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Red Oak Camp, July 26.
John G. Bowman, K q.
Dkau Sir —Bv last mail I received from you
the following letter:
Cnr.R \\v, July 23.
“ Dear Sir —Vour letter of the Kith inst. ad
dressed to tint ‘ Editor of the Che raw Republi
can,’ has been received. As one of your c<*n
stituents, I claim the right to interrogate you.
My manm r of treating your communication
will depend on the replies you make lO| the fol
lowing questions ;
1. Di«l you vote dor the Bill of Mr. Adams
A Co. n.s containing a modification satisfactory
to the South, and how long 1
If so, please explain your vote in connexion \
with what was said by Mr. Clay in the Senate,i
on the final passage of said hill, and which you
will find in the paper I smid you. j
‘2. Do you deem the recent modification of the
Tariff to l>e of such a nature as to .supersede the
necessity of a “ Southern Convention,” which 1
believe you first projected, and it so, why ?
[Signed] JOHN G. BOWMAN.”
Some of my friends who have seen your let
ter, aliove quoted, consider your interrogatories
quite impertinent, and say 1 ought not to an
swer them. Although lam unwilling to regard
your queries in that light myself, I have no doubt
they arc principally designed to draw from me
something on which to make unfriendly criti
eisms, and that may he turned to my prejudice.
Yet, so highly do I respect the right, even of' a
hostile constituent , to exact political information
from a Representative, 1 am disposed to respond
to vour interrogatories as well as I can ; and I
am more willing to do so ;:s the application has
been made by one who has the power, an 1 I
hope the disposition, to lay the whole correspon
dence bes >re the public.
Vow first interrogatory is too enigmatical, in
all its branches, to be replied to intelligibly. J
know not what you mean when you speak of
“ the Bill of Mr. Adams and Co. as containing
a modification satisfactory to the South, and how
long ?” Nor can I tell how you would wish me
to explain my vote in connexion with what was
said by Mr. Clay “ nn snid Bill," or on any
other bill. And 1 have not received the paper
you speak of. If you allude to the tariff hill re
ported by the committee of manufactures, of
which Mr. Adams was chairman, 1 answer that
I voted for the final passage of that Bill, not as a
satisfactory modification of the Tariff, but as a
mitigation of the existing law: I voted lor the
bill not as a quietus of our complaints, or as a
measure that should abate the zeal or the ef
forts of Southern men against the “ protecting
policy" —but I voted for it as a reduction of du
lies —tiu? principle of choosing the feast of two
evils —and as affording some amelioration of
the oppressive Tariff of 1829.
The Bill recently passed, however, cannot lie
"regarded us “ the Bill of Adams and. Co." Be
cause Mr. Adan\s did his utmost, by off.'ring
and supposing obnoxious amendments, to ren
tier the Bill absolutely intolerable and offensive
to the South.—Lie commenced his career in
Congress last winter by holding forth the idea
.hat he was disposed to concede liberally to Iho
■South, and quiet all excitement in relation to the
Farin’. And so well did ho succeed in impress
ing a holiet of that kind on till parties , that the!
Farid men of Massachusetts, as I am credihlvj
informed, “ burnt him in effigy while some ofj
the ami-tariff party hailed him as their deliverer'
Jrom colonial bondage—and when he asked to
bo excused Iroin serving on the Committee of
Manufactures in order to investigate the affairs
of flic Bank at Philadelphia, one member from
New-\orkand another from Virginia, depreca
ted it as one of the most dangerous steps Con
gress could fake, and more than insinuated that
the salvation of the Union depended, on Mr.
Adams' continuation at the head of the Commit
tee on Manufactures. How sadly he disap
pointed those golden anticipations 1 need not say :
and surely the disappointment and mortification j
of liis deluded eulogists will not suffer them to
forget. I will not add that his vacillating con-(
duct on this occasion was of a piece with that i
by which he practised a memorable fraud on |
Jefferson and the Republican Party in former!
times.
Mr. Clay pretended to felicitate hinself and
the friends of tli.e “ American System” that the;
“ protective policy” had been sanctioned by all
those Southern men who voted for the Bill in
question—and 1 presume you allude to the idle
slang he used on that point, when you ask me
to “ explain my vote in connexion with what
he said on the final passage of said hill." If
the dullest intellect can really need explanation!
on this subject, it will be found in my former lot-j
tor to you—and if still more is required, it will |
bp found in the remarks I made on the proposi-j
lion to disagree to the amendment of the Senate
by which they raised the duty on woollens from
50 to o7 per cent, which remarks will soon ap- !
pear in the National Intelligencer and the
cl lobe. I was called upon to choose between
the bill under consideration and the existing ta- i
riff law of 1828. Both embraced the principle ,
of protection —there was no choice between
them, I was in favor ot the bill just passed, as;
it excluded the odious principle of miniinums.
