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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. |
JAMES GARDNER, JR.
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C-oa^rrsviounl.
SENATE.— February 19, IS 17.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
Mr. Calhoun then rose and said : Mr.
President, I rise lo offer a set ol resoiu
tions in reference to the various resolu
tions from the Slate Legislatures upon
the subject of what they call the exten
sion of slavery, and the proviso attached
lo the House bill, called ihe three million
bill. What 1 propose before I send my
resolutions to the table, is to make a few
explanatory remarks.
Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted
on this floor some lime ago, that all par- i
ties in the non-slaveholding Slates had
come to a fixed and solemn determina
tion upon two propositions. One was,
that there should be no further admission
of any States into this Union which per- j
milled by their constitution the existence
of slavery; and the other was, that slave
ry shall not hereafter exist in any of the
Territories of the United States; the ef
fect of which would be to give to the non
slaveholding States the monopoly of the
public domain, to the entire exclusion of
the slaveholding States. Since that de
#laration was made, Mr. President, we
have abundant proof that there was a sat
isfactory foundation for it. We have re
ceived already solemn resolutions passed
by seven of the non-slaveholding Stales—
one half of the number already in the
Union, lowa not being counted—using
the strongest possible language to that ef
fect; and no doubt in a short space of
time similar resolutions will be received
from all of the noa-sla veholding Slates.—
But we need not go beyond the walls of
Congress. The subject has been agitated
in the other House, and they have sent
you up a bill ‘‘prohibiting the extension of
slavery” (using their own language) “to
any territory which may be acquired by
the United States hereafter.” At the
same time, two resolutions which have
been moved to extend the compromise
line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pa.
cific, during the present session, have
been rejected by a decided majority.
Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of
the times; and it is high time that the
southern States, the sluveholding States,
should inquire what is now their relative
strength in this Union, and what it will be
if this determination should he carried
into effect hereafter. Sir, already we are
in a minority—l use the word “we” for
brevity sake—already we are in a mi
nority in the other House, in the electoral
college, and, 1 may say, in every depart
merit of this government, except at pre
sent in the Senate of the United Slates—
there for the present we have an equali
ty. Os the twenty-eight States, fourteen
are non-slaveholding and fourteen are
_ o
slavoholding. counting Delaware, which ,
is doubtful, as one of the non-slaveholding j
States. But this equality of strength ex- |
ists only in the Senate. One of the clerks j
at my request has furnished me with a
statement of what is the relative strength of I
tlie two descriptions of States, in the other
House of Congress, and in the electoral
college. There are 228 representatives,
including lowa, which is already repre
sented there. Os these, 138 are from the
non-slaveholding States, and 90 are from
what are called the slave States, giving a
majority in the aggregate to the former
of4B. In the electoral college there are
163 votes belonging the non-slavehold
ing States, and 118 to the slaveholding, |
giving a majority of 50 to the non-slave- |
holding.
We, Mr. President, have at present only '
one position in the government, by which ;
we may make any resistance to this ag- j
gressive policy which has been declared
against the south; or any other that the j
non-slaveholding States may choose to
lake. And this equality in this body is
of the most transient character. Already 1
lowa is a State; but, owing to some do- |
mestic calamity, is not yet represented in J
this body. When she appears here, there
will be an addition of two senators to the |
representatives here of the non-slavehold- i
ingStates. Already Wisconsin has pass
ed the initiatory stage and will bo here I
at next session. This will add two more,
making a clear majority of four in tin's \
body on the side of the non-slaveholding j
Slates, who will be thus enabled to sway ■
every branch of this government at their :
will and pleasure. But, sir, if this ag
gressive policy be followed—if the de
termination of the non-slaveholding States
is to be adhered to hereafter, and we are
to be entirely excluded from the territo
ries which we already possess, or may
possess—if this is to be the fixed policy of
the government, I ask what will be our
situation hereafter?
Sir, there is ample space for twelve or
fifteen of the largest description of
in the territories belonging to the United*
States. Already a law is in cotyse of
passage through the other House creating
one north of Wisconsin. There is ample
room for another north of Iowa; and an
other north of that; and then that large
region extendingon this side ofthe Rocky
mountains, from 49 degress, down to the
Texan line, which may beset down fair
]y as an area or twelve and a half de
grees of latitude—that extended region of
itself is susceptible of having six, seven, j
or eight large States. To this, add Ore
gon, which extends from 49 to 42 degrees,
which will give four more, aud I make a
very moderate calculation when 1 say
that, in addition to lowa and Wisconsin,
twelve more States upon the territory al
ready ours—without reference to any ac
quisitions from Mexico—may be, and will
be, shortly, added to these United States.
