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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST,
JAMES GARDNER, JR.
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MR. tOLQI I IT’S SPHliC'll.
SENATE.—FEB. 17, 1847.
THE THREE MILLION BILL.
Mr. Colquitt then arose, and addressed the
Senate. At his request, he said, the hnn ra
b!e senator from Mississippi [Mr. Chalmers] !
obtained the floor on y’esterday, in order to as- I
ford him Ihe opportunity of expressing in's ;
views upon some of the questions which had
1 een discussed bv the Senate. Some weeks
of almost unremitting bodily affliction had de
prived him of the pleasure of listening to the
debates, and of casting his vote upon the mea
sures which had engaged the Senate's delib
erations. He had, however, endeavored, he
*aid, to keep himself informed of their pro
gress by reading daily the reports of their
proceedings.
The range which the debate upon the ques
tion then under consideration had taken,
would enable him to represent Ids views, so
that none might misunderstand his position.
The honorable senator from North Carolina,
[Mr. Badger,] in his able and ingenious I
speech of yesterday, made a grave and seri
ous charge against the President of the Uni
ted Stales. The senator declared, that the
Conviction had been forced upon Ids mind—
ym, forced —that the President of the United
States sought to prevent the discussion of
Executive measures by Congress, by State
legislatures, and by the people at lar^e.—
This’s a grave charge, and intended to go he- j
fore the people of this country as an estab
lished fact, I hat (lie present Chief Magistrate ]
affected to usurp dictatorial powers, am’, hy j
preventing discussion, conceal his wicked
ness from the public. (Such a charge, made i
by a senator so distinguished as a jurist, ac
companied hy tiie repeated declaration, that
to his mind Lite proof which established it
was conclusive, was well calculated to alarm
the fears of all who loved their country. —
This proof which was so conclusive to the
fnind of the senator, and which, in despite of
Ids desire to believe otherwise, forced the la
men’able cogviction upon him, was produced;
und his best friends must doubt Ids sincerity
or pity his credulity. What was the proof?
A small note-book, in which was pasted a
few extracts from a newspaper friendly to the
President. The extracts themselves, if it
wete established that they had been written
by the President, wholly fail to prove the
grave charge so reluctantly forced upon the .
mind of the senator. They are tolerably bold
articles, expressing t lie opinions of the writer
upon the importance of (articular measures,
censuring the tardy action of Congress, and
condemning the conduct of ihe legislature of
North Carolina for a public act of tiiat body,
fcffr, suppose these articles had been written
by the President; do they prove that he de- ,
Fired to stifle debate, either in Congress, in i
the State legislatures, or among (lie people ? j
It might prove that he desired that important
measures should be passed through Congress
with reasonable despatch, without being clog
ged hy the vvranglings of party and the seif
i (mess of individual members. It might
prove that he did not approve the resolution
passed by the legislature of North Carolina,
and wished to denounce it; but surely, such
proof could not Jorce avy prejudiced mind to
conceive that the writer of the articles, (which
the senator carefully preserves in his note
book,) ever dreamed of preventing the legis
lature of North Carolina, from discussing
Executive measures, or interfere in their dis
cussion by tfie people at large. This, upon
the supposition that the President penned the
articles himself ! But what must any well
informed, unprejudiced man, say to tiie proof,
upon which the senator so confidently relies,
when he learns that there is no evidence
whatever, that the President ever saw the ar
ticles (so carefully preserved) either before
or after tLev were written? Yet the able se
nator from North Carolina makes this grave
charge against the President, and, with al
most tearful eyes, declares, that, with great
reluctance, he has been forced to the conclu
sion of its truth. But, forsooth, “the editor
of the Union is the friend of tiie President—
is the organ of the administration—and came
to this c tv shortly after the inauguration of
the President!” “Surely, no min can doubt,
therefore, that the President wrote the arti
cles, or had them written, in order to lash
Congress info obedience, gag the legislature
of North Carolina, and shut the mouths of
the people at large.”
This may be beautiful rea=oning, and logic
bo forcible as to Joyce conriclion upon the
reluctant mind of the senator from North
Carolina; but I am satisfied that there are,
in this republic, avast number of very honest
men who are too sillv to believe that the evi
dence produced establishes the very gra e
charge which lie makes even against tiie
v fiier of these articles, and a vast number
that will fail to understand why the Presi
dent shall he held responsible for every ar
ticle written by the editor of a friendly press,
without proof that ids eyes ever rested upon it
either before or after it was written. The
senator from North Carolina his followed the
fxampie set him by the senator from Florida,
(Mr. Wescotl.] by holding tiie President res- 1
|io«sib!e for Uie articles which daily appear
in the Union—indeed, by making the admin- {
isiratiouand the editor of the Union identi- j
cal. The senator from Florida,a professed
democrat, charges the administration with {
having mode a premeditated attack upon Ihe
distingjulshed senator from South Carolina
[Mr. Cat noun J and his friends; and tiie con
viction, I suppose, has been forced upon his
unwilling and reluctant mind , by tiie offen- j
■ive article of which the editor of the Union I
wag expelled from the privilege of being a
listener to the debates of tiie Senate, If the
senator from North Carolina, (Mr. Badger,]
»n 4 the senator from Florida, [Mr. Wescott,]
do tincerly believe that these aritcles to
which they object, and which they deem of
fensive and reprehensible, were the act of the
President, then„ I must say Ijj&t the resolu
tion passed on Saturday would have exhibi
ted more -magninimuy to been moved!
against the President himself, rather than
against his humble and passive instrument.