Phis bill effected a considerable reduction of the
revenue—say from six to ten millions of dollars
—and considering its provisions, in the
gregate, as an amelioration of the tariff of 1828
—1 felt it my bounded duty to vote for it. Had
no one’s interest been injuriously affected bv my
voting against this recem modification but mi
own. I might have indulged my caprice in re
jecting it ; but regarding the Bill as extending
some relief (however small it might be) to a»>
oppressed aifd suffering community, I could not"
conceive myself warranted in rejecting it. It
would have been criminal in me to exercise a
wild discretion at the expense of fifty thousand
freemen. It was my duty to accept of anv thine
that I could regard as a mi ligation of the op.
prossive system, anil leave my constituents to!
judge of the measure of that relief, and the ex
tent to which it should satisfy them. It is per
fectly idle to pretend that any man who voted
for this bill is pledged to the support of “ the
system of protection.” The recent modifica
tion of tne Tarifi has been made since I wrote
to the people of Sumter District, recommend
ing “ a Southern Convention,”—and that modi
fication has been more favorable to Southern 1
interest than I, at that time, anticipated. It is ;
for my constituents and the people of South-1
Carolina, tQ determine how far it should besat-j
|idtactory, and •'* u-hether a should supersede
necessity of a Southern Convention." ;.n
, I have already said, that the recent modmea-LI
! tion of the Tariff, although I regard it as an am- hr
■ clioration, is not such as the South had a right a
jto expect. It is not such, as should abate theljf
zeal or the efforts of Southern men against the hi
system. And mV own opinion is, that measures s
should be taken to bring about a Southern Con. f
vention as soon as practicable. Such measures, t
1 believe, “ the Union an 1 Slate Rights Party’’ . \
jare carrying into operation,—and I hope they i
u ill be persevered in until the desired object is 1
attained. That object is not disunion, as has <
{been ungenerously and nnjusfty attributed to me. g
No man deprecates disunion more than I do, «
unless ho is prepared for slavery ; but my object, ]
would be the redress of Southern wrongs by a ]
|concert and unity of action amongst the whole
Southern people. 1 would not say to Congress, ;
bv wav of threat or menace, “abolish your i
'protecting svstem or we will abolish the Union ” n
—but 1 would represent the oppressive opera- p
tions and intolerable character of the Tariff, and i
i!submit to that body the option of reducing the ji
; duties to a just and legitimate revenue standard, ■
! or of running the hazard of driving us to a redress, <
,|of our wrongs, and the protection of our rights, i
bv moans exclusively our own. Ido not think i
this mode of proceeding would be attended with
'much danger. Such an appeal, from the whole i,
united South, would not be contemned by Con-1
arcss. Under such circumstances the Amcri-U
can people would compel their representatives in I
Congress to recede from their unjust legislation,
jo m
rather than risk a dismemberment of tlie con-; '
■ fcdcracv. Or if there he hazard in the scheme, j
; there is no measure hy which we could redress
jour wrongs (other than the legislation of Con
jlgress) which would not be hazardous. And!
jsuroly the scheme of a Southern Convention '!
j would be less dangerous, more intelligible and 1
,j plain, and more likely to be effectual than 1
• Nullifica'ion.” It is well understood that, in.
the event of Nullification by the S ate of So. |
iCarolina, her ports would be blockaded by do- 1
jtachmcnts of the Federal Navy. South Caroli-:
;na would neither have a naval force, or the 1
'moans of creating such force, to remove the;
I blockade. She could not induce any foreign;
Ipewcr to do that service forlier; because, I take I
jit for granted, no foreign power would feel itself!
! authorized by “ the law of Nations” to interfere!
pin what might be regarded as “a family quarrel.” f
(While South Carolina professed to be a member!
■of the confederacy, and refused obedience to
|federal laws, every foreign power would re-|j
j cognise the right of the Federal Government to
_ j coerce her.—Principle, therefore, would prohibit 1
all foreign interference. And, surely, no for-1
cign government would be so blind to its own in
terest as to forfeit the friendship and commerce
0f23 States for the sake of securing such ad
■ vantages from one only. The result then would
be, that when mfcrchant vessels attempted to
‘ enter our ports with foreign merchandize, they j
would be told by the officers of the blockading j
squadron “ you must not enter here; the go
vernment of South Carolina will not, peaceably,
permit the duties to he assessed and secured upon
your goods ; we are unwilling to hazard war <Sc
bloodshed by meeting you at the custom house j
upon her soil, you must therefore steer for some!
port in another State, where the duties can he
’ secured to the Federal Government.” These
> instructions would be obeyed, and no warfare at
1 sea would ensue. Our nullifying friends per
haps, would say “ this blockade is equivalent to
a declaration of war by the Federal Government
against South Carolina.” She might so pro
nounce it; but the Federal Government would
disregard it—and what would it amount to? It:
would seem then that South Carolina could not |
bring about a war with the Federal Government!
jhy sea, —and any-attempt to organize a land!
army to march through the interior of the coun-i
try against the Federal authorities would be as■
foolish and vain as the attack of Don Quixote 1
upon the wind mill. Nullificaltion, therefore, f
j would end in a disgraceful abortion, —or, if it [
i produced war of any kind, it would boa domestic
j war between the opposing parties within the'
i State. The most distressing and disgraceful of.
; all wars.
