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WEDNESDAY, JULY 10, 1661.
By Telegraph to tkn Memphis “ Appeal.”
Unroln’a NtaMft U the Bitn Naai«a of
the F«4er»l CMgnac.
WAnmurfo*' July a, 1801.
fellow Cilvent of (Ai Senate and IJouit of Bej>
Having been Convened oh nu extraordinary __ [
oooMion, m nethorized by the coosiiiuiiou, ^^komore. They know thrathoGeveswmewt
jour attention is not called to any. ordinary ^nif^U keep th« garrison in the fort not If
subnet of UfMttim At Ik* hotfMti* «* ‘
the present presidential term, four months
ago, the function* of tho fodor a I government
were found to be generally suspended within
the seteral Stales of South Carolina. Georgia,
Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana ana Florida,
exoeptiug only those of the poet ofllee depart
ment. Within these States the fort*, arse
nals, docks, harbors, custom houses and the
like, including the movable and stationary
properly in and abcat them, had been seised,
and was held in open hostility to tbo govern*
meat, excepting only Forte Pickens, Taylor,
and Jefferson, on and near tha Florida coast,
and Fort Sumter in Charles!on harbor, South
Carolina. The forts thus seised had been
pul in an approved condition, now ones it ad
boon built, and araad forces had been organ
ised, and were organising, all avewodly with
the same hostile purpose. The forts remain
ing in the possession of the Federal govern
meat in and near these States, were either
besieged or menaoed by warlike preparations,
and especially Fort 8umter was nearly sur-
roundtd by well protected hostile batteries,
with guns equal in quality to th# beet of ita
own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps
ten to one. A disproportionate share of the
Federal muskets and rifles* had somehow
fouod their way into these 8tatei, and had
been seized to ba used against the govern
ment. Accumulations of the publio revenue
lying within them had been seised for the
same objeot. The navy was soattored in dis
tnnt sens, leaving but a very email part with
in the immediate use of the government. The
officers of the Federal army and navy had re
signed in great numbers, and of those resign
ing a iarga proportion had taken up arms
against the government. Simultaneously,
and in connection with all these, purposes to
sever the Federal union were openly avowed.
In accordance with this purpose, an ordinance
had been adopted in each of the Slates, de
claring the SiateB respectively to bo separated
from th? National union. A formula for com
bining and instituting a combination of those
Stales bad been promulgated, and this illegal
organization in the obaraoter of Confederate
States was already invoking recognition, aid
and intervention from foreign powers. Find
ing this condition of things, and believing it
to bo an imperative duty upon the incoming
executive to pi event, if possible, the consum
mation of such attempts to destroy the Federal
union, a ohoice of means to that end became
indispensable. This oboico was made and de
clared in the inaugural address in March.—
The polioy chosen looked to the exhaustion of
all peaoeful measures before a resort to any
stronger ones. It sought only to bold the
publio places and property not already
wrested from the government, and oolleot the
revenue, relying for the rest on time, disous.
•ion and the ballot box. It promised a con
tinuance of the mails at government expense,
to the very people who were resitting the
government, and it gave repeated pledgee
against any disturbance to any of the people
or any of their rights, of all that whioh a
president might constitutionally and justifia
bly do in such a oase. Everything was for
borne, without whioh it was believed impose!
ble to keep the government on foot.
On the oth of March, the present inoum-
beni’s first full day of offioe, a letter of Msj.
Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, writ
ten on the 28th of February, and reoeived at
the War department on the 4th of March, was
by that department placed in my hands. This
letter expressed the professional opinion of
the writer that reinforcements could not be
throw Into that fort within the time for hie
relief, rendered necessary by tba limited sap-
ply of provisions, and with a view of holding
possession of the same with a force of lesa
than 20,000 good and disciplined men. Thia
opinion was concurred in by all tho officers of
his oommand, and the memoranda on tha sub
ject were made together with inclosures of
Msjor Anderson's letter.
