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piiii ir >iEirriws.
FT.-J1 THE Of.ORGIsS OF OCT. 11* 1
Anotkrr Union Meeting. —In our columns this
morning will be found the official account of ho
meeting held ysterdav, pursuant topubik* notice
signed by many of our citizens, for the purpose
of considering the proprie'y o! ehr Mig
to the Convention proposed to be h< 11 at Mided
rille on the second Monday of November tits i
iiig. llv reference to the proceedings, it will
be found that this county has refused to send
Delegates. On the division on the question as
finally put upon the adoption of Judge Charlton's
substitute for Cul. Jackson's resolutions, there
were at least four to one in favor oft he subs itu ; e-
We speak advisedly on the subject, and after
having compared notes with several. The
meeting wan throughout distinguished by the,
greatest good order. It will be seen that the
same Chairman and Secretary were apjioin ed.
os at the former meeting. We were detain d
from the meeting until it had bei n organiz i for
some time, and when we arrived at it, Col. Joseph
W. Jackson was addressing it in s qipoitol the
resolutions offered by him, and winch will he
found on reference to the official account of the
meeting. After ho had finished, Judge Charlton
rose and offered the preamble un i resoultion,
which were finally adopted as a substitute for
those offered by Col. Jackson. Judge Charlton
advocated the adoption of them in a series of re-1
marks worthy the veteran Democrat. He was
listened to with the attention due to the validity
of Ids arguments, and the eloquence of Iris do-,
lircry.
Dr. Daniell succeeded Judge Charlton, and ad
vocated at some length the expediency of send
ing delegates to the proposed Convention, and
consequently of adopting the resolutions offered
bv Col. Jackson. lie was followed by Judge
Law on the same side. Judge Berrien then
r oso and addressed the meeting at some length,
and in his usual eloquent and felicitous manner,
in favor of the proposed Covention, an 1 of Chat
ham county sending delegates to it. Judge|
Nicoll followed him, in opposition, to the Con
vention, and in an argumentative and truly do-1
inocratic speech pointed out the utter nncoiiifilu
tionality of calling a Convention in sucli an
irregular manner, as the one proposed, demon- j
strated in a lucid manner, tiic powers delegated to
the I legislature of the State and the fact that thcr
Constitution of the United States was referred by
Congress to the Legislatures oft he different States,
by them to bo submitted to a Convention of the!
People of the respective States, which Conven- i
tion was to be called by their authority. Judge
Nicoll, upon his rising, was greeted with the!
most enthusiastic applause, and some minutes'
elapsed before he was able proceed, owing to
the noisy gratulation. U hen he sat down he j
was loudly applauded. In (act, all the Speakers!
were applauded when they uttered sentiments in
favor of Southern rights. But on division, in
spite of the eloquence ofa Berrien to the contrary, ■
as we have stated above, it was decided by a ven
large majority that Chatham County would not t
send delegates to the proposed Convention.
Si non raqui event —deliheret in nace.
UNION MEETING.
At a meeting of the citizens of Chatham
County, held at the Exchange on Wednesday the
10th October, 1832, to determine whether this
County would send Delegates to the proposed
Convention to be held at Milledgcville, on the
second Monday in November next:
The meeting was called to order by Col.
Marshall, and proceeded to elect a Chairman,!
whereupon William B. Bvllocii was elected.
Chairman, and W. W. Gordon appointed Sec
retary.
The Chairman stated the object of the meeting,
Col. Joseph W. Jackson then offered the fol
lowing preamble and resolutions ;
Whereas the citizenes of Chatham county, in
common with the rest of the People of Georgia,
governed by that deep and settled attachment to
the Union which has characterised their whole'
conduct since the adoption of the Federal Con-1
stitution, have patiently submitted to the odious 1
and oppressive operation upon them of the Pro-i
teetive System, in the confident expectation that!
upon the payment of the Nntional Debt they
would be relieved, and a just and equal system
of taxation be adopted, by which the ciiizensof
every part of the Union would be placed upon
the same footing, and subject to like burthens!
for the support of their common Government.
And whereas the General Assembly of the State
of Georgia has repeatedly remonstrated agains
the Protective Policy, and in 1829 formally
demanded the repeal of the Tariff Act of that
vear, as “ deceptive in its title, fraudulent
in its pretexts, oppressive in its exactions, par
tial and unjust in its operations, unconstitutional
in its well known objects, ruinous to Commerce
and Agriculture, to secure a hateful monopoly
to a combination of importunate Manufacturers;”!
declaring that the State of Georgia expects that
in perpetual testimony thereof, this deliberate :
and solemn expression of her opinion, will be
carefully preserved among the archives of the
Senate, and in justification of her character to
the present generation and to Posterity, if unfor
tunately Congress should render necessary
measures of decisive character for the protec
tion of the People of the State, and the vindica
ion of the Constitution of the United States.”,
And whereas the Congress of the United States,
instead of passing a law simply for Revenue,
subjecting all sections of our country to equal
burthens by the operations of the Tariff, have, by
their Act of 183*2, notwithstanding the public
debt will be entirely paid oft'before it shall lake
effect, retained in full force the principled'Pro
tection, and fixed upon the Southern States the
greater part of the public burthens, and sub
jected the capital and industry of their citizens
to the monopolizing market of the Northern
Manufacturer; whereby a large surplus ivve
nue over and above the just wants of the Gov.
ernment will be annually accumulated in the
National Treasury, in violation of every princi
ple of Republicanism and economy.