Before the passage of the present tariff bill, I ;
consulted most of the Southern members of both |
Houses of Congress, with regard to the proprle- :
'ty of “a Southern Convention.” They almost!
unanimously concurred in its fitness and expedi-|
ency; and would, no doubt, have joined me in!
recommending it to the Southern people, had it!
: not been for the modification which was made |
at the close of the session. That induced many |
of them to pause; and to express a disposition,
i to postpone such a step until they had further
| consultation with their constituents, and saw the
f effects the recent modification of the duties would |
j produce. Beside, as soon as tli'e Tariff bill was
| finally acted upon, many of the southern mem.
bers, having become impatient and exhausted by
so long a session, and alarmed by the approach of 1
‘•the Cholera,” left Washington too hastily to en
i ter into any arrangement of the kind I contempla- ,
ted. But that the Senators and Representatives,
l from the adjacent States, who were most violent j
against this tariff, did concur in giving to “ a!
Southern Convention” a decided preference over! ,
; “nullification.” I appeal to themselves. Indeed!
the most able and distinguished Nullirier in the!
j South Carolina delegation, expressed entire v ii
' liugness to try a “Southern Convention” as “a
j preliminary measure”—reserving to himself the
j right to resort to nullification if the Convention ' {
I proved abortive. Most of his colleagues were
I for blending the two measures together; but I I
| “ Nullification” being a measure on which “the;
j Union and State Rights Party” cannot unite! (
with the friends of that doctrine, without asacri-'
j lice of principle and consistency, no union be-! t
twoc» the two parries can take place on that! ]
; ground. The Nullifiers, however, can unite!
with the Union Party for “a Southern Convert- 1
; tion” without any sacrifice of this kind. And I !
■ should entertain hopes of their doing so, evontu- 1
ally, if each party (and especially the Editors of \
either side) could learn to sp->ak of each other
with less bitterness and asperity, and give each
other credit for a little mrrro patriotism and hon-i r
icsty of purpose. If South Carolina must run a' '
(tilt with the Federal Government for the redress r j
i| of Southern wrongs, she should have the adja
cent States committed with herself so far, at
* least, as principle is concerned. Alabama and (
Georgia have each, by their Legislatures, con- i c
denmed and repudiated the doctrine of “nullifica- t
tion.” North Carolina has expressed a similar 1 d
disapprobation ot the Doctrine bv passing a rcso. e
lotion in the popular branch of her Legislature. I
It, then. South Carolina should get into serious c
difficulties with the Federal Government, bv;
means of nullification, it requires no prophet to <1
toretel that those States would excuse them- o
selves from interposing in our behalf by refer-1 o
ring to their resolutions denouncing “mdlifica-i t<
tion.” In addition to this, when I have asked: (
the “Hot Spurs” of those State's what aid they! n
\\ ould afiord South Carolina, in case the Federal c
Government should attempt to coerce her bv t!
military force, the utmost they propose, is to act* li
on the generous principle of , non-intervention, v
They say, with great emphasis, “that not a mus- j<
ket should be rai#d by them to subdue South I a
if 6
*
Carolina.” And they seem to t'nink they would,
net a gallant part, and serve us quite effectually,!,
by preserving a rigid neutrality. Indeed I have.
no doubt the utmost we could hope trom them in
any emergency, would be a refusal to fight a
gainst us. Thev certainly would not fight for
us, against the Federal Government. Now it
strikes mo this is but poor encouragement for
South Carolina to commence a crusade against
the Federal Government for the redress of
wrongs common to all the Southern States. And
it shews most clearlv the absolute necessity of
having these States'equally committed with our
own, in any measure that may he attempted a
gainst the National Govemm nit for the redress
of Southern (Grievances. I, for one, am not dis-,
posed to let my native Stale be made ** a Cat’s j
paw of.”
A celebrated man has said that « the right of a
simile State to secede from the Union, is the
right of an inhabitant of a populous city to burn
up his house.” We know that the Federal Gov
ernment is bound hv the Constitution to guaran
tee t > each State a Republican form of Govern
ment. Suppose tiie Federal Government cun
sen's to a separation of a State from the Union,
can she answer lor the form of Government
that State may adopt I The State so separat
ing would he, comparatively, weak, both in num
ber and resources —and must of consequence
have a Government of the most energetic kind.
A Dictatorship, or a Despotism of some sort.