The whole was immediately laid before
Lieut. Gen. Soott, who at once concurred with
Mej. Anderson's opinion. Oa reflection, how
ever, bo took full time for consultation with
other officers both of the army and navy, and
at the end of four days came reluctantly but
deoidedly to the same conclusion as before.—
He also stated at the same time that such
sufficient foroe was not at the .oontrol of the
government, and could net he raised and
brought to the ground within tha time when
the provisions in the fort would be exhausted
In a purely military point of view this reduc
ed the doty of the administration in tbo case
to the mere matter of takiog tho garrison
safely out of the fort. It was believed, how
ever, (hat to abandon that position under the
oiroumstaooee would be utterly ruinous; that
the neoesaity under whioh it was to ba dona
would not bo folly understood ; that by many
it would be construed as a part of voluntary
polioy ; that at home it would discourage the
friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries,
and go for to insure to the latter a reoogni
lion abroad ; that in feet it would be our nn
tional destruction, If consummated. This
oould not be allowed. Starvation was not yet
upon the garrison, and ere It would be reaoh-
ed, Fort Ptokene might bo reinforced. This
latter would be n clear indication of policy,
and would better enable the country to aeoept
the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military
neoeealty. An order was at once directed to
be sent for the lauding of the troops on the
steamship Brooklyn into Fort Piokens. This
order eould not go by land, but must taka tkt
longer and slower route by tea. Tha first re
turn news from the order was reoeived but
one week bofore the fill of Fort Sumter. The
news Ueelf was that the offioer oommaadirg
the Sablae—to whioh vessol the troops had
been transferred from tho Brooklyn—noting
upon some guaei *rmi*tt«« of Ik* M* win in
ioirolioo, up lo tk« lino Ik* ordor iu die
petekrd, hod ool, two rogue sod uaotrtoiu
rumor* lo Fx attention, tad bad rofeaod to
load Ik* troop*. To rolnforo# FoA Plokou
hefor* a citato weald t>* rtaakod at Fart Ban
tar wee iaapoaefble, rendered eo bp the near
exhaustion of prorltloa* la th* loiter named
fort. It prooaatfoa opine nek a oeojstoo-
turr th* goreramonl had a Aw day# before
eoaeaeeooed preparing oa oxpadttioa at “
adapted ao might ba, lo r*U*»* Port 8««
whioh expedition woe intended to be altla
I* aeod ft no!, eooeordlag to eii
Ike .(range*. aatbipetw
wm low erteoaUd, and
(he fall, without orto -waiting Ik* orrlral of
th* proritiraio, expedition.
It U thus Men that aa assault upon and ro-
duotloa of Fort Booster was In ao sens* a
matter of self defence oa tbo part ft th* anaU*
ante. Ho well know that th* gorrieoa la Ik*
fort oould by uo poetiblllly eomalt eggrtetloa
upon them. - They knew they WWW sxpreooty
uollfiod that Ik* gtrlig of bread to th* ftw
brave aad hungry mea of tk* gorrieoa wu all
whiak oa that oeeaeton would b* attempted,
unites lbemsel.ee be reelatlog eo tauob should
i presented ik
erward m tad i
il them, but te~ merely maintain visible
possession, aod thus to preserve the Union
from aetual and immediate dissolution, trust
ing as bera-in-before stated, to time, disoueaioa
and the ballot box, lor final adjustment. They
••sailed sod reduced the fort for precisely the
reverse objeot, to drive out the visible author
ity of the Federal Union, and thoe foroe it lo
immediate dissolution. That this was their
objeot the executive well understood. And
having eaid to them in the inaugural address,
*‘You can have no oonfiiet without being
yourselves the aggressors,” he took pains nat
only to keep this declaration good, but also
kept the nee ao fires from power of ingenious
sophistry as that the world should not be able
to misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort
Bamtor, with the surrounding elreumstanoes,
that point was reaehed. Than aad there, by
the assailaofs of tho Government, began the
oonfliot of arms, without a gun in eight or in
the expeotaney to return their fire save the
few In the fort soot to that harbor years be
fore for their own protection, nod are still
to give that protection in whatever is lawful
In this aot, discarding all elee, they have
forced upon the country the destructive issue,
immediate dissolution or blood ; and this is
sue embraces more than the fata of these Uni
ted States. It presente to (be whole family
of man tho question, whether a constitutional
demooraey, a Government of the people
by the tame people oen or oanoot maintain
its territorial integrity against its own domes
tio foes. It presents the question whether dis