How will we then stand? There will be
but fourteen on the part of the south—we j
j are to be fixed, limited, and forever—-and :
twenty-eight on the part of the non-slave- j
| holding Sutes! Twenty-eight! Double |
our number! And with the same dispro
portion in the other House and in the
electoral college! The government, sir,
! will be entirely in the hands of the non
slaveholding States—overwhelmingly.
Sir, if this state of things is lo go on,
j if this determination, so solemnly made,
is to be persisted in, where shall we stand,
as far as this federal government
of ours is concerned? What, then must
we do? We must look to justice—to
onr own interests—lo the constitution.—
We will have no longer a shield even in
equality here. Now Cun we rely upon
j the sense of justice of this body? Ought •
we to rely upon this? These are the
solemn questions which I put on all sides.
Sir, look to the past. If we are to
look to that —I will no go into details—we
will see from of this govern
ment to the present day, as far as pecuni
| ary resources are concerned—as far as the
disbursement ol revenue is involved, it
j
will be found that we have been a portion
of the community which has substantial
ly supported this government without re
ceiving anything like a tantamount sup
j port from it. But why should 1 go beyond
I this very measure itself? Why go be
yond this determination on the part of the
non-slav-eholding Slates, that there can
I he no farther addition to the slaveholding
States, to prove what our condition is?
Sir, what is the entire amount of this
policy? I will not say that it is so design
ed. I will not say from what cause it
i originated. I will not sav whether blind
fanaticism on one side, whether a hostile
feeling to slavery entertained by many
not fanatical on the other, has produced
it; or whether it has been the work of men,
who, looking to political power, have con
sidered the agitation of this question as
the most effectual mode of obtaining the
spoils of this government. I look to the
fact itself. It is a policy now openly
avowed lo be persisted in. It is a policy,
Mr. President, which aims to monopo
lize the pow'ers of this government and to
obtain sole possession of its patronage.
Now, I ask. is there any remedy? Does
; the constitution afford any remeey? And
i if not, is there any hope? These, Mr.
j President, are solemn questions- not only
j to us, but let me say to gentlemen from
i the non slaveholding States, to them. Sir,
' the day that the balance between the two
| sections of the country —the slaveholding
, States and the non-slaveholding Slates—
i is destroyed, is a day that will not be far
removed from political revolution, anar
chy, civil war, and wide-spread disaster.
The balance of this system is in the
i slaveholding States. They are the con
i' servative portion—always have been the
| conservative portion—always will be the
j conservative portion; and with a due bal
| ance on their part may, for generations
j to come, uphold tiiis glorious Union of
I ours. But if this policy should be car.
| ried out-if we are to be reduced to a hand
| ful—if we are to become a mere ball to
; play the presidential game with—to count
! something in the Baltimore caucus—if
| this is to be the result—wo! wo! I say to
to this Union!
Now, sir, I put again the solemn ques
tion—does the constitution afford any
remedy? Is there any provision in it by
i which this.aggressive policy-boldly avow
i ed, as if perfectly consistent w ith our in
i stitutions and the safety and piosperity of
I the United States!—may be confronted?
Is this a policy consistent w ith the con
stitution? No, Mr. President, no! It is,
| in all its features, daringly opposed to the
j constitution. What is it? Ours is a
federal constitution. The Slates are
its constituents, and not the people,—
The twenty-eight States—the twenty-nine j
States (including lowa) —stand under
this government as twenty-nine individu- I
; als, or as twenty-nine individuals would
stand to a consolidated power. It was I
not made for the mere individual pros- !
j perity of the State as individuals. No, j
i sir. It was made for higher ends. It j
j was formed that every State constituting ■
a portion of this great Union of curs i
I should enjoy all its advantages, natural
and acquired, with greater security, and 1
enjoy them more perfectly. The whole
| system is based on justice and equality
—perfect equality between the members
|of this republic. Nor can that be con-
I sistent with equality which will make this
; public domain a monopoly on one side
i —which, in its consequences, w r ou!d
place the whole power in one section of
the Union to be wielded against the other
section ofthe Union? Is that equality?