And whereas, uniting with their fellow-citi-
Eens of other Counties of this State, the citizens
of Chatham County arc of opinion, that the time
has arrived when the People of Georgia should
frankly and formally express, through a Con
vention. Their opinions and views upon a subject!
deeply affecting her righis as a member of the!
Confederacy and involving the deep and en
dearing iuteiost of themselves and their pos
terity.
J. Be it therefore Resolved, That the citizen? 1
sos Chatham County will elect three Delegates i
: to rer Tscnt them in the Convent ton to be U 1 • j
a* Milled.:- vide on the second Monday in No
vember next.
2. Beil further lit so veil? That the proceed
inirs of the said Convention » tall be rcaerrcu
b ■ .k to the People for npprov; 1.
3,1, Resolved, That the Chairman of this
m •ftin'T appoint a O-mn ttee ol five to superin
tend tlie election of said Delegates by citizens
authorized to vote fur members of the General
Assembly.
i. Re voiced, That llir said election »’m’l be
held at the Court House in the City of Savan
nah, ou the day oi
Which, b- iag s *■■■.;. lei, were supported by on
a .-dress from (Mi. Julson.
T. L. P. Churbon addressed the meeting in
op; •-•sin >n to the resolutions offered, and pre
sented rs a s Lstitu.e iiic following preamble
and resolution :
Win, reus, at a f.. n.-r meeting of the citiz ns
of this county, their opinions were full , and
eb-arlv exprcssr-d in relation to the principles
end tendencies of Nullification —And, wh freasl
am .rig thes- opr-iim;* so expressed was, iliat a
<•■ n.s ituiionai r medy siiould be s->ught for, and
obtained ay.niissi the t\ runny and oppression of
tiic Tariff of Projection, as the system operates;
pon the interests of the South —And, whereas,,
it is the opinion of this meeting, that the Legis
lature is the legitimate and efficient organ of the!
'wish* sand determinations of the whole people,
■ lie it therefore Resolved. That it is inexpedi
ent to s nd, and that the citizens of this count)
i will not elect deputies to a Convention to be held,
as proposed, at Milledgcviile, on the second
Monday of November next.
Which were seconded.
Dr. W illiam C. Daniell, Jydge Law, and;
John MaCpherson Berrien, Esq. supported the
I original resolutions. John C. Nicoll, Esq. a i-j
Svocated the substitute offered by Judge Chari-;
.ton.
The original resolutions and subsd ute were
phen real, and the question was taken on the!
a lopi ion of the substitute and carried by a large j
; majority.
On mo* ion of Col. Will in ms, which was se-l
eon-ied, Resolved, that tin- rcs'dutions which:
have been r jected, be published with the pro-'
; ceetiings of this meeting.
; On motion, it was resolved, that the thanks'
;of this meeting, be tendered to the Chairman
(and S eretary ; and,
i On motion, it was resolved, that tins meeting j
1 he now adjourned.
WM. B. BULLOCH, Chairman,
jj Willi vm W. Gordon, Scc’ry.
LAURENS COUNTY.
Resolutions’ adopted at a meeting held in Dub-i
: I in, Sep*. 26, 1832, Thomas McCall, chair
man, J. S. Moore, secretary,
ij Resolved, That a Tariff for protection is un
jicons'itutiohal, unjust, and oppressive, and as
such should be resisted,
ij Resolved, That we highly approve ofa State
as suggested by the meeting in A
:lliens ; and in conformity thereto, will, on the
; first Monday in October, elect two Delegates to
I! represent ns in such Convention,
ij Resolved, That the Chairman npppoint a
I!committee of four to select, and report to this
i! meeting, two persons to be voted for as Delegates
to said Convention, to represent us, according to
j these our views.
Resolved, That we, in the exercise of the same
privilege, do highly appreciate and approve the
jiahle, patriotic, and intelligent course pursued by
■ the majority of our Delegation, upon said sub-
I jeCt.
i Resolved , That the object, intention, ana dosl re
I of this meeting, is not to sever, but to cement the
I Union, by aiding in bringing back the action of
j the General Government within its constitution
| al sphere.
Resolved, That, wc the people of Laurens
county, retaining full confidence in our present
able Chief Mag is rate, will use all constitutional
means to ensure his re-election.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
THE VIR GIN iA 1 )OCT RINES,
Not Nullification —[No. V.J
These Numbers have been heretofore em
! plowed, in examining what may be called, not
i unaptly, document ary evidence, growing out of
the proceedings of public bodies, and the infer
ences deducible from them. It is now intended
,ij to refer to the opinions and reasonings of an in
idividual, to have the weight to which those opin
ions and reasonings may be thought justly en-
I titled.