eontonted individuals, loo few in number lo
oontrol tha administration aooording to organ
io law in any case, and always upon tbo pro
tenses made in this ease or any other proton•
see, or arbitrarily without any pretence, can
break up tbeir Government, and thus practi
cally pu» an end to free Government upon the
earth. It forces us to ask “ie there in all re
publics this inherent and fatal weakness f
must a Government of neoeesity bo too strong
for the liberties of Ueown people, or too weak
to maintain its own existence ?” So viewing
this issue, no oboioe wve left but to call out the
war power of tho Governmeot, and so to re
cist the fores employed for its destruction by
force for its preservation
The oall was made, and the response of tbeir
country was most gratifying, surpassing in
unanimity and spirit the most sanguine ex
pectations. Yet none of the States common
ly called slave States, except Deleware, gave
a regiment through regular State organisation.
A few regiments have been organized within
tome othera of those States by individual en
terprise, and reoeived into the Government
service. Of course the Seceded States, so-
ealled, and to whioh Texas had been joined
about the time of the inauguration, gave no
troops to the cause of the Union. The border
States so-called, were not uniform in their no
tion, some of them being almost for the Union,
while in others, as Virginia, North Caralina,
Tennessee and Arkansas, the Union sentiment
was nearly repressed and silenced.
The course taken in Virginia was the most
remarkable, perhaps the most important; a
convention elected by the people of the State
to oonsider thia very question of disrupting
thr Federal Union, waa in session at the capi
tal of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To
this body the people had chosen a large ma
jority of professed Union men. Almost imme
diately after the fall of Sumter, many mem
bers or that majority went over to the original
disunion minority, and with them adopted an
ordinance for withdrawing the State from the
Union. Whether this change was wrought by
thair great approval of the assault upon Sum
ter, or the great resentment at the govern
ment's resistance to that assault, is not defi
nitely known. Although they submitted the
ordinance for ratification to a vote of the peo
ple, to be taken on a day then somewhat more
than a month distant, the convention and the
legislature, whioh waa also in cession at the
same time and place, with leading men of the
State, not members of either, immediately com
menced acting aa if tba State were already out
of the Union. They pushed military prepara
tions vigorously forward all over the State;
they seized the United States armory at Har
per* Ferry, and the Navy Yard at Goeport,
near Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited,
into their State large bodies of armed troops,
with their war-like appointments, from the so
called aeceded States. They formally entered
into a treaty of temporary alliance and co-op
eration with the so-called Confederate States,
and sent members to their Congress at Mont
gomery, and finally they permitted the insur
rectionary government to be transferred to
their capital at Richmond.
Tha people of Virginia have thus allowed
this giant insurrection to make a nest within
her borders, and this government has no choica
laft but to deal with it whtre it finds it, and it
has the less regret, as the loyal citizens have
iu due form claimed ita protection. Those
leyal citisens this government is bound to rec
ognise and protact as being in Virginia, as
ona of the border 8tatea, so-called.
In the Middle States there are those who
favor a policy whioh they call armed neutral
ity ; that it, anjarming of those States to pre
vent the union forces passing one way, or-the
disunion forces th* other, over tbeir soil. This
would be disunion completed; figuratively
speaking, it would be the building of an im
passable wall along tha line of separation, and
yat not quite an impassable one, for, under the
guise of neutrality, it would tie the bands of
the Union men, and freely paaa supplies from
among them to the insurrectionists, which ft
could not do ns ao open enemy. At a stroke it
would take all the trouble off the hands of se-
oession, except only what proceeds from the
external blookade; it would do for tbo dia-
unionists that which of all things they most
desire—lead them well and giva them dieanien
without a etraggis of their own. It recognises
no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation
to maintain tha Union; and while very many
who knee favored it are doubtless loyal, it is
nevertheless very injurious in effect.