How do we stand in reference to this
territorial question—this public domain
of ours? Why, sir, what is it? It is the
common property of the Slates of this
Union. They are called “the territories
of the United States.” And what are
the “United States” but the States united?
( Sir, these territories are the property of
tli£ States united; held jointly for their
; common use. And is it consistent with
justice—is it consistent with equality, that
any portion of the partners, outnumbering
another portion, shall oust them in this
common property of theirs—shall pass
any law which shall proscribe the citi
zens of other protions of the Union from
emigrating with their property to the ter
ritories of the United Stales? Would that
! be consistent—can it be consistent with
I the idea of a common property, held joint
ly for the common benefit of all? Would
it be so considered in private life? Would
it not be considered the greater outrage
T— .zaazs-szsaui*-m%j.-MMiLX£., -jimj. , .111 .ujw^u
' in the world, and which any court on the
lace of of the globe would at onceover
rule?
Mr. President, not only is that proposition
grossly inconsistent with the constitution,
but the which undertakes to say
: that no State shall be admitted into this
Union, which shall not prohibit by its con
! stitulion the existence of slaves, is equally
j a great outrage against the constitution
| of the United States. Sir* I hold it to be
a fundamental principle of our political
system, that the people have a right to
| establish what government they may think
; proper for themselves; that every State
i about to become a member of this Union
; has a right to form its own government
as its pleases; and that, in order to be ad
j milled there is but one qualification, and
; that is, that the government shall be repub.
I lican. It is not so expressly prescribed
by the instrument itself, but by that great
section which guarantees to every Slate
in this Union a republican form of govern
i ment. Now, sir wiiat is proposed? It is
| proposed, from a vague, indefinite, er
roneous, and most dangerous conception
: of private individual liberty, to overrule
S this great common liberty which a people
| have of framing their own constitution!
| Sir, the individual right of men is not
I nearly so easily to be established bv any
j course of reasoning, as, his common liber
ty. Aad yet, sir, there are men of such
delicate feeling on the subject of liberty
—there are men who cannot possibly bear
wiiat they call slavery in one section of
the country- (and it is not so much slavery
as an institution indispensably for the good
of both races) —men so squeamish on this
point, that they are ready to strike down
the bight right of a community to govern
themselves, in order to maintain the abso
lute rigber of individuals inall.circumslan-
O •
ccs, to govern themselves!
| Mr. President, the resolutions that 1
! have proposed present, in exacts terms,
1 these great truths. I propose to present
them to the Senate; 1 propose to have a
j vote upon them; and 1 trust there is no
j rrenllernan here who will refuse a direct
| O
! vote upon these propositions. It is manly
i that we shall know the slate of things.
It is due to our constituents that we
| should insist upon it; and I, as one, will
I insist upon it that the sense of this body
shall be taken: the body which represents
! the States in their capacity as communi
ties, and the members of which are to be
; their special geardians. It is due to them,
| sir, that there should be a fair expression
|of what is the sense of this body. Upon
; that expression much depends. It is the
i only stand which we can have. It is the
only position which we can take, which
will uphold us with anything like inde
! prndence —which will give us any chance
| at all to maintain an equality in this
1 Union, on those great principles to which
I have had reference. Overrule these
i principles, and we are nothing! Preserve
them, and we will ever be a respectable
portion of the community.
Sir. here let me say a word as to the
compromise line I ha veal ways considered
it as a great error—highly injurious to
the south, because it surrendered, for mere
temporary purposes, those high principles
of the constitution upon which I think we
ought to stand. lam against any com
promise line- Aet I would have been
willing to have continued the compromise
line. One of the resolutions in the House,
to thatVffect,was offered at rnysuggestion.
I said to a friend there, [Mr. Burt.] “Let
j us not be disturbers of this Union. As
abhorrent to my feelings as is that com
promise line, let it be adhered to in good
faith; and if the other portions of the
j Union are willing to stand by it, let us
not refuse to stand by it. It has kept peace
for some time, and in the circumstances
perhaps it would he better to kept peace
jas it is.” But, sir, it was voted down by
an overwhelming majority. It was
renewed by a gentleman from a non slave
j holding State,an 1 again voted down by an
overwhelming majority.
Well, I see my way in the constitution.
I cannot in the compromise. A compro
mise is but an act of Congress. It may be
overruled at any lime. It gives us no
security. But the constitution is stable.