To my mind, appart from the position in
which the resolutions passed on. Saturday
are placed by she senators to whom I have
alluded, the whole procedure was impolitic,
petulant, and ridiculous; and I take the li
berty of saying now, that 1 had sought to be
present, in order to record my vote against ,
their passage. While I listened to some of
the high-toned remarks made by senators
extailing thedigmly. inielligence. and puri'y
of this very honorable body, of which 1 am a
member; and the expressed indignation o' I he
Wickedness of llio.-e who would dare breath
a thought, that we writ* not each, and all
pcrh'c' specimen* < f humanity, I could hut
feel proud of the t-x-xlied fact; while 1 wonder
ed uy uhat singular j rucess, men were made
so spotless and etherial after their election
to the Senate, whose previous lives and char
acters had been so frequently marked with
manifest imperfections. W ilhout determin
ing the problem, I concluded that, as we
were the very proper judges ofour own worth |
and characters, and the very proper and
summary executioners of all unreasonable de
linquents who should feel deposed to ques
tion our perfectibility, we might have com
promised with '■•Father Rilcht ” bypassing
unanimously a resolution, for which every
senator of course, from due self-respect would
vo‘e, that we are the most dignified, inteliil
genl,aud patriotic set of men the world ever
beheld; that no motion, speech, or vote has nr
ever will be made or given here, tainted in
any wise by party feelings, self-interest, or
ambition. If we had done**this, and could
have prevailed upon tiie “veteran editor” to
have given his endorsement, we might, with
out any disparagement whatever, have still
permitted the old gentleman in a quiet and
polite way to have had an occasional seal
somewhere in our rear.
It is true, sir, that tills assumption of su
periority, by exposing our vanity, might have
subjected us in the eyes of the uninitiated to
ridicule, but we should have been free from
disgrace, I wiil have done with this topic,
which has been made necessary to notice,
by the attempt to identify tiie editor of the
Union as the President, or the President as
tiie editor. This identity was oarticuiarly
necessary lo the honorable senator from
North Carolina, in order lo have a pretext for
his grave charge against, tiie President
No communication has been made by the
President to Congress, to Stale legislatures,
or the people, but. lias been courteous, differ
ential, respectful, ami able. Why, then,
this charge, so wholly groundless? I will
leave the honest throughout the laud lo Je
| cide.
The senator from North Carolina will par
: don me when I say that his speech fell upon
! my ears as though it was intended alone for
his noble Stale. He must have fell tiie ne
cessity of making a scape-goat, to screen
the legislature of the State from the indigna
tion of a patriotic constituency. By the aid i
of the mighty influence of party spirit, he |
has sought to make the President that medi- I
tun of escape from public odium; and com
ments, with becoming wisdom and sagacity, j
upon an extract culled from an article in the j
Union. The senator does not seem willing
to subscribe to the party name, given by the I
Union, to the governor, and his majority in i
that respectable legislative assembly. The j
i Union says the “federa l governor” and “fed- ;
j eral legislature,” and the honorable senator |
says that the present governor was but a j
| school-boy in the day* of federalism, and, j
consequently he is no federalist. There is,
in my estimation, a va*t difference between i
a party and a faction. The first is an assn- '
ciation of men—no matter by what name j
I called —combined to carry out a given set of j
I princip'es. A faction attaches itself to men ■
i without regard to principle. The names of 1
I parties may change, from caprice or from
j choice, and yet the principles must always
determine their identity. The first division
of parties, under our constitution, arose
mainly from different opinions entertained as
: to tiie capacity of the people for self-govern
ment, and the constructive powers of tlie
; constitution. The one party was called fed
eral, which was then the most popular name,
I at the head of which was Alexander llamil
i ton; the other was called republican, at the
: head of which was Thomas Jefferson. The
federal party, composed of talented and pa- ;
triotic men, were very honestly of the opin- '
inn that a literal or a strict construction of
the constitution would leave the federal gov
ernment too weak ami ricketty to an-wer a
permanent and valuable purpose. They con
tended for a liberal and latitudmoiis construe- |
lion of that instrument, that the wisdom and i
power of the federal government might be
the belter exercised fur ihe general welfare.