Recurring to the action of tha government,
it may ba stated that at first a oall was made
for ff AM militia, and rapidly following this n
proclamation we* issued for closing the ports
of the iosnrreeticnanr districts by proceedings
in the nature of a blockade. 80 far, ail was
believed to be strictly legal. At thia point thn
insurrectionists announced their i a tent loo to
eater upon the praetioe of privaleuHng. Other
calls were made for volunteers to serve three
discharged, and also for a
but very snaiing»yrt «ere*fcnlee«, the legality
and propriety of whnt has been done under it
are questions, and the attention of the oonntry
„ „ __ mite*
e questions of power and ^propriety
before this matter was noted upon.
•Mho UWts whioh were required
tally executed were being resitted, and failing'
illy unseated were being
of exeoution in nearly one third of the States.
Moot they he ail awed to Anally fail ef
lion, even had it been perfectly elver that by
the nee of the means necessary to tbeir execu
tion. some single law, made in aueh extreme
tenderness ef the oitiaena' liberty, that, prao
tieally it relieves more of the guilty than the
innooent, should to a vary limited extent be
violated t To state the question moradireetly,
are all the laws but one lo go unexecuted, and
the government itself to go to pieces teat that
one be violated f Even in such a oase, would
not the official oath- be broken if tbe govern
ment should be overthrown, when it was be
lieved that diarej
tend to preserve
that this question was presented; it was not
believed that any law was violated; the pro
vision of the Constitution is, that tbe privi
lege of tbo writ of habeas corpus shall not be
suspended, unless when in cates of rebellion
or invasion the publio safety may requ
It is equivalent to a provision that such privi
lege may be auspended when, in ease of rebel
lion or invasion, th< *" '' "
it. It waa decided that we have a case of re
bellion, and that the public safety does require
the qualified suspension of the writ, which
was authorized to be made. Now, it is insist
ed that Congress, and not the executive, is
vested with this power, but the Constitution
itself is silent as to which or who is to ex
ercise the power* and the provision was plain
ly made for a dangerous emergency. It can
not be believed that the framers of the instru
ment intended that in eve
should run its course until Congress should be
ealled together, the very assembling of which
might be prevented, as was intended in this
oase by the rebellionists. No more extended
argument is now offered, as an opinion of some
length
torney-General. Whether there shall be any
legislation upon the subject, and if any, what,
ie submitted entirely to tbe better judgment
of Congress.
Tbe forbearance of tbis government had
been so extraordinary and so long continued
aa to lead some foreign nations to ahspa thair
action aa if they suppoeed the early destruc
tion of our National Union was probable.
While thia, on discovery, gave the executive
some concern, he is now happy to say that the
sovereignty and rights of the United States
are now everywhere practically respected bv
foreign powers, and a general sympathy with
the country is manifested throughout tbe world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the Treas
ury, War aod Navy will give the information
in detail deemed necessary sod convenient
for your deliberation and action, while the ex
ecutive and all the departments will stand
ready to supply omissions, or to commuoicate
new facta considered important for you to
know.
It is now recommended that you give the
legal means for making this contest a short
Util
•is political su-
supreme law of tbo laod- Tha States have
tkair status in ike Union, and they have bo
are questions, and the attention of the oonntry taair status in me uuiou, ana mry n*v 9 no nanwri m um id in* »r;
faithful It txeeuUd, ehould not bimeelf . iolota Th* Union, and oot tbemMlvM tep.r.Ulr, pro- orod thorn, not onei common
curoitUttki
10 go 1
dred thousand meu, $400,000,000, that number
of men being about one-tenth of those of pro
per ages within tha regions where apparently
all are willing to engage ; and the aura is leas
thane twenty-third part of the money value
owned by the men who seem ready to devote
the whole. A debt of $000 000,000 now, is a
less sum per head than waa the debt of rur
revolution when we came out of that struggle,
and the money value in the country now bears
even a greater proportion to what it was then
than does the popnlation. Surely each man
has aa strong a motive now to preserve our
liberties aa each had then to establish them.