It is a rock. On it I can stand. It is a
principle on which we can meet our
I friends from the non-slaveholding States.
1 It is firm ground, on which they can better
i stand in opposition to fanaticism, than on
i the shifting sands of compromise.
Let us be done with compromise. Let
us go back and stand upon the constitu
tion!
Well, sir, what if the dicision of this
body shall deny to us this high constitu
tional right, which in my opinion is as
clear as any in life instrument itself—the
more defined and stable, indeed, because
deduced from the entire body of the in
strument, and the nature of the subject
!to which it relates? What then? That
is a question which I will not undertake
to decide. It is a question for our con
stituents —the slaveholding States. A
solemn and a great question, Mr. Presi
dent. And if the decision should be ad
verse at this lime, I trust and do believe
that they will take under solemn consid
eration what they ought to do. I give no
advice. It would be hazardous and dan
gerous for me to do so. But I may speak
as an individual member of that section of
the Union. There I drew my first breath.
There are all my hopes. lam a planter
—a cotton planter. I am a southern
man and a slaveholder—a kind and mer
ciful one, I trust —and none the worst for
being a slaveholder. I say, for one, I
would rather meet any extremity upon
earth than give up one inch of our equal
ity—one inch of what belongs to us as
members of this great republic ! What!
acknowledge inferiority! The surrender
of life is nothing to sinking down into ac
knowledged inferiority!
I have examined this subject largely—
widely. I think I see the future if we
do not stand up now; and in my humbl
opinion, the condition of Ireland is mere
ciful and happy—the condition of Hindos
tan is peace and happiness—the condi
tion of Jamaica is prosperous and happy,
to what the Southern States will be if
now they yield !
Mr. President, I desire that the resolu
tions which I now send to the table be
read.
[The resolutions were then read.]
Here the honorable senator resumed
his scat.
Mr. Benton then rose and said: Mr,
President we have some business to trans
act. Ido not intend to a void business for
a string of abstractions.
Mr. Calhoun. The senator* says he
cannot take up abstractions. The con
stitulion is an abstraction. All the great
rules of life are abstractions. The De
claration of Independence was made on
an abstraction; and when I hear a man
declare that he is against abstract truth
in a case of this kind, I am prepared to
know wiiat his course will be ! 1 certain
ly supposed that the senator trom Missouri,
the represeentativo of a slaveholding State
would have supported these resolutions.
I moved them in good faith, under a sol
emn conviction of wiiat was due to those
whom I represent; and due the whole
South and the whole Union. I have as
little desire as any senator to obstruct
public business. All I want is a decis
ion, and a decision before the three mil
lion bill is decided. If the senator from
Missouri wants to-morrow morning, very
well. The resolutions can be taken up
on Monday.
Mr. Benton. I will pursue mv own
course when the time conies. I know
what are abstractions and what are not.
I know what business is, and what is not.
I am for going on with the business of the
session; and 1 say I shall not vote for ab
stractions, years ahead, to the exclusion
ofbusinesss. He says he calculated on
my course. He is mistaken. He knows
very well, from rny whole course in pub
lic life, that I never would leave public
business to take up firebrands to set the
world on fire.
Mr. Calhoun. The senator does not
at all comprehend me.
Mr. Benton. I am from the right
place. lam on the side of my country
and the Union.
The resolutions were then ordered to
be printed.
[Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.]
TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS,
SECOND SESSION.
Washington, Feb. 24, 1847.
SENATE.
The reading of the journal having
been dispensed with, the civil and diplo
matic appropriation bill was taken up
immediately after the presentation of pe
titions and the reporting of two or three
private bills from committees.
Several amendments to the bill, which
had been reported from the committee on
finance, were agreed to.
Mr. Evans offered an amendment,
whichhe observed was the request oftho
Secretary of the Treasury, allowing the
assistant treasurer at New York to em
ploy a chief clerk, at a salary of §2,000
a year, and authorising such clerk to per
form the functions of the assistant trea
sures in his absence.
Mi*. Niles moved to amend by redu
cing the salary from two thousand to fif
teen hundred dollars, which was agreed
to.
Mr. Huntington moved to amend by
striking out the authority given to the
chief clerk to perform the function of the
treasurer, which was agreed to, and the
amendment as amended was then adopted
Mr. Crittenden gave notice that he
should introduce a bill making a contri
bution for the relief of Ireland to morrow.
Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Webster seve- |
rally gave notice that they should call
up their resolutions to-morrow.
The army appropriation bill was re
ferred to the committee on finance.
The three million bill was then taken
up, and Mr. Benton addressed the Sen
ate at considerable length. He com
menced at once bv charging that Mr.
Calhoun was responsible for the war and
its consequences. If was the solemn duty
of that Senator if he believed that the
march of the army to the Rio Grande
would produce hostilities, knowing that
such march had been ordered to have,
laid his views before the President, and
attempted to have arrested it. How such a
course could have lessened the Senator’s
influence with the Presidenton the Oregon
question, was beyond his comprehension.
He charged that when Mr. Calhoun
signed the treaty of annexation, he signed
an acceptance of the war with Mexico,
for she had previovsly declared that she
would consider such annexation as a de
claration of war on our part.
Mr. B. entered into a very elaborate
review of all the circumstances attend
ing the annexation and the conspicuous
part taken in it by Mr. Calhoun, to prove
that he then advocated the very powers
which he now condemns the President
for having used—that he then maintained
principles which he now denounces as
unconstitutional. The Senator from South
Carolina made the war. History would
so write it in her book—it would be
written with, a pen of iron upon tablets of
brass—and the children of all genera
tions to come would learnjit intheir les
sons.]
Mr, Calhoun replied, and said there
was one thing of importance to be infer
red from the speech of the Senator from
Missouri, which was that the war was
unpopular, and being unpopular, it would
soon be brought to a termination. The
Senator from Missouri had said that he
(Mr. C.) was the sole author of annexa
tion. lie took it and claimed it—but it
was not lonrj since that the oriran of the
■ O
administration claimed the honor for Mr.
Polk himself.
Mr. Calhoun had expected the attack
of the Senator from Mo lie had been
warned to beware of annihilation, and
really supposed there would have been
some force in the assault. But of all the
weak, trashv, stale arguments he had ever
listened to, this was the weakest. Me was
really surprised that a man of the talents
of the Senator from Mo. should not have
made out a stronger case. He fell in
finitely obliged to him tor the attack, for
it could do him no harm, and mij»ht benefit
him by placing him in a right position
before the people.
Mr.C. thengave a history ofhis course
in reference to the annexation of Texas,
and after a brief rejoinder by Mr. Benton,
the Senate went into Executive session.
Mr. Davis has the floor for to-morrow.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Met at 10 A. M. pursuant to the resolu
tion yesterday adopted. No quorum
present. Call of the House ordered, and
81 members answered to their names.
Proceeded to call names of absentees,
when it appeared that 112 members were
present. Still no quorum. Speaker or
dered the doors to he closed when a
motion to suspend further proceedings
under the rule, prevailed, 106 to 22—a
quorum voting-
On motion of Mr, Charles J. lugersoll,
the business in progress was suspended
for one hour, to receive reports from com
miltees.
Bills from Senate: To exempt from
duties certain articles imported by liter
ary institutions; to organize the ten new
regiments into brigades and divisions, and
for the appointment of Major and Brig
adier Generals. Read twice, and refer
red.
Mr. C. J. Ingersoll offered a resolution,
providing for the fitting out of the ship
Pennsylvania, to carry provisions to the
starving Irish population, but the House
refused to suspend the rules to receive
the same.
The House, then in committee of the
whole on the stale of the Uniom, Mr.
Bowlin in the chair, took up the bill ‘-'to
establish certain post routes’" in the differ
ent States and Territories, reported on
the first inst. by Mr. Hopkins, from the
committiee on the post office and post roads
A number of amendments were adopted,
and the bill then reported to the House
and passed. ,
An additional bill was introduced, a
dopted by the committee, reported to the
House, and also passed, increasing the
compensation of deputy postmasters in
certain cases, extending the franking
privilege, on all mailable matter, until
the first of December next, to the Presi-
I dent, Vice President. Secretary of the
Senate, Clerk of the House, members of
both Houses, &c., and for other pur
poses.
Mr. J. C. Ingersoll made a report on
| that part of the President’s Message re-
I ferrin<r to the War with Mexico, hut
r"> 1
\ without reading, it was laid on the table,
and ordered lobe printed. Adjourned.