! A niongst the citizens of our country, who may
I be considered to have the best claims to be con
ij suited in a case of difficulty in the construction
Hos our constitutional charter, it is presumed that
i it will not be denied, that Mr. Madison occupies
! the first rank. He was a member of the Con
vention which framed the Constitution, ot that
which ratified it in this State, was one of the an
' thors of an able commentary written on it, long
a member of Congress under its authority, and
last, not least, was the writer of the celebrated
i. report of ’99-ISOO, generally regarded in Vir
jginia as the best exposition of the powers of the
!j General Government, and those reserved to the
: States and to the people, which has been ever
(given to the world. This gentleman, too, hav
! ing filled the highest office in the gift of the na
jtion, lias retired covered with honor and the ap
jplause ofa grateful people, to a private station,
•with the well-known determination never to
• leave it. He can have no earthly motive to sn
ijduce him to mislead his countrymen, on a sub
ject of great political interest, nor impelled by
' any other consideration than a desire to promo e
the public happiness, and to preserve those free 1
institutions, to the establishment and preserva
tion of which, his long life has-boen devoted. But
it is not, on Mr. Madison’s opinions, alone, en-1
tided as they are to great weight, that the writer,
relies to vindicate his own sentiments. He re-!
lies on the fact, that Madison, in the papers to
which reference is about to be made, was giving
1 his testinony as to the true characer of impor
tant scencs'in which he was the principal actor,
and the true meaning and objects ofpublicdocu-j
I meats of high political interest, which proceeded;
■from his pen: it bcingnow a well-known tact,
that he was the author not only of the Report ot
Tt9, but of the resolutions of ’9B, which that was
intended to justify. Finally, the writer relies
■on the intrinsic force of reason and argument,!
i with which Mr. Madison sustains his opinions on
tiic subject on which those opinions are about to
be consulted.
The documents to be referred to, is the letter
from Mr. Madison, of August, IS3O, to the Edi- :
tor of the North American Review, published in
that work. It is due to candour, and to the re
spect which every man should entertain for Ins
own principles, to state, that I do not concur
with Madison, in that part of his letter in which,
he contends that the Supreme Court of the U.|
States is the sole and final expositor of the Con-;
stitution, in cases of confticting claims to authori
j tv, between the Federal and State Governments.
I must further add, with great deference and rc-:
spect, that it seems to me, that there is a discre
; pancy between the sentiments contained in the
' letter and the report, on this point, and that I !
i (.consider those of the report, as sound and cou
rs‘rtu':r>nal. In relation to the tariff, I won! i nl-"
so remark, hat I do nor concur with die op.n
--! ions imputed to Mr. Madison —I have always,
and do now believe, that a tarili for protection
of manufactures, by wiiich one poriou us the ;
comnvmitv is taxed, tos ;stain andcnricl; anoth
er, is u t old v unjust and oppressive, but c- atra
rv to the spirit of the Constitution el th L nitod
•S ates. But iti rc’ation to the views of tna lot
. ter ou tee s il»i ot ol nullification, and tile tree
moanin'* of the reuor*. as it rczatqzs the remerias
*o v.ffkff the St,d scan wi ll propriety res et, in
cases of rnfrac ions oftiie Cons'i'u ion, 1 end re
ly concur in the opinions winch Mr. Madison
has expressed, and am sanguine in believing that
‘ ilis reasoning wiil carry equal conviction to the
mind ofevei s impartial man, who wili t xannne
and reflect upon it. M hat is said in the tetter
to the Reviewer, may (as far as it regards t..e
pros, lit enquirv) be uiv idod, firs', in’o Mr. Madi.
son’s opiid. ns as to the gram- son which t!so I
doctrine of nullification rests; And,secon lly, on
i the question w hether the advocates of that doc
trine can derive any authority from the supposed ,
precedent, furnished by the Legislature ol \ ir
ginia.
Chi the subject of Nullification, Mr. Madison
,i speaks as follows:
“Should the provisions of the Constitution, as ;
here reviewed, be found not to secure the Gov- .
L-mmc-nt and lhe rigilts of the States against
I usurpations and abuses, on the part of the L. •
ih'iai.s, the final resort, within the purview of
j the Const ii utiun, lies in an amendment to the j
. Cons; iru; ion, according to the process applicable jj
| bv the Slat s.”
“And in the event of the failure cf every con- !
: slitutional resort, and an accumulation ofusur- j
, pations and abuses, rendering passive obedi- !
quince, and non-reaistnncc, a greater evil than re- ;
i s’s auce and revolution; there can remain but q
one resort, the last of all —an appeal from the j|
j! cancelled obligations of the constitutional com-1
! pact, to original rights, and the law of sell-pro-1
nervation. This is the ultima ratio under all;
governments, whether consolidated, con fedora-J
ted, or a compound of both; and it cannot bej
i doubted, that a single member of the L nion, in i
the exire inti v supposed, but m that only, would !
i : have a right, as an extra and ultra-constitution
jial right, to make the appeal.
: “ I bis brings us to the expedient lately ad
vanced, w hich claims for a single State a right
!' to appeal against an exercise of power by the ;
llGovernment ofthe United States, decided by the;
State to he unconstitutional, to the parties tothej
'constitutional compact; the decision of the State j
|| to have the effect of nullifying the acts of the j
|j Government of the United States, unless the de-1
|: cision of the State be reversed by three-fourths;
: of tlie parties.
“The distinguished names and high authori
ties which appear to have asserted and given a
: practical scope to this doctrine, en'itle it to a re
; sped which it might be difficult otherwise to feci
! r '
I lor it.