A right result at tbis time will be worth more
now to the world than ten times the men and
ten times the money. The evidence reaching
us from the country leaves no doubt that the
material for tha work is abundant, a nd that it
needs only the hand of legislation to give it
sanction, and the hand of tha executive to
give it practical shape and efficiency. One of
the greatest perplexities of tbe governmeot is
to avoid receiving troops faster than they can
be provided for. In a word, the people will
save their government if the government will
do its part only indifferently.
While it might teem, at first thought, of hot
little difference whether the present movement
at the South be called secession or rebellion,
the movers, however, well understood the dif
ference at the beginning. They knew that
they could never raise their treason to sny re
spectable magnitude by any name which im
plies violation o* law. They knew their peo
ple possessed as much of moral aeuse; as rnueh
of devotion to law and order, and as much
pride and reverence for the history and govern
ment of their common country, as any civilis
ed and patriotio people. They could make no
advancement directly in the teeth of those
strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly they
commenced an insidious debauching of the
public mind, they invented an ingenious soph
ism, which, if conceded, was followed by per
fectly logical step* through all the incidents
to tbe complete destruction of the Union. The
sophism itself is that any 8tete of the Union
of the union or any other State. They attemp-
ted disguise, that the supposed right ia to be
exercised for a juat cause, and that they them
selvos are to be the solejudges of ita justice, is
too thin to merit any notice with rebellion.—
Thus sugar-coated, they have been druggii
the publio mind of their section for more than
thirty years, until at length they have brought
many good men to a willingness to take up
arms against the government the day after
some assemblage or men have enacted tbe far-
oical pretense of taking their State out of the
union, who would have been brought to no such
thing the day before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the
whole of ita currency, from the assumption
that there ia some omnipotent and sacred su-
a State—to each Stale
Our States have neither
more nor lees power than that reserved to them
in tbe Union by^the constitution ; no one of
them ever having been a 8tate out of the Un
ion. The original onespassed into the Union
even before they cast off thair British colonial
dependence, and tbe new enea each came into
tha Union directly from a condition of inde
pendence* except Texes; and even Texas ia
ita temporary independence was never desig
nated a Stats. The new ones only took the
designation of States on coming into the Un
ion, while that name was first adopted for tha
old ones, and by the oolonies were declared to
be free and independent State#. But even then
the object plainly was not to declare theirln-
dependence of one another, or of the Union—
but directly the contrary, aa their mutual
pledge and their mutual action bofore, at the
time, and afterwards, absolutely shows the ex
press plighting of faith by each and all of the
original thirteen States In th*articles ofooafod-
d.kWleiik* m4
irenaae. The Union gave each
ally, soma dependent colonies made tha Union,
aad in turn uni Unian 'three eflF tb*tr ^|d de
pendence for these and made tham States.—
Sueh aa they are, not one of them ever had a
State ooostitatfon independent of the union.
Of courae it is not forgotten that all tbe new
States framed their Constitutions before they
entered upon and preparatory iq coming into
the Union. Unqu< stlotably tha Staten lave
powers and rights reserved lo Ihrm ifi and by
tbe national oanatitution, but amoog them
surely are not inoiuded all ooQcoivabl«.powers
however misekievoue er destructive, which
are known in the world at tbe times*govern
mental poeere; and certainly a power to de
stroy tbe government itself w&e never known
as a governmental or merely administrative
power. This relative matter of national pow
er and State rights, as a principle, is po other
than the principle of generality and legality.
Whatever concerns the whole, should ba con
fided to the whole—to tbe general government;
while whatever concern# oaly i be Slate should
be left exclusively to the State. Tbio is all
tbare is of original principle about it. The
national constitution, iu defining boundaries
between tbe two, has applied the principle
with exaet accnracy. Tbis is not to be qnes
tioned. Wo are also bound by that defining
without question. What is now disputed, is
the position that secession is consistent with
tbe constitution ; is lawful and peaceful.