—BHMB—BBIjg BHBMMWMMMWBMWWWMi C——
AUGUSTA. GEO,.
SUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 28, 1547.
Proprietors of Warehouses in Augusta and
Hamburg will oblige us if they will have the
stock of Colton remaining in their respective ware
houses counted for us by ten o’clock on Monday
j morning.
.’Tintl ICobbcr Caught.
A young chap named Hanby Johnson, apparent
ly about 17 years of age, a mail rider between this
city and Carnesville, was arrested yesterday by
Mr. Alexander, Post Office Ag«*nt, on a charge of
! robbing the mail. The.father of the boy, Hardy
| Johnson, lias also been arrested, and both are now
i confined in our jail. As far as ascertained one
! hundred dollars in money and a check drawn by
the Bank of Augusta, was stolen from the bag.
A portion of the money, we understand, has been
recovered. The check was found on the father
of the boy, who endeavored to negotiate it with
one of our merchants.
Heavy Clearances.
The New Orleans papers of the 21st inst.
notice the clearance of twenty-six vessels at
that port on the 20lh inst. The export of
Colton was very large, no fewer than 10,917
bales having been shipped.
fill cad Mluffs and Frcishtii.
The exports of corn from New-York alone,
since September, has been 1,700,000 bushels; |
from all our seaports 2,800,000 bushels.
The Albany Argus states the following as
the advance in breadstuff's and freights occa
sioned by the short crops in Europe:
‘•On the slh of August last, the price of a
barrel of Genesee flour in New York city,
was the freight thereon to Liverpool,
was 2s. sterling. The price of a bushel of
Genesee wheat was 94c.; the freight thereon
to Liverpool, 9d. sterling,
“On the 17th of February inst., the price
of a barrel of Genesee flour in New York
was §7.25, and the freight thereon to Liver
pool, Bs. sterling. The price of a bushel of ,
Genesee wheat was 1,75 c. and the freight
thereon to Liverpool, 30d. sterling.”
Hence it will be perceived that notwith
standing the high advance in the value of
flour and wheat, the advance in freights on
the same has been much higher. Farmers
are doing well, but ship masters are doing
much better.
Storm.
There was a severe snow storm at the North
Saturday week. It delayed the arrival at N. York
of the train with the Cambria’s passengers. It
was also the cause of the delay in the transporta
tion of the letters received by her.
Jfs“The Charleston Courier of the 27th inst. says
—“The pilot boat Friends repirts having picked
up in Bull’s Bay, on the 241 h inst., 7 bales Cotton
marked R. 11., J. A. Gordon, J. I’., S. Cantey, C.
W. and that the schr. Medium hence for Santee,
had also picked up several bales at the same time.”
I,alcr from Texas.
i The steamship Galveston, Capt. Haviland,
arrived at New Orleans on the 20lh instant
from the port of Galveston, having sailed on
the 18th inst.
The Civilian mentions that Maj. John Al
len, U. S, Marshal for the district of Texas,
arrived at Galveston on the 15th inst. from
Matarnorosand Brazos Santiago. Major A.
arrived on board and in charge of the schoon
er Star, seized for violating the revenue laws,
at the port of Brazos Santiago, and sent to
Galveston for adjudication in the U. S. Court,
| now as a court of admiralty there.
! The cargo of the Star was left by the mar
i slial at Matamoros, Gen. Scott refusing to
I deliver it up,or recognize the jurisdiction of
* the court, as the Civilian understood.
The U. S. Court for the circuit and district
of Texas closed all save the admiralty docket
■ on Monday, the lslh inst. There was no
l criminal business; and but few civil cases
were disposed of.
It appears by the report of Capt. Payne,
j that there have been received 1382 tons of
Cumberland and 6119 barrels of Pittsburg
i coal at the depot in that city since November*
for the use of Government steam transports.
| The accounts given in the Austin and Vic
j toria papers as to raising a regiment in Tex
as are not encouraging. Col. Hays was
| still at San Antonio and volunteers coming
I in slowly.
The remains of the gallant Capt. Gillespie
have been received at San Antonio.
The Indians on the frontier of Texas are
said to be tolerably quiet. The Tonka was
are giving most trouble by killing the cattle
of the settlers.
Col. Croghan passed through Houston on
the 4th in&t. on his way to San Antonio to
i muster volunteers into the service.
The U. S. cutter Wolcott arrived at Gal
veston on the Bth inst. Ehe is engaged in
the coast survey.