The republican party deemed the constitu
tion worse than useless, if the rights of the
States and the people \vere placed; by con
struction, under tiie control of tiie central i
J government. These different opinions were |
given form and shape by 'lie mea.-ures which I
were proposed or adopted hy the federal gov
ernment. The leading measures which call
j ed forth the strength of these parties were
a bank of the United States and internal
improvement by the genera! government.—
Mr. Jefferson and his party came into power
in 1800. The federal.party remained in the
minority’, notwithstanding the great respect
ability of their numbers, the strength of
their talents, and the purify of their charac
ters, until, by one false slop, thev rendered
their party name infamous, and all effort for
ascendency under it hopeless and ridiculous.
They lost sight of the prospect of a party
triumph by discussing those principles bv
which they were legitimately divided; and
hence, in their anxiety to seize upon appli
ances that might bring them into power,
they eagerly opposed every prominent mea
sure which emanated from the republican
party then in power. War was declared—
the war ot 1812 whh Great Britain. The
federal party, not because it properly involv
ed any (tarty principle, but because it was
opposition, and for other causes not necessa
ry now to mention, abused the Chief Magis
trate, clogged the wheels of government, cm-
I barrassed the operations of their own coun-
I trv, and expressed sympathy for the power
■ with which we were at war. This false step
{ completed their downfall. The question,
however, recurs, Do the same principles
stiff live ? Is there a party now in the
United Stales who advocate the same doc
trines, the same liberal construction of the
j constitution, and the same measures ? The
i federal party was for a national or United
! States bank, for internal improvements by |
the general government, and more recently
for a protective tariff. Does the governor of
North Carolina and a majority of the legisla
ture of that State, advocate these measures?
—ls so, they have the characterisf ic marks of
federalism, and should not complain to be
dubbed by their true name. The same parly,
from ignorance of the feelings of the people,
it is true, has worn threadbare and cast away
several choice names since they threw aside
.tiie name es federalism. The party still lives,
and obtained a short-lived ’popularity, by dig
ging up a new name for themselves from the
tomb of the rpvoiuiiotf—the name of whig.
A name endeared, by the memory of the
daring deeds of those who bore it, to the
American heart. But this assumed name, for
party purposes, does not change a single
feature of the old federal party. Its identity
is as certain, its character as distinct as ever;
and it is mortifying that tfie hallowed name
of whig is now to be rendered odious by res
orting to the same impair otic course of art ion,
which made the name of federalist a name «>f
loathing and reproach. T/ie lederal party ;
then, being in the minority, hoped to rise into ! .
povjjpr by assailing the administration, abus
ing ihe uo.r, exaggerating its cos?, and by
embarrassing the operations of the govern
ment, i'he same parly, under tlie name of
whig,advocating the same political doctrines, j
being in the minority now, have adopted tiie ,
same unwise policy in conducting’ the war *
with .Mexico; and if the people are still true !
to themselves,the same result will inevitably j
follow. The legislature of North Carolina j
desired to manifest generous feeling towards ;
those patriotic citizens of tlie State, who
responded to the call of their country by tak- j
ingarms in her defence. Rut such was the j
strength of their party zeal, such their desire j
to brake down the administration, that they I
accompanied this show of sympathy with the I
poisonous breath that blighted at once the j
joys and hops of the soldier. At the sound i
of the trumpet and beat of the drum the chiv
alrous and patriotic sons of tiie proud State
of North Carolina, would have rallied in un
wanted numbers to tiie standard of the coun
try. But the legislature of their Slate,
echoing hack the party-cry from Washington,
damped the ardor of their citizens, and smoth
ered their feelings of patriotism. In the most
effectual, insidious, and destructive manner;
they administered Lite poison, which produced
a death-chill upon the spirit of her people.
Under the guise of friendship for the volun
teer, they vote money for their comfort, and
preface their favor, by telling them in the
solemn form of legislative enactment, that
the war in which they are to engage, is not
the country’s war; but a war made by the
President. The preamble to the resolutions,
carries with it the denunciation of the cause,
in which the citizen soldier was called to
fight. Was it necessary for the country’s
good, for the success of the war, or for the
better securing an honorable pe »ce, that lids
preamble should have gone along with the
offered gratuity? Was it not dictated by the
full spirit of party, alike reckless of the coun
try’s honor, and her glory? Does it not pro
claim to the world, that the legislature has a
greater zeal for the success of the whig party,
than for the honor of tiie country ami the
success of her arms? What was the effect of
this partisan legislation? Sir, the proud
State of North Carolina had a difficulty in
raising the required regiment. She was
’ among I lie last, if not tiie very last, to an
| nonnee her regiment ready for service. For
the country, her patriotic citizens would in
i an instant have been ready, and in her cause,
j w ould have dared to die; but for the President
I and the President’s war—in «an unholy and
i unjust strife for conquest with Mexico—they
I were unwilling In suffer and to peril. This |
1 is the inevitable result of whig speeches made
| in Congress upon this subject and the result
i ot the legislature of North Carolina, upon
I the spirit of her citizens. Instead of con
! centrating public sentiment and public feel
j ing, to give power and efficiency to the gov
i eminent in the prosecution of a foreign war,
| it is, and has been the great business of the
| whig party to paralyze the moral energies of
i the nation, dir-tract her counsels, lobring the
| cnn-titiited authorities of the government info
I disrepute, for tiie very (audible, praiseworthy,
and, of cowrie, patriotic purpose, of bringing
the whig party into power in 1848.
