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THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN,
JACOBS’ PHARMACY. JACOBS’ PHARMACY.
JACOBS’ PHARMACY.
DO NOT FAIL TO READ
The Jacobs’ Advertisements
•• ■ - • -\
In Sunday’s Constitution
JACOBS’ PHARMACY.
VIEWS ON RACE TROUBLES BASED ON ACTUAL EXPERIENCE BROUGHT OUT
IN ANSWER TO A NORTHERN INQUIR Y; PIVOTAL POINTS OF THE PROBLEM
K H. Hinton, chalriuan of the South*
stern Freight Association, with head
line rs in Atlanta, linn addressed an
cresting communication to the editor
• r The Indianapolis News, In reply to
ueMtfon asked editorially by that
spnper In commenting on the re-
« cut riot In Atlanta. Mr. Hinton, who
l- a Mi> i ippbin ami a Southerner In
nil that is broadest and best In the
i * 1111« hns devoted a great deal of
-iudy and thought to the negro. He
i n ats the negro and his history with
tie Intimate knowledge and broad
-vn.j.flthy of one who conies from
family holding a large number of slaves
up to the war. Though a busy rail
road man, Mr. Hinton Is by lncllna-
t Ion nnd habit a close observer, a wide
render and a student of his times. He
line found time to contribute important
I***ik*is upon social, industrial and po-
lit leal conditions at the South. He
makes the question asked by The In
dianapolis News the text of an article
which comprehends the salient condi
tion* underlying the negro problem.
The News, in the course of its com-
m«-nt on the riot In Atlanta, asked:
*■ I low does it happen that blacks, who
took rare of the helpless women and
« hlldren during the war, cannot now
he trusted to live In the same townTMl
a ipie-stlon could scarcely have been
fra mo,i to !»y more completely bare
the heart of the matter, and Mr. Hln-
ton has made most excellent use of
the opportunity. In doing so. he has
cont11buted materially to the literature
• •r the discussion and hus done his
mm tion in general and the negro In pat -
tic n service by stating the case
without partiality or prejudice. Here
Ih tin full text of his reply to The
Indianapolis News:
Mr. Hinton's Rtply.
To the Editor of The Indianapolis
one of your recent Issues, cotn-
tlng on the Atlanta riot of Hep-
>er -’3d, an unfortunate Incident
h no good Southerner defends, you
this language:
low does Jt happen that the blacks,
took care of the helpless women
i hlhlren during the war. cannot
he trusted to live In the same
have not seen this question *n-
•d directly by any Southern Jour-
po-odbly because the answer Is so
►ctly obvious to us In the territory
* "the white man’s burden" Is
; pkvusalj felt, that our writers
. mMi |ii It superfluous to make
at answer. And yet as your ques
tion goes to the very foundation of all
our race troubles, I do not think It
should remain unanswered, particular
ly as the very fact that It Is nsked
Indicates much Ignorance of the funda
mental principles of the problem thnt
confronts us, and I nin pursuaded that
you have asked It In a sincere search
ing after light, nnd not In any caviling
or carping spirit.
Your question might be answered
briefly by the statement that the negro
has changed since 1865, and that In
many Important particulars he has
changed decidedly for the worse. This
fact Is perfectly patent to Intelligent
observer* In this territory, but It Is due
you that I particularise.
In order that you may understand
that I am fitted by personal experience
and observation to write on this sub
ject, at least from our viewpoint, 1
Is proper for me to tell you that I am
the son of a former large slave holder;
that my father owned two largo plan
tations In Mississippi with the requisite
labor for places of that also—that is,
from one hundred and fifty to two
hundred slaves; that, although a small
boy when the war began. I was thor
oughly familiar with plantation life
and with the relations between master
nnd slave; that I lived on the planta
tion during the war nnd during the
dark days of reconstruction, which un
fortunately did not end until 1*75; that
prior to anil during the war, as well
ns during the reconstruction period,
I was thrown In dally contact with the
negroes, on our own plantation nnd on
those of our neighbors, nnd that on
account of thane facts, I enjoyed ex
ceptional opportunities for observa
tion.