“If the doctrine were to be understood as rc
•quiring the three-fourths ofthe states to sustain,
' instead of that proportion to reverse, the decis
' ion of the appealing state, the decision to be
w ithout effect during the appeal, it would be
: sufficient to remark, that this extra-constitution
’ al course might well give way to that marked
* out by the Constitution, which authorizes two.
> | thirds of the states to institute and three-fourths
j to effectuate an amendment of the Constitution,
' ! establishing a permanent rule of the highest au
-5 ilhority, in the place of an irregular precedent of]
construction only.
“Out it is understood that the nullifying doc-(
trine imports, that the decision ofthe State is to.
: j bo presumed valid, and that it overrules the law
' ofthe United States, unless overruled by three-j
H fourths of the States.”
i “Can more be necessary to demonstrate the
inadmissibility of such a doctrine, than that it
? puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over
\ one-fourth of the. U. States, that is, of seven
I states out of twenty-four, to give the law and c
ven the Constitution to seventeen s‘atcs, each of
the seventeen having, as parlies to the Consti
tution, an equal right with each of the seven, to
expound it, and to insist on the exposition ? That
. the seven might, in particular instances, be j
t| right, and the seventeen wrong, is more than |
f possible: But to establish a positive and pe ravin -
. I ent rule, giving such a power, to such a minori-
II tv, over such a majority, would overturn the
J first principle of free government, andinprac-S
.! tice necessarily overturn the government itself.
.1 “It is to be recollected, that the Constitution !
| was proposed to the people as a whole, and un-ij
- 1 animouslv adopted by the states as a whole, itj
being a part of the Constitution that not less than j
1 1 three-fourths of the states should be competent j
;j to make any alteration in what had been unani- :
; ! mously agreed to. So great is the caution on i
j this point, that in two cases where peculiar in
; I terests were at stake, a proportion even of tbree
.l fourths is distrusted, and unanimity required to
; make an alteration.
! “ When the Constitution was adopted as a q
i whole, it is certain that there were many parts,
I which, ifseparately proposed, would have been
promptly rejected. It is far irom impossible,that.
J every part of a constitution might be rejected by;
a majority, and yet taken together as a whole be j
unanimously accepted. Free constitutions will q
rarely, if ever, be formed without reciprocal con
cessions; without articles conditioned on, and
| balancing each other. Is there a Constitution
of a single State out of the twenty-four, that |
■! would bear the experiment of having its com
:j ponent parts submitted to the people andsepa
q rately decided on? _ ij
“What the fate of the Constitution of the U.|
States would be, if a small proportion of the
States could expunge parts of it particularly
valued by a large majority, can have but one :
; answer.
“The difficulty is not removed by limiting the'j
; doctrine to cases of construction. How many;
i cases ofthat sort, involving cardinal provisions-!
ofthe Cons'itution, have occurred ? Mow many .j
; now exist ? How many may hereafter spring up? |
q How many might be ingeniously created, ifen- i
titled to the privilege of decision in the mode I
proposed?
“Is it certain that the principle of that mode
’ would not reach further than is contemplated ? If
a single State can of right require three-fourths
; of its co-Sta'cs to overrule its exposition of the |
Constitution, because that proportion is author
ized to amend it, would the plea be less pi ansi
i ble that, as the Constitution was unanimously
established, it ought to be unanimously ex- I
■ pounded ?
j * “The reply to ail such suggestions seems to ;
Ibe unavoidable and irresistible; that the Consti
tution is a compact; that its text is to be ex
• pounded according to the provisions for expound
ing it —making a part of the compact: and that
none ofthe parties can rightfully renounce the
expounding provision more than any other part.
When such a right accrues, as may accrue, it
must grow out of abuses of the compact, re
leasing the sufferers from their fealty to it.”
Such is the picture which Mr. Madison has :
exhibited of this doctrine of Xul/if cation. It is
drawn by the hand of a master ; and though
he has given to it no coloring, yet the features'
arc presented in suefi strung and boiu renet, ifiut
: t is imp< ssible to mistake, and will be difficult
to force’ them. Amis rong must be the nerves,
and great the apathy of that friend of the l
nion an 1 Constitu ion. who can con emj late them
with indifference ? But, whatever inquietude
we m;iv 1 e! on t ies snujoct, bov.ev r wo max
;?c as on i shed and la mem that suen doc riiiesoje
‘sa : d to bo advoca‘ed by m n pre-eminent for
it;:!-, nts, n:;d distinguished for their stations, r is
s.xreJ d.ulv not to shrink from the investiga
tion of them, end from exsiib ting them to the
ucot'le in their true colours.
The ns ription of the power to seven States
in the Union to contioi t.• - ac sol sc\t,n.vt.iij
Is’rikcs at the verv foun lotion of Republican go
vc-niment. It is difficult to conceive, that the;|
able mhucates for nullification should not have;
perceived, in limine, that their scheme was Isa-J
ihlo to this plain objection ; nor insensible to the
incongruity oi such a pretension for a small
Iminori’y of S ales, with those doctrines of fre-'
and equal rights, which they claim us the bas.s
of their theories. The Constitution of the I .