The example might bo contagious. From eve
ry consideration, therefore, it would seem that
ithc Federal Government in accordance with its
Constirational obligation, would be compelled to
restrain a refractory State from secession, in
order to guarantee To that State a Republican
form a Government. This the Federal Gov
ernment might regard as an imperative consti
|tutional duty under anv circumstances —but it
would be regarded as s’ill more incumbent if a
respectable portion of the seceding State should
solicit the interposition of the Federal Govern- i
j ment. The same difficulties and objections
' would not apply to a similar movement of arcs
! pec table number of powerful States, acting in
concert. —Sn far from amplify ingon these topics,
1 can barely hint at them, and must leave you,
and whoever else may read them, to fill up the
chasms. In conclusion, permit me to say, that
a breach lias been made upon “ the protecting
system,” and my opinion ever has been that when
a system begins to retrograde, it will pursue its
downward march until it arrives at tiiat point
where it shall remain stationary for revenue pur
poses. Reductions must inevitably take place; ve
j ry little more can be effected on non-protectcd ar
ticles, and the duties must soon be reduced so low
on many of the protected articles that those who
manufacture them will cease to have interest in
the system. Interest after interest will thus ho
detached from the support of the policy, until
“ the monster” is overthrown. Its strength has
been attained by a low and gradual accummula
jtion of separate and detached interests —and if
j those who have done most to build up and per
fect the abominable system would hut allow half
the time to destroy it that they took to create it,
the object might he effected witlwut hazard to the
confederacy'. The strongest ground on which I
rest this opinion is the determination which I
think cxis’s with tlte Administration to curtail
expenditures: This will compel a redaction of
taxes ; not only because there would he no need
for the Revenue, hut because it would destroy
the motive which the friends of ** Internal Im
provement” have had in supporting a high Ta
riff. In a word, re-elect Presidedt Jackson, and
justice, quietness and concord will soon he re
stored to the Laud—Reject him, and the pros
pect before us, to say the least of it, is porten
tous, dark and undefined.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient, humble servant,
JAMES BLAIR.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
SOUTII-CA ROLINA STATISTICS.
The late Tariff act is bad enough. It is cal
culated to raise more money, than is sufficient
to defray the necessary' and constitutional wants
of the Government—and in the 2nd place, it
raises the money, by a disproportionate duty' on
the protected articles. To reduce this amount,
and to abolish the protective principle, therefore,
should he the incessant exertion of every friend
of the Constitution. For one, we shall think our
selves bound constantly' to keep this object in
view—and, if we take this tariff act for the pre
sent, it is under a solemn protest against its be
ing Considered as the settled policy of the conn
try'. On the contrary, we pledge ourselves to
spare no proper and active effort to cut down the
expenses of the government —to cut down the
revenue to the expenses—and so to cut down
the Tariff, as to equalize as far as possible the
burthens and blessings of the Constitution among
all the sections of the Union.
We cannot, however, join the Nullifying Par
ty' of South-Carolina in the remedy'to which
they'are hurrying. Wo are opposed to Nullifi
cation —and we object to the manner in which
the citizens of that State are to be prccipita
into the measure. If the people are to rush in
to Nullification, let them do it with their eyes
open. Let them not deceive themselves upon
the true character of the contemplated Tariff.
Bad as it is, let it not ho painted worse than it
really is. That the most extraordinary errors
do prevail about the effects of the act of July
last, is not to ho doubted. Those errors have
emanated from the highest authority in South-
Carolina. They'have been circulated with the
greatest avidity, and in themost imposing forms.
We come prepared on this day'to expose one of
these mistake® —and it is of so glaring a descrip
tion, that the wonder is how any man could have
entertained it—But, that it should have escaped
so powerful a mind as McDuffie’s—that it should
have been directly countenanced in a solemn
address to the people ofSouth-Carolina by such
men as Ilayae and Nuckolls—and that not a
nullifying editor in all Carolina has been found
candid enough to confess the mistake, is only
another melancholy instance of the extremes, to
which impassioned politicians are prompted to
go, when their eyes are engrossed by some fa
vorite object.
__
J'g t:ic editor ot the Hancock. Advertiser.
Sir, The crisis has arrived I
M hat anxiety, what gloom, must fill the mind
every patriot, when upon opening the hook I
of fate, these ominous words are, for the first !
time, seen inscribed on the page of American I
destiny ! We say then, that a crisis has arriv- !
ed, the most alarming that this country has ever 1
been called upon to Witness.—But to come at
once to the subject.
. Nullification, not content with the recent mo
dification the lanll, by which eight millions
of taxes were removed from off the shoulders !
Oi Lie people, at a single stroke, and unwiHing
■o wait un, il further concession can he had,
'which Congress cannot, will not refuse,) is j
marching with giant strides, over the country —j
calling upon us to quit the pursuits of industry '
the enjoyments of the domestic hearth, throw ';
ibcr.y •• like a worthless weed away”—in a!
vord. to abandon every thing in despair, and
join South-Carolina, in an unholy crusade a
jamst the Government f—This monster, whose
I
dark v'sogc is lit up with fiend-likc fury, siir-j
; voys the surrounding gloom with pleasure, andi
contemplates with delight the destruction of c-f
very thing that is beautiful in the theory, or va-(
luable in the practice of our Government. The!
qucs'ion now presented for the consideration of,
the South (for to us it is exclusively addressed);
is whether this Republic—the last, the only re
fuge of liberty upon earth—shall perish in the;
Told-: of this monstrous Serpent /
We have neither time nor inclination to go
into an examination of this question. — All ad
mit that it is one of deep and awful interest, and
hv tar the larger portion of the Southern pco-«
pie, it is believed, concur in the opinion, that it j
' should ho promptly and fearlessly met. Jay am
|,unqualified Negative. Ihe tact that Soiitn-j^
,Carolina is willing to sacrifice the I nion, for nojj
other, or higher purpose, than that of ad vane- J
ing the pecuniary interest of her citizens alone,-,
is conclusive proot, that the Nullificrs arc ci-j
jtlier wanting in patriotism, or are shamefully j
i ignorant, not only ot the character ot oitr go-|
tvernment, but ot those for whose benefit it Mas
j established. The American people, includin g
that portion who, like ourselves, believe the Ta
riff to he injurious in its operation upon south
ern interests, will not. permit the Government of
their choice —a government which confers up
on them, rights and privileges unknown to an} ;
other people on earth, to be sacrificed to the in-1
snrrcctionarv spirit, which a few political gam-;
biers are attempting to excite among the brave
ami chivalrous sons of Carolina and Georgia.