If gentlemen desire to ascertain how tbe-e
parti-an speeches sound upon the ears of mi
prejudiced patriotic citizens, and with what
feelings they will be read by posterity, ht
them imagine one of their finest orators ha
ranguing our soldiery upon the eve of a bat
tle. Conceive the armies face to face—the
Mexican genera! and bis soldiery on the one
side, the American commander and our citi
zen patriots on the oilier. There is but a
brief pause before the din of arms will be
i heard. Hark!—the pause is to be tilled, tiie
brief space is to be occupied, the breathless
silence is to be broken; the voice of an Ame
rican statesman tails in moving accents upon i
the hostile bands. Hear him! He will fre I
u:i Ids countrymen! He will nerve up their |
arms! and his cheering plaudi’s will inspire j
i their hoaits amid the dying groins of their
| comrades! “Fight, my countrymen; but this
I is an unnecessary war. unjust in i's incep-
I lion, and unholy in its purposes. This war
i i- not tiie country's war; but a war made by
James K. Polk. Jt is waged for plunder and
; for conquest! The President seeks to dis
! member a sister republic! You are here to
: aid him in his wb-ked purposes by beating
down an unoffending f.»e! He is spending
millions upon millions of the public treasure!
Already the government is bankrupt, and
yet, poor soldiers, though all the money has
been spent f »r you your pay should be raised,
and your comforts multiplied! Now, for (be
battle, and let your arms he covered with
glory!” How would a speech containing
such sentiments sound? Which of the for
ces, the Mexican or the American, would
feel themselves encouraged and comfoned
by the address? I shall not decide; 1 shall
1 not lay myself liable to the charge of seek
j ing to fetter public discussion. I shall leave
i it to be decided by the American public, and
■ will abide that decision, as it shall be pub-
I fished from the ballot-box. For my whig
friends, I have felt disposed in apologize for
those acts of unkindness for the cause of the
country. Ifthoy were enabled to maintain
themselves before the country upon the great
national issues which divide tiie parties,l can
scarcely believe they would have assumed
their present position in the war with Mexi
co. Bui they were in a strait, and the Mex
ican war was rather a God-send, affording
them hope for success, or at least a
tolerable shelter for a safe retreat. lam no
factionist, and wear no man’s livery; but
confess myself a party man, struggling to
make triumphant the cherished principles of
my life. These principles are dear to my
■ heart, as I believe them to be the principles
upon which depend the prosperity and happi
ness of the country.
The thousand collateral questions which
do not touch these great fundamental ques
lions, arising daily in the course of legisla
tion. and which cannot properly be called
party questions, cannot, nor will not, make
me abandon that party association by which
those great principle? can alone be sustained.
The present administration has sustained
with more ability, and carried out with more
fidelity, the great principles of the republican
party, than any administration since I have
had any knowledge of the government. If,
therefore, I differed with the President upon
the Mexican war, and upon every other col
lateral question involving none of the great
principles which divide the parties, I should
still give the administration a cordial and
hearty support. We expect partisans tnagree
upon the leading questions*of the country.—
This agreement is the essence and spirit of
party, as contra-distinguished from faction;
but vve should not expect, nor hope, that tlie
members of the same party should, nr could
agree upon the various questions which arise,
that are disconnected with tho.-e principles
and measures upon which naiiorinl imtie>
divide. A democrat diff’ rs with the {’resi
dent as to the war; a- to tiie best mode of
conducting it; ns to the officers to lend
our armies; as In whether volunteers or reg
ulars are the most efficient; and yet it would
be consummate folly, m my judgment, that
he should, for these differences, make war
I upon the administration, and unite with the
| whigs in breaking it, down, when he must
■ know that its downfall is the certain over
j throw of those principles and measures,
j which he desires should survive those tem
porary questions which he uses to accom
plish their overthrow. The whigs mav be
justifiable in bringing everything to bear for
the purpose of destroying the administration;
because they not only want office and power,
but they desire to overthrow every republi
can measure of the administration. They
may seek to derive strong'll among the peo
ple, by condemning the Mexican war; for
they may well fear to go before the country
upon the true issues dividing the parties.
For the first time Use country has some
chance to test the practical operations of our
republican faith. For the first time, we have
an ad valorem tariff approximating a reve
nue standard. When this act was passed
the alarm cry was ral-ed, and an effort to pro
duce a panic. Ruin ! ‘ruin ! ruin! was
sounded ‘rom the hulls of Congress,and re
iterated through the press, until even the
stout-hearted democracy was seen to falter.