.Stat-.-s, after dis'ributiog the powers it meant to i
confer, amongst the diiTcixnt dcpartmelvs of rheil
I government, and providing for its general orgun
‘lzalion, sensible that experience might develop?
1 unforeseen defects in their system, prescribed ;
!several modes in which amendments might be.j
imaue. One of these was, tliat two-thirus of
die States might propose amendmon’s, which,i|
‘when ratified by three-fourths of the States,ij
|should become a part of the Consdtution. Here, a
the framers of our form ot Government pro
jeoeded on tlie idea, that until the final act ol
{three-fourths of the States, me Constitution
'should remain ns it was. The doctrine of nul
lification reverses this rule, and taking it for
I granted that the minority will be right, and a
large majority wrong, enables any one State to
I nullify or suspend a law, until tliree-iourths
[shall sanction it by their decision. To use Mr. 1
Madison’s pithy expression, it empowers a small
proportion of Stales “ to expunge” parts of the
Constitution, “ particularly valued by a large
majority.” The inevitable effect would be,
that the functions of the government in the ex
ercise of some of its most important powers,j
may bo suspended at the will ol a single State.
In time of war the speedy and certain obtain-;
ment of supplies, may be necessary to defence,
indeed, to the very existence of the nation. At
such a time difficulties might be made, (and wej
know were actually made) as to the consdtution-!
ality of the mode adopted by Congress, for call-i
ingout the public force; and if the action ol j
the Government is to be suspended in these, an I j
many other cases which may be suggested, un-|
til throe-fourths of the States could be induced!
to disannul the interdict of the objecting State,
incalculable mischiefs may result. This power, j
imputed to each State, is like the veto of the!
Roman tribunes, which in factious times, was
not unfrequently applied to prevent salutary |
measures, essential to the public safety. Ac-|j
cording to this theory, each State can stop the I
wheels of Government and arrest the move-;
ment of the whole machine. The immediate!
object to which this power is to be applied, is an;
act of Congress imposing duties. It will be rc-|
collected, that Congress under the confederation j
had no other mode of raising revenue, than by !
requisitions on the States, but they had no means:
of enforcing a compliance with them. Thej
consequence was, that the financial system of
the United States, became exceedingly derang
ed, Congress was unable to count on, or indeed;
to obtain revenues equal to the exigencies of the
country, public credit was at a low ebb, if not
extinguished, and there was a prospect of gene
ral anarchy and embarrassment in our affairs.
This was one of the strongest motives which in
duced the adoption of the present Constitution,
, wmch suus.i• uten iov tnw necessny ot caning on.
the States, by the inadequate mode of requisi
tion, the power of an immediate action on the
people, for raising revenues. r l ho Bth section
of the first article of the Constitution, declares
that Congress .shall have power : “ To lay and
collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to!
pay the debts and provide for the common de
fence and general welfare of the I nited Slates ;
but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uni
form throughout the United States.” This
| power limited, though I admit, (indeed contend)
bv its being confined to objects enumerated in
the specified powers conferred on Congress, and
those necessary and proper to the carrying those
powers into effect, was very extensive in its na
lure. Now, if this power of Nullification ex
-7 * . ,
ists in any one State, as to one species ol tax,;
jit applies equally to any other, and it may bei
j readily seen, that it might be so exercised, as,
j entirely to disable the General Government to
j perform its most essential functions. Besides.;
jthe Constitution expressly declares, that “all;
j duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform
throughout the United States.” If one or more
states have a right to nullify a law imposing any
of these taxes, how is this provision ol" the Con
stitution to be satisfied ? Could Congress con
jnive at, or acquiesce in the practice of one or
more States, in this regard ; and if it did, could
the other States be called upon, rightfully, to
furnish contributions, which can only be consti
tutionally enforced, when the burthens fall e
iqually on al! the States ? If a State has a right
jto nullify a tax-law, it throws the government
back on the principle of the Confederation,!
which made the agency of tlie States indispen
sable to the procurement of revenue. Indeed,;
it places the government on a worse footing ;
because, under the Confederation, the revenue,jj
though it came in slowly and inadequately, was
(paid at some time. But, under this new doc-;
!trine, any one State can prevent the collection
of the revenue in the first instance, and it" seven
States (who may have a sympathy in interest)
concur, can prevent it altogether. If a State
lias a right to nullify at one time, it has an equal
i right at anv offer. Now, suppose one ot the
|S ates had ..ullified an act imposing dudes, at
the end of the war, when our national debt a
imounted to more than an hundred millions of
i dollars. Although payment of the debts ofthe
{nation, is one of the enumerated objecls for
{which taxes may be imposed, could the nullify
ing State have withheld its share of the contri
bution towards the payment of the public debt;j
and current expenses of the Union, and yet have !
received all the benefits of the Government, &
{thus throw the whole burihen of debt, mostly
[contracted for the defence of the nullifying j
State, as well as the rest, upon the States not |
nullifying ? Or would, according to the other ;
■part of the alternative. Congress have been com
;pulled to suspend its functions, in collecting du-.'