This is the time, when the people should speak I
out —when every patriot should raise his voice]
in favour of Liberty and Union, in opposition
to Anarchy—Civil M ar—and Colonial bond
age ! These will be the inevitable results ofaiij
attempt to array into operation the doctrine of;
j nullification. Bhrenzied may he lno brain, and;
j palsied the arm, of him who first draws a sword j
in so unrighteous a cause !
ANTI-TARIFF.
I From the Southern Banner.
The late movement at Lexington. —We have
l»een waiting with considerable solicitude fori
something ollicial with regard to the proceed-!
bigs of the late meeting at Lexington. Nothing,!
however, having come to hand in that shape,'
we arc compelled to hazard a few observations |
on the subject, founded on common rumor. We
understand, then, that resolutions were passed, [
much in the character and spirit of those adopt-j
--cd at the meeting in this place last week ; and!
in addition, that General Jackson’s Administra-j
ition was approved of, and his re-election re-corn-;
mended—that Messrs. Forsyth and Wayne’s j
vote on the late reduction of Taxes by Con-i
gress was disapproved of “ more in sorrow than
in anger,” and, strange to add, resolutions were
passed pledging (in the event their services
were required) the meeting to support John C.
Calhoun in his mad project of Nullification. We
• did hope that prudence, if no oilier consideration,
would have dictated to the distinguished gcntle
• men who headed this meeting, a different course,
at least so far as Nullification w r as concerned ; j
for it cannot he disguised that this doctrine, as
professed by John C. Calhoun, of South-Caroli
na, can never prevail to any extent in Geor
gia—neither the eloquence of a Berrien, nor the
• popularity of a Clayton, will he adequate to the
task of revolutionising public sentiment on the
'subject. Georgia claims the right to act, as
she has hitherto done, independent of, and un-i
trammelled by, the dictum of any set of men he-i
longing to any other State, however closely al- j
lied by common suffering, or connected by rnu-i
tual interest. —Believing, with the great bod}- j
of the people of Georgia, in the uuconstitution- i
ality of the Tariff system, we are disposed, first j
to advocate all peaceable measures in any way!
calculated to effect the great object we are all
contending for, viz : its reduction to constitu
tional objects ; and secondly when all those ef
forts shall have failed, (which may God avert)
we will not be found backward in adopting and ;
advocating the last alternative. Georgia, as an;
independent State, believing in the unconstitu-f
tionality of the Tariff laws, owes it to her hon
or, her dignity, and her wrongs, to express her
self decidedly in convention—and there to lay
down for herself a future course of action,
peaceable or otherwise. On these grounds we
advocate the policy of culling a convention of
the people, and whatever course they in their
wisdom may decide upon, “ will bo right,” and
to which we will cheerfully respond Amen-bo
lieving at the same time that no convention of
the people of Georgia will ever consent to adopt
the peaceable and constitutional remedy of Nulli
fication, as professed, hut not practised in South-
Carolina. Wo have neither time nor room at
present to pursue this subject further. One
word however to our readers on the subject of i
the late attempt at Lexington and other places,
to injure the standing and popularity of Messrs.
Forsyth and Wayne—read the speech of Mr.
F. in our paper of to-day, in explanation of his
vote, and judge for yourselves.
MEETING AT FORSYTH?
At a large and respectable Meeting of the citizens of
Monroe county, held at Forsyth on the 7th instant.
On Motion, Thomas Battle was called to the
chair, and John T. Ogilby appointed Secretary.
The meeting was then addressed by Gen. Eli
as Beall, in a few appropriate remarks upon the
subject of Reduction, at the close of which he
offered the following Preamble and Resolutions,
which were adopted.
Whereas, The preliminary Convention held!
in Milledgevillc, on the first'Monday in May I
last, recommending to the citizens of tho various!
counties of this state to hold elections for Dele-1
gates equal in number to the Representatives in j
the popular branch of the Legislature, on the!
first Monday in November next, to represent
the several counties of the state in Convention,
t<t he held in the Town of Milledgevillc on the
first Monday in February thereafter, to alter
and change that part of the Constitution of the
Suite, apportioning the Members of the General
Assembly of the State so as to reduce and ap
portion the present number of the legislature of
the State of Georgia—
Be it therefore Resolved, That this meeting I
I approve of the recommendation of the Prelimina
ry Convention held in Milledgevillc, on the first
Monday in May last, and recommend to the citi
zens of Monroe county to elect four Delegates
|on the first Monday in November next, to repre
sent the County in the Convention to be held in
Milledgevillc on the first Monday ha Februarv
.thereafter, for the purpose of reducing the pres
ent number of the General Assembly of the
state.