Can these prophets of evil go’ 'before the
country, and hold up their heads, while the
evidences of their errors meet them in every
part of the republic ? Manufactures prosper;
agriculture flourishes; commerce is lively,
and every branch of industry feels already
the invigorating influence of the measure.—
The cry of an exhausted treasury, by reason
of the reduced tariff of 1846, has been falsi
fied and the fact recorded, that the increase
of revenue is about GO per cent., and the
gross amount of increase in the treasury for
the first quarter of the year about $700,000.
'l’he burdens of the people have been lessen
ed, their taxes have been reduced, their ar
ticles of consumption lessened in price, and
their produce raised in value, 'i’he odious
sub-treasury, with its specie clause, has gone
into operation, and the alarm created by its
enemies is dying away, and will .-non be for
gotten, or only be remembered to be ridicul
ed as a folly.
Indeed. 1 am satisfied, that neither in town
nor country, would the people know such an
act was in existence but for politicans. The
country was never more prosperous in all its
departments. The money market never more
oa-v. The currency never sounder, 'i’he
balance of trade in our favor, and specie
| flowing into the countryCn abundance. The
whigs are not prepared to go before the coun
try with the party issues, and their promising
results. They may well seek to fasten upon
some new issue, which may afford some
hope f->r party success. But lam amazed at
senators who believe and feel with me, and
with the President, upon the great questions
ot the country, who seem willing to lend 'heir
position and popii'anty to the breaking
down of an administration, which has done
more than all which has preceded it, in fixing
these principles, and giving them a place in
the affections of the people. The main feel
ing of ego rex metis inspires too many of tiie
dem ■» racy to draw cha'ked lines for tin ir as
sociates, and to embrace or denounce them
as they may square themselves by its direc
tion. No man was ever yet a great states
man, no matter how exalted his patriotism,
who refused political and patty associations,
because lie was unable to command obedi
ence to all ins behests. ! >s and not
men” is the motto, and yet we must have
men to carry out the principles. In my opin
ion it is not the mark of wi-dom fora states
man to stilt himself upon his individuality,
and fee! proud of his influence, when that
verv course robs him entirely of the ability
to be serviceable to his country. My hono
j table friend from Florida [Mr. Western t]
I boas'ed tbe other day that he was ‘no man’s
| man.” That was certainly a very common
1 boast, and if ho only meant by it that he
made no sacrifice of principle, at any time,
merely for tiie sake of pleasing some politi
cal favorite, it was likewise proper; but if lie
meant by it that bo was too independent to
aid in carrying on the government, unless
the views of others should become subservi
ent to his own. I must beg Dave to say that
t'ne boast savors more of self importance than
genuine statesmanship. 1 tie senator has
certainly gone very for to establish tor him
selfa character for independent uncertainly;
so that no one now dares hazard a goes
where he will be found upon any given
question.
(To be concluded in our nexf.)
[From the Baltimore Patriot, Feb. 22d!.]
ARRIVAL OF TilF CAMBRIA.
15 Hay* Later from Europe.
Tiie steamship Cambria arrived at Boston
on Saturday evening, about four o’clock. In
i the course of tiie night a telegraphic des
patch came on from New York giving a sy
nopsis of the intelligence. From this and
the New York Herald of yesterday morning,
we make up the following account.
'l’he Cambria sailed from Liverpool on the
4th inst., and her news is, therefore, fifteen
days later than that received by the Sarah
Sands.
'l’he intelligence will be found to b« deep
ly interesting and important.
The doings of the British Parliament were
interesting— The three principal measures be
ing the entire remission of the Corn duly — the.
suspension of the Navigation laws, and a pro
posed remission of sugar duties.
The market for Provisions was steady.
The Lon market was not so brisk.
The price of sugar has advanced.
'i’he Cambria brings two millions of dollars
in specie, 'i’here has been no mitigation of
the sufferings in Ireland, Di.-turbances,
caused by want of food, were of daily occur
rence.
The Bank of England has again advanced
its rate of interest.
The Pone of Rome has contributed one
thousand Roman crowns from his private
purse for the relief of the poor in Ireland.
The French Chambers have adopted a bill
providing that tbe lowest rate of duly be le
vied on food of all kinds until .September
next.
Queen Victoria has given Royal assent to
the bill suspending the duty on Corn, and
also to tiie bill suspending the Navigation
Laws. Both Bills having been passed by
Parliament.
The suspension of the Sugar duties had
been considered in Parliament.