ties and paying the public debt, until it could be
ascertained whether the refractory State would
comply with its duties? If a State nullifies an
act of Congress imposing taxes. I should bo glad
to be informed, whether, according to the nulli
lying system, if it look some years (which it
might well do) to obtain the decision of three
fourths of the States, that the law was constitu
tional, would the State be free from the payment |
of the taxes during the intermediate time, or ;
would she be liable for the arrears ? If the law j
attempted to be nullified was a law imposing du- ;
ties, would the goods coming to the objecting
State be free of duties, and would her ports be
open to ail carriers; so as to enable persons lc
'smuggle goods to any extent into all the States
and thereby destroy the revenue, not only in th.
nullifying State, but in all the rest I Questions
of this kind might be multiplied to a great ex
ten' ; and "the subject is susceptible of a variety
of illustrations, shewing the mischiefs which
will arise from the principles of nullification,
when carried into actual practice. —But the time
which has been already -employed in this mves.
tigation. and the necessity 1 shall be under to
present some other and very important \ie\\s oi
Mr. Madison, wiil oblige me to dismiss this sub.
j ct for the present, in the aspect in v Inch I am
now considering it, under a belie! that w aat 1
have said, now and heretofore, but much moie.
what Mr. Madison has said, ought to convince
everv man that nullification is incompatible with
the existence of the General Government, am!
if carried into effect wiil produce a dissolution
of the Union, and lead to consequences the most
calamitous, which can befall our beloved coun
try. AGRICOLA.
i -
Tl si AV, Oi’TOaSEK 10,
FOR PRESIDENT,
ANDREW JACKSON.
VICE-PRESIDENT,
3IAKTi.\ VA\ JJLHEX.
SfAi’Ll ft ii tt.
Appling, Thomas —Overstreet.
licitdwift, Doykiii —(Jalhoun, ?ilurray.
BiOb, Eckley—Holt, Croce.
Bryan, Starr —Paeon.
BuUtich, Cone —Rawls.
Burke, Hallow—Ttitle, Roberts, Grubs.
Baits, Cargill—Mays, Stark.
Camden, Prown —Ward, Hull.
Campbell, Cochran —sheets, Hinton.
Carroll, Poali —Rodgers, W alker.
Chatham, Pumard—lVayne, Flournoy, Harrison.
Cherokee, Seudder—.Malone.
dark, Mitchell —Hull, Stroud, Graves.
Columbia, Avery—Crawford, Hamilton, White.
Coweta, Echols —Smith, Wood.
Crawford, Blaekstone —Sims, King.
Decatur, Neel —Gurry, CiiJton.
DeKalb, Cleveland—Aiken, Anderson, Mays.
Duoly, Graham —Hilliard.
Early, Smith —Wdson.
Effingham, Waldhour —Black.
Elbert, Oliver —Alien, Blackwell, Harris.
Emanuel, Sherrod —Moore.
Fayette, Burch—Sellers, Edrnunson.
Franklin, Freeman —Mitchell, Ash, Stanford.
Glynn, King—Dart, Davis.
1 Greene, Stocks—King, Cone, Rea.
Gwinnett, Green —Ghoison, Jbzzard, Martin,Hutchins.
Habersham, V, oliord —Stillman, Chastain, Shelton.
Halt, Durmagan—Byrd, BulHngton, Wood, Bates.
Hancock, Baxter —Lewis, Haynes, Vinson.
Harris, McDougaSd—Lowe, Deuuaid.
Heard, Wood—Pmckard,
Henry, Sellers —Johnson, Smith, Varner.
Houston, Cobb—Wiggins, Morgan, Engrain.
Jackson, Singleton, Liddell, Burns, Bowen.
Jasper, Shorter —Burney, Robertson, Hardman.
Jefferson, Stapleton—-Barr, Hudson.
Jones, Gordon—Phillips, Day, Cox.
Laurens, Kellam—W arren, Blackshear.
Fee, Posey—Howard.
Liberty, Hines—Harden, Herrington.
Lincoln, Henley—Curry, Lockhart.
Madison, Groves —Long, Strickland.
Manon, Temples—W illiams.
Mclntosh, Wood—King, Young.
Meriwether, Ragan —Dr. Ector, Towls.
Monroe, Chappell—Redding, Rutherford, Thweatt,
and a tie between Gibson and Cowles.
Mont" ornery, Mc Re a—McLennan.
Morgan, Nesbit—Floyd, Sparks, Johnson.
Muscogee, Lucas—Thornton, Spivey.
Newton, Baker—Neal, Bates, Williamson.
Oglethorpe, Collier—Young, Hubbard, Hardeman.
Pike, Prior—Harris, Blackburn.
Pulaski, Clayton—Howell, Taylor.
Putnam, Hudson —Turner, Meriwether, Nicholson.
Rabun, Farris—Moseley, Kelly.
Randolph, Henderson —Rivers,
Richmond, Mealing—Glascock, Davies, Rhodes.
Scrzvsn, Bryan—Kittles, McCall.
Stewart, Williams, Jcrnighan.
Sumter, Smith—Cowart.
Talbot, Townes —Burks, Pace.
Taliaferro, Gresham—Thompson, Jones.
Tail u all —Surrcnc y—S iia r p.
Thomas, Newnan—Daniel, Melntire.
Troup, West —Haralson, McCoy.
Twists, South —Solomon, .Shine.
Upson, Turner —Stamper, Flewellin.
Walton, Echols —Lucas, Pitman, Easley.
Warren, Muncrief- —Ryan, Jones, Wilson.