Resolved, That this meeting recommend to (
the citizens of the county, Williams F. Jack
son, Esq. Geo. 11. Gordon, Esq. John Pinch-' ,
ard. Esq. and Dr. James Thiccatt, as suitable! i
persons to be elected as delegates on the first {<
Monday in November next, to represent the i
county in the Convention aforesaid—and that .
the Justices of the Peace presiding at the differ- j
ent election precincts of the county, send up a \
statement of the polls to the Superintendants of i
the Elec ion at forsyth, that the Election be j
| certified in due form. ,
Ihe following Resolution was then submit- «
ted by Gen. E. Beall, and adopted unanimously. |-
* 11
Resolved , That this meeting most cordially
approve of the course pursued by the President
of the United States in the rejection of the late
bill passed by Congress for the renewal of the |
Bank Charter of the U. States, and will use all ‘
honorable means wit li their fellow-citizcns of the j
United States in his re-election. j
It was then resolved that the proceedings of,
this meeting be signed by the Chairman and Se- i
cretary, and a copy forwarded to the different
i Newspapers in Macon for publication.
THOMAS BATTLE, Chairman.
John T. Ogilbv, Sec’ry. {|
!!
I'HIOAY . AUOUST I 1 ?, 1838-
p FOR PRESIDENT.
AAmz E W JA i' KSO A.—
VICE-PRESIDENT,
UIAKTIA VA \ KIKE A.
in’ The proceedings of the meetings m Macon and
Monticello, were received too late yesterday evening >
for this day’s paper : they shall appear in our next.
Jj' A celebrated political writer says, that “ Parties
in a state, like pirates, hang out false colours: their prc-i
| text is the public good ; their real object is to gel ail they
| can.”
I O’Pythagoras said that it was necessary to make
war upon five things—“ the maladies of the body, the
ignorance of the mind, the passion of the heart, public
I *o
j sedition, and private discord .”
COTTON•
The New-York Courier and Enquirer of the Bth in
; slant, informs us that “ olfie'iat notice has been given by ]
: the French Government, (hat all difference in the duties
j on Sea Island and Upland Cotton, is abolished, and that
1 hereafter the same duty only will be exacted in France
1 on the former, as on the latter.”
CHOLERA.
This dreadful disease is extending its ravages. In ■
New-York it is decreasing, but in Philadelphia on the
increase.
1 In New-York, from 3.1 to 4th August, 88 new cases 1
I and 30 deaths; trom 4th to sth, 9G new cases and 29
i deaths; from sth to Cth, 101 new cases and 37 deaths;
| from 6th to 7th, 89 new cases and 33 deaths ; from 7rh
! to Bth, 62 nctv cases and 22 deaths; from Sih to 9th, 73
I new cases and 28 deaths,
i In Philadelphia, August Cth, noon, 17-G cases and 71
deaths; 7th, 13G cases and 73 deaths; Bth, 114 cases
and 46 deaths; 9th, 154 cases and 58 deaths.
_
Several cases in Baltimore. Several new eases have ;
I occurred in Noriolk. We have not been informed ot the
disease having made its appearance south of Suffolk, Va.
ST. DOMIXUO. |
A fire was experienced in Port au Prince on die Bth,
of July last, which destroyed upwards of 500 buildings.
The conduct of several American seamen in the port ;
at the time, excited so much admiration, that a contri
bution was tendered to them through the American Con-)
sul, but refused ; and they begged that the -sum might
be appropriated to the unfortunate sufferers by the fire.
MAILS
The Post Master General has advertised proposals for
carrying the U. States mails on the following post routes
in Georgia, for two years from January 1, 1833, all once |
a week.
1. From Sparta to Hartford.
2. Macon to Hawkinsviile.
3. Warrenton to White Oak.
4. Rivertown to Carollton. t
5. Gitrolhon to the head of Coosa River.
G. Marion to Perry.
7. Fort Gaines to Bainbridge.
8. Hillsboro’ to Forsyth.
9. Forsyth to Creeneville.
10. Wrightsboro’ to Greenesboro’
11. Augusta to Louisville.
12. Columbus to Franklin.
13. McDonough to Lawrcnceville.
14. Bainbridge to Duncansville.
15. Thomasville, Ga. to Monticello, Fla.
IG. W aynesboro’ to Robinson’s store.
17. Knoxville to Talbotton.
18. Monticello to Carollton.
19. Monticello to Zcbnlon. r
20. White Oak to Conk’s Law Office.
i - , . 1
21 La Grange to Franklin. •
‘ 22. Perry to King’s Bluff.
23. Decatur to Ncwnan.
24. Lawrcnceville to Echofa.
25. Blakely to Bainbridge,
THE EVIL HOUR TO HE I‘OSTI’OXEO. {
It is with pleasure that we sec, in the letters of seve- ;
ral citizens who could not attend the Lexington Dinner,
the 4th of March next suggested as the “remotest pe
riod to which the protecting system should be allowed
to remain a canker upon the honour, the interest, and the
liberty of the southern people.” This suggestion is from
Mr. Howard, of Baldwin. Judge Warren also suggests
the 4th of March, as “the furtherest day given to .Con
gress to relieve us from the entire protective system.”