The Galveston News has a long article
upon sugar culture in Texas. We clip a
single paragraph from it:
The superior quality of Texas sugar is
now, vve believe, admitted on all hands. We
| have not this year seen a barrel from any
I plantation in Texas which does not surpass
i the best Louisiana sugar in our market, as
well in purity and lightness of color as in
‘ the clear and semi-transparent appearance
: of the grain. This superiority is also de
monstrated by the fact that our sugar cmn
mands about one cent per pound more than
the common Louisiana in every market
where it has been offered for sale. Such is
the case in this market, in New Orleans and
in the citv of New York.
-
Later from Vcru Crux.
The New Orleans Picayune of the 21st
inst. says—“By the arrival at half past 2
o’clock this morning of the schr. Wm. Bry
an, Capt. Ryan, from Tampico, we have later
, accounts from Vera Cruz,brought to the for
mer place by the prize schooner Belle, Lieut,
i M. C. Perry, Jr. commanding. Our letters
i from the squadron are to the 4th inst., and
i our Vera Cruz papers to the 2d inst.
| “Gen. Valencia has been relieved of his
1 command, and his place supplied by General
I Vazquez.
j “The Mexicans having become convinced
that Vera Cruz is to be the object of attack,
have set about fortifying the passes on the
road to Mexico. The merchants of Jalapa
have been called ttpon for a loan of §4OOO to
fortify the Puente Nacional.
“Rejon and Iriarte have entered upon the
discharge of fheir duties as Secretaries of
Foreign Affairs and Finance. Guevera has
resigned the post of Minister of Justice.
“Senor Lomus had tendered his resigna
tion to the Government, but it had been re
fused. Eight day’s leave of absence was
granted him, and Gen. La Vega appointed
temporarily to his post.
I “We do not find anything later from San
Luis, and cannot say whether Santa Anna
has marched thence,
i “The Mexican papers are crowded with
the movements of our troops. At San Luis,
Tula and Jalapa they are on the alert for the
i advance of Gen. Scott.”
companies of Ihe Virginia volunteers
sailed from Hampt< n Roads on the 22d inst. on
; board the ship Sarah Walker and barque Exact,
I for Point Isabel.
i Sir The Wilmington boat with the Northern
mail, did not leave Charleston on Friday last, ow
ing to the boisterous stale of the weather.
Plan* of Gen. Scott.
The N. O. Pirayune says—The immediate de
signs of Gen. Scott are no longer a secret. It is
supposed that they are now as well understood by
| the enemy as by our own army, and the press
I speaks of them with freedom. In the correspon
dence of the St. Louis Republican from the Bra
* zos, they are detailed with some minuteness. We
! m ike a brief extract from it:
The design of Gen. Scott I assert to be as fol
lows: He has determined upon attacking and fa
king the castle of San Juan at Vera Cruz by the
Ist of March at the very furthest. This attack is
to be made by sea and land at the same time; and
{ to that end Com. Conner has been notified to be
: prepared with his entire fleet, by Gen, Scott. Gen.
| Scott is now anxiously waiting the reply of Com.
Conner to his orders in this respect.
Gen. Scott has selected the island of Lohos as the
head of his operations by land. Thither the whole
; of Gen. Worth’s division is to be transported, the
I Ist Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers, now at
anchor off this place, and some two or three regi
ments from New Orleans. This force will be join
ed by a part of the division under Gen. Patterson,
who will march from the vicinity of Tampico to
such point as Gen. Scott shall designate.
This island has been selected in consequence of
affording the best and safest harbor between that
place and Vera Cruz. Its length is a mile and a
half and its breadth half amile. From the main
beach it is eight miles, with an excellent channel
between it and the shore, several fathoms deep.—
The harbor is a perfectly safe one, permitting the
| landing of troops without difficulty, vessels of the
I largest class being enabled to anchor within a short
distance of the shore. The island of Lobos is el
evated some six or seven feet above the level of the
sea, is covered with a fine growth of timber, and
limes abound there in great abundance. Water
of a good quality, and in a sufficient quantity to
supply all the men we shall take there, can easily
be procured by sinking barrels. Its harbor is fa
vorably known to a number of seafaring men
whose pursuit has heretofore been smuggling, and
it has for years been the spot selected by the Eng
lish for the transhipment of specie from Mexico. —