Washington, Tenniile—Safiold, Curry, Rutherford.
"Wayne, Sheffield —Robson.
Wilkes, Willis —Brown, Thurmond, Irvin.
Wilkinson, Hall—Hatcher, Exum.
CONVENTION.
Baldwin, Torrance, Rockwell.
B bb, Beall, Collins.
Burke, Lewis, Taylor, Hughes.
Columbia, Ramsay, Collins, Cartlidge.
Elbert, Tate, Allen, Davis.
Greene, Matthews, Dawson, Greer.
Gwinnett, Park, Maltbie, Holt, McMillan.
Hancock, Haynes, Lewis, Vinson.
Jnckson, Witt, Pitman, Parks.
Jasper, Alfred Cuthbert, Dr. Reese, Mat. Phillips.
Laurens, Blackshear, Allen.
Mclntosh Spalding, Troup.
Montgomery, Ryals.
Muscogee, Lawhon, Clifton.
a 7 7
Newton, Lewis, Kennon, Storrs.
Oglethorpe, Gilmer, Billups, Moore.
Richmond, Forsyth, Camming, King.
Scriven, Jones, Wade.
Thomas, Dozier, Reynolds.
Warren, Lockhart, Gibson, Lazenhy.
CONOR ES.S.
Aggregate returns from 75 counties. The counties
of Appling, Baker, Irwin, Lowndes, and Ware, to be
j heard from.
WAYNE, 33,867
WILDE, 29,091
GILMER, 25,674
CLAYTON, 25,508
FOSTER, 21,873
GAMBLE, 23,904
JONES, 22,224
SCHLEY, . 21,956
COFFEE, 21,451
OWENS, 21,145
HAYNES, 21,015
TERRELL, 20,995
WATSON, 20,499
BRANHAM, 20,354
STEWART, 19,474
HARRIS, 18,846
LAMAR, 16,890
NEWNAN, 15,697
MILTON. 5,120
.SOI'TH-CA ROLIXA.
Governor Hamilton has issued his proclamation, re
quiring the newly elected senators and representatives
I of the state legislature, to convene at Columbia, on the
, 22d of this month.
CAUTION TO THE FRIENDS OF UNION.
The general indifference, if not aversion, to the pro
posed Convention in our state, evinced by the non-eleo
; tion of delegates, is a very satisfactory proof, that Geor
gia is not atai! disposed to any violent policy. But there
,is one important consideration in relation to this matter,
which we begieave to present to the friends of Union
throughout the state. In counties where they have the
i decided ascendency, there may, nevertheless, be small
but active minorities, who, if they enjoy the opportunity,
j "ill endeavor to send their delegates as the true repre
sentatives of the people. This should, by all me ans, be
prevented. If no other precaution will suffice, the
Union men should sacrifice their disapprobation of the
j lAiheus Resolutions to the necessity of the case, ;ii j
; [appoint sound, reliable delegates themselves. By au ,
t . j thorizing their delegates to act, or not to act, in the Con.
s ! vention, or at any time to secede from it at their di«
. crelion, their counties may be substantially as f ree
y! from commitment, as if they were unrepresented; and
I at the same time effectually guard against the danger
ofbeing misrepresented, by the delegates of a minority.
- THE CRISIS.
We said, on a former occasion, that the times d.«.
j. nianded on the part ot the true friends to their country
• the public expression of their sentiments, and a concert
of action, for the purpose ot meeting the crisis. \vl«ch
is at hand, in a proper manner, and of giving it a §al u .
tary direction. Tiiis crisis is alarming; for the Union
is in danger; civil dissentions have already sprung up-
R and a civil war, with all its dreadful evils and conse.
! qucnces, is maturing in a sister state. And can the i n ,
' telligent, the patriotic sons of Georgia contemplate thi 3
!1 crisis—these deadly preparations for strife and civil
1 war—without shuddering at the consequences they must
produce? Can the people of Georgia look upon the
machinations of a few desperate political intriguers j a
■ South-Carolina, without an effort to prevent the further
dissemination of their dangerous principles among us’
- The people of Georgia will arrest the arm that is raised
to give a death-blow to the Union. The people ofGeor.
- gia will show to her sister states, that she knows how
1 to maintain her rights when invaded ; that she knows
how to repel any attempt to encroach upon her territo.
rial jurisdiction, and to exercise within her chartered
limits any unconstitutional power. But at the same
i time, she will show, that she is devoted to the Union
hand that she is ready at all times to maintain that Union
in its original purity, against the sacrilegious attacks of
unprincipled and desperate men. Georgia, will, i n this
emergency do her duty; let South-Carolina know that
I Georgia will not join her in her treasonable attempt to
j sever the Union, and South-Carolina will pause; for
without the assistance of Georgia, that stale cannot
succeed in any revolutionary movement,
i Because we have raised our voice in favour of the U-
Ijiiion, mid against nullification, we have been accused of
I I having relaxed in our opposition to the protective poli
cy- This is not so. We are still against any restric.
tion in trade. We are decidedly of the opinion that
; free trade with all nations, corresponds with the spirit
■: of onr public institutions, while restrictions are op.
posed by the spirit of the federal constitution; and
I jwe shall never be satisfied, until a tariff of duties is laid
! I only for revenue, and not for the protection of manufuc.
ilturersand capitalists. We shall never be satisfied, un.