Unswerving Loyalty,
cheerfully admit thnt It Is true that
during the war there was scarcely n
plantation In the South where the nils
tress of the place and her children wen
not left alone nt the mercy <of the
slaves a great part of the time; and It
Is equally true that the record shows
unswerving loyalty on the part of the
slaves In executing this trust. This
happy condition was the result of y
of training, until It had become a habit
of thought with the negroes—an In
herited tendency—to treat the owner of
the plantation and his family as supe
rior beings, us they were. No thought
of soclnl equality, and the vile thought
inevitably Incident thereto, ever once
entered the heads of the negroes. The
discipline * of the plantation was firm,
but kihdly, and under It the relation
between the owner and the owned took
on a paternalistic character, the owner
feeling,toward his slaves as hfc might
toward’ a lot of-chlldren dependent on
him. and the slaves, looking up to the
master as a superior, whom they held
In highest respect. Under these condi
tions there naturally grew up an af
fection, a bond of sympathy* nnd u
mutual feeling of Interest between the
white families and their slaves, that
was ns beautiful mra poem; whatever
may bo said about the institution of
slavery ns a whole. And I wish to say
Just here that none of the old slave
holders nor any of their descendants
would restore the Institution If they
A Good Story for
Business
Men
The* advertising department of thip
newspaper wants to get in touch with
manufacturers and merchants whose
business ean be improved. We have a
good story—several of them, in fact,
and all true—of business men who are
coining money, and lots of it, by the
.judicious use of newspaper publicity.
There’s no better medium in which
to start and “try out” an advertising
experiment than this paper—none bet
ter to use constantly nnd liberally after
the advertising grows beyond the ex
perimental stage.
The Massengale Advertising Agen
cy, of Atlanta, Gn., with its corps of
experienced and successful advertising
men, is a good concern to help you
plan, prenarc and place your publicity.
could.
The end of the war came In the
spring of 1863, and immediately a lot
of adventurera, mom of them unscru
pulous, came Into the South from tho
North, They did not come for exploit
ing legitimate enterprises, nor for hon
est Investments, but for plunder. They
Immediately began by precept and ex*
ample to Instil Into tjie minds of tho
negroes tho doctrine that they were In
every way the equals <of the whites;
that they were entitled to every priv
ilege, social or otherwise, which their
former masters had enjoyed, and that
the United States government had
spent millions to guarantee this
them. From the .very first Insidious
Introduction of this Infamous propa
ganda there was crented between the
two race* a strong propulsive force to
drive them apart—awakening nnd plac
ing on the defensive on the part of tho
superior all his gride of race, and every
Instinct of self-preservation—and on
the part of the Inferior arousing an
envy nnd hntred, Inevitably horn of
feeling that In being debarred from
social equality by the native whites, ho
was being deprived of something to
which he was entitled by right.
A Mistake—a Misunderstanding.
As strongly supporting the attitude
of the “carpet baggers” about him. tho
people of the North recognised tho ne
gro ns an equal by admitting him Into
all public places, such as theaters,
Pullman cars nnd hotels, and these
facts, coupled with the Intemperate
utterances of the Republican politicians
of tho period. In congress^ and out of It,
mado It appear to the negro thnt tho
proud aloofness of the white people of
the Houth was the stubborn unreason
ableness of race prejudice, and there
fore unjust to him, and all our race
troubles date from the baleful dissemi
nation of this Idea.
It Is but a step from the nursing of a
supposed wrong to thoughts of righting
It, and there gradually .grew Into the
negro’s mliul a suggestion If not a well-
defined determination to take by force
tills coveted privilege. I say gradual
ly. forjwlth the older negroes, the In
stinct of deference and respect for tho
white race was too firmly planted by
the growth of years to be easily sup
planted by a contrary teaching, but
with the young men and with the
youth as they grew to manhood their
new-found counselors from the North
found rfceptlve listeners to their In
iquitous teaching, until In the early
Seventies the question of social equality
was frequently adverted to In public
speeches by the negro politicians nnd
preachers of that time, and by the
white scoundrels and adventurers as
sociated with them.
At that time the negroes were moro
than the political equals of the whites.
Backed by Federal bayonets, they had
voted themselves Into practically every
office In the state, and had elected ns
governor an adventurer from Massa
chusetts, a miscreant whose offensive
misrule Is still n malodorous memory
In the state to this day. The legisla
ture was known as the “Black and
Tan” legislature on account of the
great number of negroes and mulattoes
that constituted it.