Lord John Russell has introduced into Par
liament a bill for tiie relief and improvement
of Ireland, the main features of which are—
Money is to be advanced by Government for
tiie purchase of seed crops; loans to he made
to the land’ordsfor the improvement of waste
lam s, or the lands to be bought by Govern
merit at fixed rates; it tiie land ords w 1
neither sell nor improve, G >verement to he .
empowered to take tne lands at a valuation;
;t million steriing io be appropriated tor tiie
reclamation of waste land-; drainage to tie
extensively carried out; lands purchased hy
1 Government to here-sold in small lots; \to
man Proprietary for temporary relief to be i
crea'ed; new poor laws to be enacted; com
mittees to be appointed to distribute money
and food; out door relief recommended to
aged and infirm paupers. Toe whole outlay
for the relief of Ireland proposed is seven m.l
--1 ion pounds at least.
An American loan for four millions ster
! ling has b'ben negotiated in London.
The French Government has addressed
circulars to the Consuls of Mexico, prohibit
i!ig French subjects from taking letters of
marque.
Lord Palmerston has slated, on authority,
that no person in England was authorized to
issue letters of marque.
The Russian Government, was concentra
ting troops on the frontier of Poland.
Much distress is experienced in the mamv
l factoring districts of England—but 1
work doing and food very high.
The Pope preached a sermon on tjte 13th
January, being the first sermon delivered by
a Pope for more than three hundred years.
Contracts have been made for supplying
the French Government with two millions
and a half kilogrammes of Maryland Tobac
co at one hundred and a half francs.
Thirty-five thousand bids., of American
flour had arrived at Havre within a short
time.
The accounts from Havre are of the 31st
ult. A sudden and total change occurred in
that market, in consequence of the receipt of j
intelligence from New York to the 9:h, which
gave rise to an animated and speculative de
mand, and imparted a corresponding feeling
to the Liverpool market. 'l'he .-ales in a few
hours amounted to 75,000 (is it possible?)
bales, and prices have recovered.
The accounts from the manufacturing dis
trict were still unsatisfactory. In cotton
fabrics, only a very small business was being
transacted, and prices very irregular.
The slate of trade in Manchester exhibited
no material vara'ion in the present con
dition of this market from that detailed in the
circular, save a decline in the value of nearly
every description of do h and yarns. Matters
could not be more unsatisfactory. Transac
tions were restricted to pressing wants.
The marks? for provisions was steady.
An enornmous business lias been done in
sunav during the fortnight. Speculators had
been extensively purchasing. Prices had
advanced considerably beyond the quotations
of the Ist inst. and even over those last re
ported. At the close the market had taken
a turn —less business was transacted, and
prices had assumed a declining tendency.
'l'he iron market was not so bri-k as last
reported; further reduced rates having been
submitted to for pigdescriptinns, buyers have
heetiind iced 'o purchase with more freedom.
Pii -rs of manufauctured iron continued fully
as high.
'l’he lea market was rather dull.
The Zenohia reached Liverpool on tiie
27th, Pa*rick Henry on the 28ih, Anglo Sax
on from Boston, on the 23d.
There appears to he no mitigation in the
accounts of suffering by the* famine in frp
i laud. The amnun's b *ing raised bv subscrip
tion ami otherwise, for the relief of the suf
ferers, were, howeves, very libera!; and will,
when applied, do much to alleviate their suf
ferings.
We have from France, accounts of more
di-turhanees, and of the liirenteued famine.
Tiie French government, however, was ta
king active measures to avert the impend
ing calamity.
Account.- from Prussia are almost as dis
tressing as those from Ireland. In the man
ufacturing districts paticularlv, the destitu
tion is very alarming, and robberies are of
frequent occurrence.
E retain!.
The only items of news from this suffer
ing country relate to tiie dreadful famine,
which is indeed torrih’e. 'i’he following is
a single instance among hundreds winch are
recorded.
From the R°r. Samuel S'nrh, Rerfnr and Vi
car of Kilcommon , County of Mayn.
A day ago I inferred a miserable cabin,
dug out of the hog; a poor woman sat propped
again-t the wall insidephe stencil was intol
erab'e, and on my n mplaining of it the m i
thrr pointed to a square bed in one corner;
if contained the putrid—tiie abso'utelv melt
ed away remains of her eldest son. On en
quiry why she did not bury it, slip assigned
two reasons; first, she had not strength to
go out and a ‘quaint the neighbors; next she
waited ill her other child would die, and they
might bury both together. I exam ne I the
place where it lav; the sight was awful; the
poor child lav there, unable to erv, so exhaus-
tel and far gone, no after efforts could save
it. It is since dead—it died this day. Here
1 is one case in many.”
It is nnnece-sa r v to give mop cases. The
I newspapers are full of them. Hundreds are
dying of starvation, 'i’he famine is becorn
-1 ing general in the Son'll and West. Thou
sands of the people are flying to England and
Scotland. In Liverpool alone 100.000 re
-1 reived relief during a single week! There*is
1 much excitement against tiie Irish Landlords
for their uncharitable conduct. The estates
' of absentees will probably be taken by gov
ernment at an appraized value and sold out
* to {he tenantry.
Sco land, Germany, See.