This will be so much gained, if the suggestion is follow-'
ed by the friends of nullification in this state : and it is
to be regretted, that it did not occur sooner, it would;
have prevented much ill will and private animosity from
springing up and pervading the public mind, especially
the minds of citizens belonging to the same party, who
believe the tariff unconstitutional and highly oppressive,
but who differ as to the time when resistance should be
resorted to in order to relieve the south from the ruinous!
effects of the restrictive system. Much can be done in'
the mean time to allay the public excitement, and to
bring all parties to concur in the adoption of a policy cal
culated to meet the crisis. We have all along contend- i
ed fur more time ; for it is our firm belief that with time, 1
the doctrine of free trade must become the prevailing
policy of the federal government. We therefore earnest-'
ly call on Mr. Howard and Judge Warren, as they ap- :
pear to have the welfare of their own state at heart, to
urge the necessity of postponing open resistance, even
only to the 4th of March next, but without any provision
to join South Carolina, in case that state should think:
proper to act before that time. All we ask is more timr
for reflection and deliberation, before we adopt a course
which is surrounded with precipices, and from which we
could extricate ourselves but with the loss of tiie liber
ties we now enjoy: the Union, the welfare of our corn-,
mon country, the peace and harmony of society, certain,
ly demand some concession from ns, which it is our du
ty at all times to make, but more especially at the pro
sent juncture of our political affairs.
“ THE CONTEMPLATED MEETING.”
Under this head, in the last Chronicle, au unjust and
unjustifiable attack is made upon the “ northern men :”
this is in unison with the principles and the policy of the
nullification party. That party, the more it meets oppo-!
sition, the more it becomes reckless of the consequen
ces which disunion and civil discord cannot fail to pro-i
dace, when sectional jealousies and interests come in
contact. This attack is indeed surprising and ones-1
pectcd, when it is recollected that most of those “ north-'
em men” always acted with the party of which the Chro-!
niclc was the organ in this city. And because these ’
men are generally opposed to the doctrine of nullifica
tion, they must be abused, and branded as enemies of
Georgia! We never looked upon those northern men
with a good eye; the majority of them were always
opposed to the party to which we arc attached, and [
tney are now, we believe, opposed to the re-election of
Gen. Jackson; but whatever differences may have ex
isted, and may still exist, between them and us. as rcJ
gards the general policy of the country, we shall heir
just towards them, and defend them when wrongfully J
traduced; tor the Chronicle should have recollected,
that numbers of these “ northern men" have become:
attached to the soil, by becoming landed proprietors,' '
and by marriage, and that many of them are as much ' i
opposed to the restrictive system a? the rankest nullifi-; i
ers can bo. But why this attack at this time, and on the i <
eve of a public meeting ? Why throw
those who have called this meeting, and upon thosel
will attend it ? Is it not a libel on the community of !
f ßichmond county, of which the Chronicle is guilty,,, f
1 9a y that the citizens of the city have no Georgian f.p
; ing in them ? Fortunately the Chronicle published
|the same paper, the notice to which is appended!
'names of citizens of the county and city callingt’,.-
' meeting. Our fellow-citizens of other counties \ V|
jndge for themselves, whether the attack of that p a?c . |
is justifiable or not. The gentlemen who have sign-,;
|the notice are almost all Southern men; and amonstf,
| four northern men only, whose names are among ti.
I signers, one has been a resident of this city Upwards, ;
!40 years; another represented Clark county in the K
'gislaturc of this state in 1854 and in the extra aes?;,*
! of 1825; and the oilicrs have been resident of
state twenty years and upwards. All the signers sr-
I m on extensively known, whose patriotism and iU-vou-,
to the best interests of Georgia have never been qu c , ; .
tioned : men too who have every thing at stake, prop.-:,
j' t y , wives, daughters and sons, in the present crisis 0 f
I’our political affairs. And it is on such men, that i;; }
|'endeavoured to throw suspicion! It is on our iner. I
■lchants, natives perhaps of the north, that suspicion , 3
I attempted to be cast, on men who have every thing to
lose by civil discord and disunion, and who woul 1 he a ?
i much bene fitted by freedom of trade, as the planters of
.the soutli ! Besides this unjust attack upon our i;,r-
Ijcm merchants, why attempt to add to the excitement.
a ready extended to an alarming degree, between f.
I,people of the south and the people of the north ’ V,
widen the breach, instead ol closing it, ii p-j?si;;I- ;
The industry and honesty of the merchants of Augur..
■ arc well known throughout the country; they arc a us,.
ful class of the community, and remarkable for their in.
litelligcnce and obedience to tiie laws of tlie land. V,'
: hope, therefore, that the citizens of the counties which
- trade with the city, will, with their accustomed gn]
' sense and liberality, ascribe to the proper cause, the ur.
; justifiable atttick of the Chronicle.