; | til ample justice has been done by the federal govern
ment to the south for the injuries it has sustained, and
: will continue to sustain, by the operations of the pro.
tective tariffs. But at the same time, we shall cling to
the Union, until we shall find that the manufacturing
i states are determined to establish permanently, a policy
i so unconstitutional as the one they have adopted, and
j so materially affecting the best interests of the south,
i| But at the same time, we shall continue to denounce
i nullification and the leaders of the parly which advo.
cate that doctrine, as enemies of the Union, as propaga.
| tors of revolutionary principles, and as designing, ambi.
j tious, and dangerous citizens.
| 'When we look around us, in Georgia, we find evn.
• ry prospect more flattering than gloomy. A few asp:r.
: ing, ambitious, and deluded citizens, have adopted the
| deleterious doctrine of nullification ; but the general
; mass of the people are yet untainted with it. Yet south
; ern interest and southern pride, may lead the people of
: Georgia to sympathize for the people of South Carolia-,
(should they be misguided enough by tlieir leaders, as to
place themselves in direct collision with the federal go.
I vermnent, and to draw upon them the power of the
Union. As we said above, South Carolina will not ut.
tempt a resort to defiance and force, without bc : ug i«.
: eured of the assistance of Georgia. Then it is our don-,
I j plainly and explicitly, to inform these deluded rnen of
Carolina, that no assistance can be expected from us. un.
! !«ss constitutional measures are adopted by them, and
j until it will be ascertained that the rights of the states
! are in actual danger of encroachments by the federal fror.
j eminent. Then, and only then, will Georgia join not only
; South Carolina, but any other state, whose political an!
| sovereign rigiits are in danger.
j ... b
j At this crisis we conceive it to be the duty of every
; influential citizen to come forward, and throw in the
i scale the weight of his political wisdom. Such men as
; Troup, Crawford, Gilmer, Forsyth, Wilde, and man?
others we could name, are known to be opposed to the
j dangerous doctrine of nullification, and to be imbued
| with principles the most sound, as regards state right-.
The people ought to call upon them for advice, and Ur
their views of the present slsTr.'.ir.g crisis tiftlie aihfifs of
the country. Why should they not come out, and pr»-
j vent, if possible, the dissolution of the Union, and civil
i war ? \\ hy feel reluctant to appear against the policy
! which : he leaders of the nullification party intend to pur.
'| ! ".te? We know that these wise politicians of Georgia,
: have not changed their opinions of Mr. Calhoun : We
know that they believe him to be now what he van
i twelve years ago, a dangerous citizen. Why then should
they not come out, and unmask the whole phalanx, and
inform the people of the true aim these South Carolina
leaders have in view ? Will these respectable and re
spected Georgians wait till South Carolina has raised the
banner oi rebellion, to display their wisdom, and use
tlieir influence among the people of Georgia ? Tins peo
ple have confidence in their integrity and their patriotism,
and they would no doubt take into their serious conside
whatever would be recommended to them by such dc-
I voted sons of Georgia.
We have not a single doubt that Mr. Calhoun and his
friends have been tampering with some of our citizens.
; With regret we find that a few of those with whom we
j acted in former times, when we all agreed that Mr.
Calhoun was a man unqualified by his political princi
ples to be President of the United States, have in part
| changed their opinion of the man, and declare him to
i be devoted to state rights. Mr. Calhoun has not chang
ed his principles. lie has only added to those doctrines
which have produced such mischiefs and such evil con
sequences in the south, the doctrine of nullification,
which, if adopted, as the former were under Mr. Mon
, roe’s administration, would complete the destruction ol
the Union, render tiie federal constitution a nullity. Mr.
Calhoun is the same dangerous citizen he was twelve
years ago. Finding that he cannot succeed in his am
bitious views without a revolution, he is endeavouring
lto produce one, in order that lie might become the first
[to reap ail its honours, if honours can be obtained b r
the destruction of the only republic upon earth, based
| upon genuine democratic principles. And this man has
ibeen meddiing with our local affairs ! Under the influ
• enceof state rights, he has succeeded in enlisting i®
I Ids interest a few-of our deluded citizens; and the man
i w !to eight years ago could not get a single vote in Geor
j gia for President or Vice-President, has friends who
(consider him as a champion of state rights. The man
: who has palmed upon the south the protective system,
! the internal improvement system, and an extravagant
i expenditure oi the public money, is now a champion of
; state rights! Can you believe this, people of Georgia
, j V» e have written these desultory remarks for m*
! purpose of drawing the attention of the people to th#
subject of them. They will no doubt reflect upon them >
'and the moment they will reflect upon them, vve feat
mot the conclusions they will draw, and the opinion they
- | will form.
LATK-R FROM E\GL iiVD.
; At day break this morning our news schoonci
, j boarded the London packet ship Hannibal, Capt.
i l lehbard, which sailed from Portsmouth on the 3"
; i September.
1 The Editor of the Courier and Enquirer has
, received by this vessel files of London papers to
. the Ist and Portsmouth papers to the 2d
■ tember.
• The affairs of Don Pedro in Portugal appeal
to remain much in the same situation as at the