? Accounts from ihe Highlands and Islands
•/ of Scn'land continue distressing. The Scot
isli nobility and gentry are extending relief
with paincely liberality. In all the churches
of the three kingdoms, collect ions were taken
up, by request of Her Majeslv, for the poor
5 of Ireland and Scotland. Immense sums
f were contributed. From all Germany we
> have accounts of distress occasioned by the
• bight price of food. Families are preparing to
come to America in hundreds. The trial of
I 250 Poles for the revolt at Cracow, was
soon to begin. Accounts from Prussia are
i almost as distressing as those from Ireland.
J In the manufacturing districts, particularly,
the destitution is alarming. Robberies are
1 of common and frequent occurrence. Spain
is becoming more tranquil, and the the gov
’ eminent has declared lhat no military expe
ditions against the Spani-h-American Re
-1 publics shall he permitted. This is a finish
-1 ing blow at Fiores’ contemplated expedit ion
1 against Ecuador. Russia is concentrating
’ troops on the Polish frontier for some un
known pnrpo-e. In some parts of Belgium,
1 particularly Flanders, the famine is'"very
severe.
[From B dimer 4' Smith's I'iines. Feb 4.]
L The stale ot our commercial and monetary
- affairs, since the sailing of the last steamer,
' has been one of extreme peculiarity and in
: tcrest. The larjre drains upon the Bank of
| England, to meet the demand caused by the
extensive importations of grain, produce and
a!i other sons of p r ovi.- 1 inin’o the king
dom, Lis induced the government to raise
their rate of interest. This has caused busi
ness lly in he duii. 'l' ere appears to
be no milieu ion 111 the account of suffering
by the famine in Ireland, The amount being
raised by subscription and otherwise for toe
relief of the Irish sufferers, are very liberal
and will, when applied, do much to alleviate
their misery.
Ghats .Market—The report piiblihsed on
the departure of the Sir ah Sands, on the 20th
ult,, left fiie two chief markets in England,
I Liverpool and London, with a downward ten
dency in prices, and tiie operations by con
signees and specuiaiors much more limited.
Seuce that day, the imports h ive b«en very
extensive and. all through, large sales have
been made. The stock in flour ta Liverpool
I alone is estimated at 500.000 barrels, with a
; corresponding stock of grain.
There is a prevailing opinion that the Bri-
I ti~li corn growers liave large stocks, which
with the temporary suspension of the navi
gation laws, and the repeal of the import du
ty, tend to checlt specula’ion, and will, it is
assumed, produce a reaction both in prices
| and also in the extent of future operations—
This action was felt in London on Monday,
the Ist instant, when wheat declined from
| four shillings to five shillings per quarter At
| Liverpool on the following day, prices were
’ four shillings per qu trier lower on Indian
corn, four shillings on flour, two shillings per
: load on wheat, since the publication of the
Weekly Circular on the 29th.
The cotton market has been in a very quiet
position; the sales are limited in extent, and
| prices are rather on the decline. On the
; 30:h ult, G,OJO bales, including 2,0U0 on spec
| illation, were sold; on the Ist 5 000 bales
h id changed hands, of which speculators took
1.000. The business of the 2d was estimated
at 2.000 bales, 500 of which were taken on
i speculation. Yesterday, we had a dull, hea
vy market, with prices for American gene
rally 1-8 pence per lb. lower; other de-crip
lions remained unchanged. The sales amount
to 3 500 bales, 500 of which speculators look,
2.500 American. The business consisted of
I 4.000 American at 6 1 4 pence to 7 3-4; 200
Egyptian at 7 pence to 7 3-4; and 200 iSurat
at 4 1-4 pence to 4 3-4.
London Money Market, Feb. 3 — Onthc2’!«t
ultimo. I lie Bank of England again raised ism
rate of hills discounted u> 4 per cent. This, for a
time, produced a great depression in the market.
The step, however, i- considered to he dictated hy
sound policy, and the market lias since rallied con
siderably from the alarm which the step first caus
ed; in fact, during the ta-t week, a degree of firm
ness has been attained that could hardly have been
expected a in anil ago; the tendency has been
throughout upward. The appearance of the For*
| elga Exchanges has also improved, particularly on
; Paris and Hamburgh. Toe drain for bullion con
: tinues heavy on the hank, and will, perhaps con
tinue so for a short lime lunger. The Vam >
; takes out scarcely less than two millions. chi-Hy
‘ in silver; but it is understood in the first mercan
tile circles thgi. the Bank are quite resolved to
! raise still higher toe present rate, if appearances
should warn the directors to do so.