The editor of the Chronicle is absent from this city.
It is probable that, had he been here, such an object;
able article would not ha\ e appeared.
A T il . E ijisTOli V.
The following we have copied from the Columbia,.?.
C.) Times of the 10th instant; it shows the manner
correct information is conveyed from Georgia to South
Carolina.
From the Columbia Times.
Extract of a letter to a gentleman of this place.
“ We have just heard from Georgia—Glorious tiding,
—a meeting at Oglethorpe was held some days since,
where South-Carolina was Sustained and where even
nullification was declared to be the rightful remedy. 1;
is reported that at the close of Clayton’s speech, whci
he uttered “ I am for nullification, S. Carolina nnlhfi.-.
ti o n”—Wm. 11. Crawford beat applause with a hie .un
stick, to the no small injury of the table and chairs. A;
Athens a very large meeting was hold a few days after,
wards, at which a preamble and resolutions were adopt
od, condemning a Southern Convention and advocatin'?
the doctrine of State Rights. A convention of the state
is recommended to meet in November. It is reported
that (llaseock introduced a resolution, that the resoliu
tions adopted were not intended to sanction South-Caro
lina nullification, for which he was hissed, and upon tin
vote being taken, he was in a pitiful minority.”
ro;n in >ls nio Istms.
I would respectfully suggest to those g -nilc.
men, who have called a meeting of the citizens
on Saturday next, the propriety of extending :m
invitation to our distinguished statesman, the
Hon. John Macpitkkson Bkrkikx. 1 believe it
is the general wish of the citizens, that he would
attend, and have no doubt lie would willing
ly accede to their wishes, were ho to receive
\an invitation from the proper persons. I und,-r
--stand he is at present at the Richmond 1 laths,
in this county. A CITIZEN.
THE EVILS OK M LLIHCA'IIOy.
Messrs. Editors. —Being apprehensive that
our state may become involved in the absurd
and disastrous political opinions and excitement
of South-Carolina, I must solicit the favour of
your permitting me to introduce into your pa
per a few communications, designed to she.wtha
ruinous effects of nullification on our govern
ment, if it were possible for it to operate pea
-1 ceahly ; and to prove that the effects of the ta
riff' is not sufficiently injurious, oppressive, nor
unjust, to justify us even in indulging a desire
for resorting to such a remedy. As your cor
o * .
respondent “ Oglethorpe” has already satisfac
torily argued the of nullifi
cation, and the consequent impossibility of its
operating peaceably, I shall not make the vain
attempt to throw any additional light on that
branch of this subject ; and shall pass i - , by
simply referring your readers to a rc-pcrusal of
that article. For the purpose of my argument,
I shall consider it granted, that nullification is
a constitutional and peaceable remedy, for the
evil effects of the impolitic tariff'; that it is on
ly necessary for the aggrieved state by her le
gislature, convention, or otherwise, to pronounce
a law of Congress unconstitutional, unwise and
oppressive, to make it obligatory upon Congress,
to repeal or modify such law to the perfect sat
isfaction of the state aggrieved ; and until such
alteration he made, that state shall he relieved
from the force of the law. This, I presume,
wifi he acknowledged to bo as correct a state
ment of the doctrine of nullification as can be
made from the conflicting opinions of the pro
pa gators of it. With this supposition cf power
possessed by each state of the Union, as a check
upon the federal power ; I shall proceed to an
exposition of the effects of this power, if exer
cised, which undoubtedly would always be the
case, for no individual nor state, possessing a.
power would withhold the exercise of it, when
ever, a belief was entertained that it would be
productive of good ; and thus prove the exces
sive ignorance of the framers of our Federal
Constitution. And :
1. If this right to nullify be exorcised, it
would often be inconsistent with a spirit of no.
hleness, liberality and justice. The feelings,
which would bo necessary in a stale, to permit
it to remain in the enjoyment of the blessings
of the general government, without sustaining
an equal portion of the burdens of it; and o;
sending legislators to enact laws to govern states
more submissive, while she refuses obedience to
the laws enacted by the legislators of tnre
states, arc incompatible with a noble spiff'
And such is the tendency of nullification ; F
render this truth more obvious, apply that reme
dy of South-Carolina, to the tariff, and observe
the consequence. If South-Carolina nullifies
that act of Congress, and demands a repeal
that law on such a modification of it as will meet
her views of propriety, before she will conscn*
to submit to its requirements ; ns it is not at ah
probable that the tariff' states, which are the ma
jority by far, will be disposed to make such con
cessions, as will in the least satisfy Carolina;
that law will always remain in her judgment nul
lified. By which means, she will become ex
empt from paying all taxes; paying nothing
into the national treasury ; receiving foreign
produce without the incumbrances of duty, for
her own consumption and transportation to other
parts of the Union ; partaking of none of the
evils and inconveniences of the federal govern
ment ; and yet continue equal with the ether
states, in the enjoyment of its immunities and
advantages; protected by its army and its na
vy ; facilitated in her foreign intercourse, bj*
its ambassadors and other agents ; secured front
internal molestation, by its officers and its pow
er—Carolina would thus be participating of ail