■AiWIIPBIIMVIhM
My father, a highly educ
and cultivated gentleman, who had
been graduated with some distinction
from a prominent university, was
forced to pay his taxes In one county
where ho owned land to a bullet-headed
negro, who could scarcely write his own
name, and yet this negro was sheriff of
the county. In another county where
my father owned land, the sheriff was
a white renegade from somewhere north
of the Ohio river, but most of the other
employees about the court house were
negroes. It Is safe to say. that there
was scarcely u self-respecting white
man til the state holding office.
I reluctantly revive these unhappy
recollections of experience* that linger
in my memory ns a hideous nightmare,
hut it is necessary to do so In order to
emphasise a pivotal point in this dis
cussion, to-wit, that as far ns political
equality went, the negroes certainly
ought to have been more chan sails -
fled at that time. Hut they wertf*not.
There was a constantly growing unrest
By E. H. HINTON.
and turbulence among them, and why?
Simply because the Southern whites
sternly and proudly refused to recog
nise them as In any way their social
equals. In 1875 this turbulence culmi
nated In a number of riots In different
parts of the state. These riots all oc
curred about the same time, suggesting
the possibility of some concert of action
and nil were, traceable to the same
causes. It Is unnecessary to give any
detailed account of these various dem
onstrations to show* their Inspiration.
I will mention only one ns being typical
of the others.
Blind Cry for Social Equality.
In Warren nnd nn adjoining county
there operated n negro politician
named Davenport, with a heart black
er than his ebony skin, although no
worse than other politicians and
preachers of his race In other parts
of the state. He openly preached the
doctrine of social equality, and In 1875
he began to gather the negroes to
gether for a concerted move on Vicks
burg for the purpose of enforcing their
one absorbing desire. He started with
about 300, the raid gathering strength
as it proceeded. From time to time
he would regale his followers with
most Inflammatory speeches. In theso
harangues he did not complain that
his hearers were deprived of any of
their political privileges. He did not
allege that their civil rights* were
abridged in any particular, but still
he had a grievance against the South
ern whites, and It was that they re
mained obdurate In the matter of social
equnllty. VThey refuse to recognise us
us their equals.” entd he, “but we will
show them that we have the power to
force them. We will go to Vicksburg
and take the white women for our
wives and concubines, and make slaves
of the white men. We are being de
prived of our rights, and we are going
to have them If we have to wade up to
our bridle bits In blood."
\A spectacular governor of Colorado
subsequently mode this expression fa
mous, or Infamous, according to the
point of view. It only shows how op
pressed and depressed the Southern
people were, that the author of these
damnable utterances was not instantly
dealt with in the summary fashion that
you would deal with a rabid dog.
Davenport continued his march to
ward Vicksburg, but was finally met
by a body of whites, led by some of
Vicksburg's most prominent citizens,
with the usual and Inevitable result.
How many negroes were killed In that
riot will probably never be known,
but It was sufficient to have a very
salutary effect. All the other riots of
that year had a similar result. It was
tho beginning of the end of Republican
misrule in the state.
White Msn Organize.
That full the white men organised
nnd took over the government of the
state. Nearly all the harpies from the
North fled between two suns, and after
ten years of rank misrule—n satur
nalia of official crime, of public plun
der anil of spoliation of a proud but
defeuted people, that dispassionate his.
lory will some day record as a foul
blot on the escutcheon of the Repub
lican party—the Anglo-Saxon of the
South came Into his own again.
By the shotgun policy? Yes, I am
no sense n disciple of Machlavelll,
and I am pursudded that iny code of
ethics Is on as high a plane as that of
any other Anglo-Saxon, regardless of
latitude or of environment; but I shall
always believe that hi wresting their
slate from the thieves and plunderers
who were desecrating Its temples, the
eml to be attained fully justified the
means adopted by Mississippi's whiter.
The history of Mississippi during the
reconstruction period was a fair expo
nent of the conditions in the other
Houthern states. Home of them es
caped from the incubus sooner than
others, hut nil of them suffered the
same ills that afflicted Mississippi, nnd
In all the misguided. If not malevo
lent. teachings of the Republican lead
ers of the time left Its poisonous leav
en In the heart of the negro.
