now It-.la largely enlisted on the worker's side and, with the
employer and the employee himself, is active In providing many betterments for the masses of tollers.
produce for them aa well as for him
self and family. The average wage-
earner today la thus In a condition of
partial slavery. , The opportunities
which he needs for "life, labor and the
pursuit of happiness" are controlled
absolutely and arbitrarily by others.
Only In proportion as labor makes Its
Just demands effectively by co-opera
tion ls Its condition Improved. Such
co-operation ls now needed In the po
litical field ns much as In any other.
The basic fact which Labor must
face Is that It Is denied access to land
and to the machinery of production,
unless It will produce sufficient not
merely for Us own support but for
the maintenance also of the vast array
of those who live In complete or partial
Idleness upon the surplus product of
Its toll.
I think no right minded man would
say that the right to use the machine
should be wholly free, for It has been
produced by others, and Its life Is lim
ited, and ho who produces or provides
It for another’s use should receive
compensation from the user. But be
yond and above all rightful compensa
tion to those who contribute In any
way to the product, an enormous sur
plus of wealth goes today to those who
contribute In no way whatsoever, and
of this fact wider notice should '
taken.
I am not of those who would exclude
all employers from the category of the
world's productive laborers. All grades
of'productive activity and of Indolence
caA be .ffeund among both employers
and employed. .Every Individual or or
ganization' having paid agents Is an em
ployer. The trade unionist and so
clallati, whether as Individuals or act
Ing through their organizations, are
no exceptions, and It occasionally hap
pens that employer and employed work
together Justly In the promotion of
common interests. In a sense, any ex
change of service for produce, If upon
terms previously arranged, Is employ
ed, and freedom to make such ex
change Is clearly desirable.
The line In the class struggle Is
more correctly drawn between those
who consume more wealth than they
are willing to produce, and those who,
If they would live, are compelled to
produce more than they require.
Labor, aa the term Is here used, con- citizen,
atltutes the latter class. It should
clearly recognize the fact of Its ex
ploitation by others for the satisfaction
of private greed, and should struggle
politically to secure such public control
of the land and of the costly machin
ery of production as will Insure to all
men access to both without any being
under the necessity of producing a sur
plus product for the maintenance of
exploiters.
to recognise that the organized, revo
lutionary proletariat of Russia is the
only power capable of making headwny
against the bureaucracy. In Germany,
It Is the working class socialistic party'
which holds the emperor In check, and
prevents him from crushing the Rus
sian struggle for freedom. Great Brit
ain stands upon the threshold of an
era of long-needed domestic reform,
and the time has come simply because
her public men realize that the work
ing class Is prepared to force It. The
same time must come soon In this
country.
It Is time that you working men had
enough of being buncoed by political
bosses and trust magnates. It Is time
that you thought of putting your own
representatives Into congress to look
after your interests, and to restore
democratic Institutions to America.
By HENRY C. POTTER,
Bishop of the Protestant Epis
copal Church, Diocese of New
York.
You will make an opportune use of
Labor day, in the Interests of labor
unions especially, If you will urge upon
the attention of the unions In their
public expressions some Intimation:
First—Of their disapproval of acts of
violence designed to vindicate the
rights of labor; and,
Becpnd—Of their’ sympathy. with
those essential principles of Individual
freedom on which the republic rests.
It Is these which many people be
lieve labor unions menace nnd Invade;
and It Is greatly to be desired that
those who represent the unions and
apeak for them should make plain that
the unlona stand for the principle of
Individual freedom In regard to ail
questions of work and pay.
In a word, the principles of labor
unions, with which a great many of us
are In hearty sympathy, will receive
their beat reinforcement by a line of
action on the part of the unions them
selves which Is recognized ns in de
fense of the Individual liberty of the
By .UPTON 8INCLAIR,
Socialist Candidate for Congress
and Author of “The Jungle."
By JAMES S. SHERMAN,
Chairman Republican Congress
ional Campaign Committee.
The American nation Is at present
facing the greatest crisis In Its history.