Liverpool Cotton Market —For the wc>*k
em i ig Jan. 2.’. —Cotton is a distinct and fulfil
low er I his week. No In ig ie v with regard to the
question of cotton itself, l>U tue rising price ol food
and the disturbance in the money market are
c iu-ing appreheu-ioiis on ’Change, and checking
j comtnmcia! enterpri-e every where, consequently
j our market is partaking of the general gloom and
depression. At the public* sale of Sea Islands
brought forward to-day, but little was sold, and
that little hi a decline in the common qualities of
1 Ito Id per H> from the best bn-iness doing pre
viously jby private. 3(500 American taken this
wed; on speculation, ami 400 Am • rican and 430
tsurats for **xpoit. The sales to-day are estimated
j at 30 0 bales. The sales for the week amount tu
I J 11,33.) bales.
Another import.—The increasing stringency of
the money market, and the pressure of new cotton
for sale, have depressed prices considerably this
week; the market has been very irregular, Araeri-
I can having been sold at a Id to id, and all other
i descriptions at id to Id p-r 11) decline, closing
j heavily. At the public sate ih s day. consisiii gos
IStil t'ca Islands and 375 Stained, 25 •of the for
| iner and 60 oft he lattersold at a reduction of *d to
| M in the lower qualities.
,' Fur the week ending Jan. 29. —Under I lie re
straining influence of the raised rue of discount hy
the Bank of England, and the con-ideunions c«»u
--i nected therewith, our market suffered a little fur
ther depression at the c!o eof the la-1 and the be
ginning oft e pre ent w ek, within the last three
days, im hiding this morning, the accounts .rom
| London come rather better, and from Manchester
j and the manufacturing districts no worse; cunso
; ouently the market recovered a more cheerful tone,
i an 1 the full quotations of Friday last f..r the mid
dling quality of American have, been restored.—
; This morning there is agi od ileal of stir and acti
vity, the proceedings on the part of the trade being
followed up by considerable buying on .-pecula
tion. \VeJia\e hail letters a few days later from
tiie United States, bowing the receipts of cotton at
the different ports to be considerable: thegeneral
eftirnale of crop much as before. 9oO.) American
| ami 20 I Siirats ha%e been tiken on speculation,
i ami 550 American, SOU Sunns and 120 Egyptian
for export. The sales fur the week are 24,590
1 bales.
Another Report. F.arly pvrt of the week the
market was much (It pressed, and prices gave way
■ Id to Id per lb, yesterday both trade and specula
tors came forward freely, and a good business lias
; been done during the two daysar higher rates. the
quotations of Friday being now firmly maintained
for most descriptions. Speculators have taken
900 J American and 200 Surat, and exporters 550
j American, 120 Egyptian and 50J Surat. Sales
! for week 24,590 bales.
Fmm Jan. 30 to Feb. 3, inclusive —Since the
publication of weekly circular on 29th nit. market
very quiet and dull. 30ih ult. 6O0t» bales inclu
ding 2Uoon speculation sold. Ist. 5)00 bales chang
ed bauds, 15u0 to sj eculators. Business of the 2d.
e t m ited at 2UOO. SUO on specu’ation. Yesterday
dull heavy market, American gem rally Id lower,
oilier descriptions unchanged. Sa'es about 4500
bales, speculators took 25.0 Am*ricr.n Business
consisted of 4CH)O American GI a 7id; 200 Egyptian
at 7a 7i; 2(H) Surat 4fd a 4Jd.
Sales of the week ending 31st Jan., 24,590 bales,
of which 7270 were Bowed Georgia, ordinary to
mid 51 tofii, fair to good fair 7 a 71, good and fine
7ia7l. Stock on hand 293,600, against 6i4.520
bales last year at the same period. Import ( f the
week 22.955 hales. Taken for consumption since
; Ist January 50,100, against 101,910 last year.
HAVRE, Jan. 23.— CoUovs. —Receipt of the
advices from the United Slates hy the Cambria
steamer of Ist inst., our market dull, which was
immediately succeeded by some degree of briskness
j in i lie demand, on the part of the trade, for Upland,
; and led to more firmness in prices. The intelli
; gence from Liverpool, which subsequently reached
us, being of an unfavorable nature, produced a de
pressed feeling here, and created a decline of f \
to 2on all American descriptions. This induced
speculators again to come forward; the transac
i Hons since the commencement of the week have
not been considerable, they have nevertheless been
to a good extent; buying for consumption has, on
the other band, been on a very moderate scale;
low ebb of our stock leaving such little morn either
for speculation or consumption, the attention of
purchasers has therefore been chiefly directed to
cargoes for delivery. Sales i],4bo bales; imports
j 10.5 6 bales.
J AN. 31.—Since our last report a considerable
failing olf has taken place; speculators have fur
the present withdrawn from the field; continued
scarcity 7 of money is the principal cause of th«dull
ness in the demand; this would have had less ef
fect in checking the desire to purchase if the ac
, counts from Liverpool had been of a different ten
or. This has had an unfavorable influence, led to
a further decline in prices of American, which
have receded f 2 to 3, and are now almut f 5 lower
titan at the commencement of the fortnight; does
not however seem to be any want of confidence on
j the part of holders generally speaking, notwith-