Of course, no further organised or
open demonstrations, looking to social
equality, were made by the negroes;
hut the venomous germ was none the
less active that Its operations were
secret. It was kept alive, too, by the
“bloody shirt" speeches of Republican
politicians of the North who made the
political atmosphere lurid for so many
years succeeding 1875, ns well as by
the actions, writings, speeches and
other public utterances of possibly sin
cere but, we think, misguided preach- j
ers. teachers, publicists and would-be 1
philanthropist* of the North, who, ac
cording to Charles Francis Adams (see
Century Magaslne for May, 1806, page
103), have been talking and writing a
lot of “rot” on this subject for the last
forty, years. Considering, tho gravity
of the results to the Houthern people,
It is very mild, not to say flippant, crit
icism to call-it “rot.” We are reaping
today the bitter fruit . sown In this
"rot” by our brothers of the North. The
negroes have nil, deep down In their
hearts, the false and dangerous notions
gathered during reconstruction days,
and every perpetration by them of the
one most heinous and revolting of
crimes may, be traced to the dominant
thought that they are only taking by
force what I* theirs by right, but which
Is denied them by what they have been
taught tp itofard as the unreasonable
prejudice of The Southern whites.
Protection of Criminals.
As a race, the negroes do not re
gard this monstrous offense ns a se
rious crime, for they not only do not
co-operate with the officers of the law
In apprehending this class of criminals,
but they actually protect and harbor
them and aid their escape. It Is In
conceivable that any people would
habitually shield criminals of whose
crimes they sincerely disapproved, and
next to the crime Itself this phase of
the race problem Is one of the most
conspicuous features of the diseased
condition of the mind of the negroes,
from the Industrious dissemination by
your people of the kind of “rot” which
Charles Francis Adams now denounces.
Forty years of freedom nnd this “rot"
have transformed the negro from a do
cile, kindly, confiding, good-natured de
pendent servant Into a Jealous, envious,
distrustful, resentful nnd Independent
citizen. The difference between a faith
ful dog urn! an undisciplined wfld ani
mal Is not materially greater than the
measure of this contrast. If you can
appreciate the full significance of this
transformation, you should be able to
understand "Why the blacks who took
care of helpless women and children of
the Houth during the war, cannot now-
bo trusted to live In the same town."
What remedy do I propose? It Is
this: Let your people undo the wrong
they have done. Let them recognize
the-fact that In clothing overnight with
full-fledged citizenship, Including the
dignity of suffrage, millions of bar
barous, or at leust seml-barbarous,
blacks, only n few years removed from
the utter savagery of African Jungles,
they committed a crime against the
Anglo-Huxon thnt Is Without a parallel
In the history of that proud race.
Repeal the Fifteenth Amendment.
Let them In a measure, make repa
ration for this crime by wiping out tho
fifteenth amendment to the constitution
of the United Htates. Then instead of
spending millions to send missionaries
to the orient In an effort to supplant
the teachings nnd philosophy of Budd
ha, of Confucius and of Mahommed,
with the Gospel of Christ, let your peo
ple divert these honest. God-fearing,
religious enthusiasts to the blacks of
the Houth, to spread uniong them the
plain gospel of honesty and of decent
living and to serve ns nn antidote for
the i>olson left by the horde of unsav
ory characters whom you sent down to
us. Immediately after the war.
Let them teach the negro the honor
and dignity of labor and to be ashamed
of his present Idleness and shiftless
ness.
Let them teach him that to work
three days out of the work-a-day week
nnd to loaf the other three, ns at pres
ent. is a crime, nnd that if he would
practice ordinary providence, thrift nnd
Industry, with the opoprtunlttes he has
In the Houth, he would soon be the
richest laborer In the w.orld. If he
could be kept busy It would lie i
terlal help In curbing his- criminal
tendency.
Above all, let them tench the negt-o
that social equality Is Impossible and
that It will ever remain so, and that
even political equality Is un ’irides
cent dream,” to he reulizeil only by tils
faithfulness In good works.
Let them make it dear to the negro
that the Anglo-Saxon, unlike the Lutln
races. In a thousand years of achieve
ment, has always held himself proudly
aloof from any amalgamation with nn
Inferior race, nn Imiwrtant factor in his
progress; that ns long as he hns In him
on*? .spark of pride of race, one impulse
of w-jrthy ambition. «»i one trace of
lofty purpose or high Ideal, this will bo
his attitude, and that if the negro
would escape ultimate annihilation he
must recognize and scrupulously le-
sltuatlon by trying to look at this ques
tion sometimes from the standpoint of
the Southern white man, and by re
fraining from any public deliverances
on this subject until they have careful
ly studied both sides of It. Above nil,
they should avoid long race criticism
based on maudlin sentimentality.