Corruption, which has been feeding
upon the body politic for a generation,
Is now admitted to be threatening lte
very life. Our public spirited and
thinking men. who for decades have
been wrestling with this corruption,
have failed universally.
They have failed because they did
not appeal to tabor: because labur was
asleep. And now at last labor Is be
ginning to wake up. The workingman
Is beginning to realize the part which
he plays in the political game. It Is
hla business to furnish the vote. He
sells It to the political boss, perhaps
for a dollar or two. perhaps Just for a
kind word and a little buncombe. So
the political boss gets the offices, and
then he sells the privileges of gov
ernment to the capitalist, who uses
his advantage to squeeze more money
out of the workingman.
There Is a natural and obvious 11ml
tatlon to the continuance of that pro
cess. It can go on until the capitalist
begins to have so much money that
the workingman has none at all, and
then the workingman goes Into poli
tics.
1 do not talk buncombe when I talk
to workingmen. 1 do not tell them
about the Importance of delivering.the
American republic. The present day
conditions keep the workingman’s nose
on the grindstone, and he has no time
to think about anything but making a
living and keeping his family alive.
And so when I talk to workingmen I
show them how they are being robbed,
and ask them how much longer they
propose to stand It: It 1 Is time enough
to think of ideals when a man has got
enough to eat.
All thinking men among our capi
talists are agreed that we are on the
verge of hard times such as the country
has not yet known. When those times
come several millions of men will be
out of work, the unions will fall like
houses of cards, and the workingman
wilt be out on the streets. 1 tell him
about It In advance, because I know
that If it catches him suddenly he
may take to bricks and clubs, which Is
a wasteful process, while It he has had
time to think about It he will be or
ganised and ready to go Into pelltlce.
It la the same all over the world, the
same story of corruption and oppres
sion, and of a new hope of Justice
and right conditions, depending solely
U|sm the working class to force them.
At tbe present moment all are forced ence.
Most decidedly should the laboring
man take an Interest In politics and
legislation, for It Is because of the
laws affecting labor enacted during the
last half century that our working
classes have reached a standard of liv
ing and an enjoyment of the good
things of life unknown to a larger part
of the laborers In other countries.
Owing to our opportunities and ad
vantages the laboring man of today
becomes the employer and capitalist of
tomorrow. Many a landowner of today
was a farm hand a few years ago.
Nearly all our prominent Iron and steel
men began In the mill, and most of
our textile officials once worked at the
loom. Such conditions and such ad
vances are not due to chance, but are
made possible by legislation, and I may
add Republican legislation.
Our Republican tariff laws, from the
Morrill law of 1881 to the Dlngley law
of today, have given to our laboring
classes work and then high wages for
that work, becausp We make the duty
on foreign wares cover the difference In
labor cost. That Is what protection
means—high wages, protection against
cheap foreign labor.
Then the Republican party, after It
has given the laboring man full em
ployment and constantly Increasing
wages. Insures hla being paid 100 cents
for every dollar he earns, and that
his savings and Investments shall al
ways be Ita good ns gold. And that
means something, for our laboring men
have many billions of dollars In savings
banks, In building and loan associations
and In homes.
It would take too long to enumerate
even the principal labor laws enacted
by the Republican party, but I may
mention those against slavery, against
the qoolle trade and peonage; the re
striction of Immigration, of paupers
and criminals and Chinese exclusion;
the law against convict labor and Im
portation of contract labor; the pro
tection of seamen and various vessel
and Inspection laws; the nets requiring
safety appliances on railroads; the first
eight-hour law and many subsequent
ones; the net creating the United
States bureau of labor and the de
partment of commerce and labor; the
acts creating boards of arbitration nnd
the Incorporation of national trades
unions.
I might mention the homestead laws
and the many acts since down to the
employers' liability act of the last ses
sion, showing that In almost every
Republican congress something has
to Improve the conditions of
elevate the laborer. There
III to he done and the labor-
hould study well the history
’ great parties and be able
>ne intelligently and fairly
.ild have hla vote and lntlu-
been d
labor and
Is much s
Ing man .«
of the ,tw