As a preliminary text-book for those
of your people who really wish to treat
this question fairly, I strongly com
mend to their thoughtful, earnest study
an article written by Charlos Francis
Adams, which appeared In the Century
Magazine for May, 1806. I make one
or two extracts which If you have not
rend will, I am sure, prove interesting.
Speaking of the speeches, writings, etc.,
of the public men of tho North on this
subject In the past, he says, on page
"In plain vernacular, they are all rot-
rpt, which I myself have Indulged In
to a considerable extent, and In face of
observable facts, which would not
down, I have had to outgrow."
On page 105 he says:
“One thing seems clear, without be
ing reduced to servitude, the Inferior
race must be recognized as such, and
In some way so dealt with. Facts are
facts; and only confusion results when
things essentially not equal are dealt
with on the basis of natural equality.”
A Conftssion of Error.
Further along In the article, on page
105, he Bay*:
“In the first place, looking about mo
among Africans in Africa—far remov-
been accustomed—the
scales fell from my eyes. I found my
self most Impressed by a realizing
sense of the appalling amount of error
and cant in which we of the United
Htates hav.e Indulged on this topic. \\
have actually wallowed In a hog of
self-sufficient Ignorance—especially we
philanthropists of New England. We
do so still. Having eyes we will not
see. Even now we not Infrequently
heur the successor to the abolitionist
and humanitarian of the nnte-clvll war
peiiod—the “Uncle Tom" period—an
nounce thnt the difference between the
white man and the black man Is much
less considerable than Is ordinarily
supposed, and that the only real ob
stacle In the negro’s way Is that ile
has not been given a chance.' For my
self, after visiting the black man In hk>
own house, I come hack with the de
cided impression that this Is the sheer
est of delusions, duo to pure Ignorance
of rudimentary facts, yet we built upon
It during reconstruction days, as upon
n foundation stone—a self-evident
truth.”
Our brothers north of the Ohio and
Potomac rivers can be of material help
In solving this problem If they, would,
but not until this scales have fallen
from their ejtes, as they have from the
eyes of the distinguished New Nng-
lander Just quoted, and not until they
escape from the “bog of self-sufficient
Ignorance" In which they are now' en
veloped In connection with this topic.
Until then (and we devoutly pray that
that time Is not very far distant)! your
peoplo do harm by Interfering.. Until
then, urge them to remain neutral and
let us "tread our wine press alone.”
E. H. HINTON.
IMPORTANT CHANGE
IN SCHEDULES.
SEABOARD AIR
LINE RAILWAY.
Train No. 41 from Washington. for
merly arrived Atlanta 0.30 a. ni. "ami
left for Birmingham at 8:50 a. m.,
will now arrive at 7:30 u. m. anti
leave tor Birmingham at 7:45 a. m.
No*. 60 ana 51, formerly operatr.d be.
tween Atlanta and Abbeville, s. l\, will
bo discontinued north of Athene, Gn. t
No. 60 will Continue to lenvo Atlanta at \
4:00 p. m. Returning, No. 51 will ar
rive Atlanta at 8:25 a. m.
No. 33, from New York, will arrive In
Atlanta at 8:55 p. m„ and leave for
Birmingham and Memphl. at 4:45 p. m.
No.. 62 and 68, formerly operated he.
ed from that American environment to' **•?," C " ' V *S
which I had been nroiiKtnmed the be discontinued north of Clinton, 8. C.
i nan oeen accustomed the N o. 53 will now arrive Atlanta gt 7:6*
p. m.
Arrival and departure of other train,
will remain the .ante.
Effective 12:01 p. m„ Sunday, No- 1
vember 25.
W. E. CHRISTIAN,
A.eietant General Pa.senger Agent
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O BREAKS JAW BONE
O YELLING FOR YOUTH. 0
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0 Santa Fe, N. M„ Deo, 1;—Colonel O
0 Mux Front, editor of Tho Rnntn Fc 0
0 New .Mexican, and until Governor O
0 Hugormr.n's apiMdntment, the un- O
0 disputed Republican dictator of 0
O New Mexico, fractured hlH Jaw O
0 yesterday yelling at hie office boy O
0 to answer the telephone. HI* fal»o O
0 taetli fell from hln mouth nnd the 0
O Jaw* came together with such O
0 force that the Jaw bone was 0
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Broader Sympathy,
Your people could further help tin-
Immigration
Of the right sort will be beneficial
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