It is not pretended that there is soy express
law for it, and nothing should ever be implied
as a law which leads to unjust or absurd con
sequences. The nation purchased with money
tbe countries out of which soveral of the
States were formed. Is it just that they shall
go off without leave—without refunding?—
Tbe nation paid very large sums—I believe
upwards oi a hundred millions—to relieve
Florida of the Indian tribes. Is it just that
she should now go off without consent or with
out making any return ? Tbe nation is uow
in debt for money applied for the benefit of
the so-called seceded States, in common with
the rest. Is it just, either that creditors qball
go unpaid, or remaining States pay ? While a
part of the present natioual debt was contract
ed to pay the old debts of Texas, is it just
that ahe fkall leave and pay no part (of
this hereeU? Again, if one State may secede,
so may another, a* d when all shall have sece
ded, none is left to pay tbe debts. Is this quite
just to creditors? Did we notify them of ibis
sage view of ours when we borrowed their
money ? If we now recoguize this doctrine
by allowing (he seoedera to go in peace, it is
difficult to see what we can do if others choose
to go or lo exaot terms upon which they will
promise to remain.
Tbe eeceders insist that our constitution
admits of secession. They have assumed to
make a national constitution of their own, in
which they have either discarded or retained
the right of secession, as they insist it exists
in ours. If they have discarded it, they there
by admit that on principle it ought not to be
in ours. If they have retained, by their own
eonatructiou of ours, they show, that to be
consistent, they must secede from one anoth
er, whenever they shall find it the easier way
of settling their debts, or affecting any other
selfish or unjust object. The principle itself
is one of disintegration, and upon which no
government oan possibly endure. If all tbe
8ta(es vave one should assetl the power to
drive that one out of the Union, it is presum
ed the whole class of secession politicians
would at once deny the power, and denounce
the act ss the greatest outrage upou Slate
rights. But suppose that preoisely the same
act.Justead of being called driving them out,
should be called the seceding of the others
from that one, it would be exactly wbal the
seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they
make tbe point, that the one, because it is a
minority, may rightfully do what the other,
because it is a majority, may not do rightful
ly. These lolititlios are subtle and profuse on
the rights of minorities. They are not par
tial to the power which the constitution gives
and whioh speaks from preamble in words,
We, the people.”
It may well be questioned whether there is
a majority of legally qualified voters of any
States, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in
favor of disunion. There is muoh reason to
believe that the Union men ere in the roajori
ty iu many, if not in every oue of the so call
ed seceded 8tates. The contrary has not been
demonstrated in any one of them. It ia ven
tured to affirm this even of Virginia and Ten-
neseoe, for the result of ao election held iu
Hilary camps, where the bayonets are all on
the side of the question voted upon, can
scarcely be considered demonstrative of pop
ular sentiment. At such an eleetion, all that
large cleat who are at once for the Union aod
agaiost coercion, would be coerced to vote
•gainat the Union.
it may be affirmed without extravagance,
that the free institutions we enjoy have devel
oped th* powers and improved the condition
of our whole pecple beyond au example in the
world. Of this we have had a striking and
an impressive i.lustration. 8o large an army
as the Government has now on foot, was nev
er before known, without a soldier in it but
who had taken his place there of his own free
choice. But more than this, there are many
single regiments whose members, one aud an
other, possess full practical knowledge of all
the arte, sciences and professions, and what
ever els# useful or elegant is kuowu iu the
world, and there is eoaroely one from which
there could not be selected a president, a cab
inet, a congress, and perhaps a court, abuo
daotly competent lo administer the government
itself. Nor do I say this ie not true, also, iu
the army of our late friends, now adversaries
in this combat. Bat if H is, so much the
better reason why the good which has confer
red such benefits on both them and us, should
not be broken up. Whoever, in any section,
proposes to abandon such a government, would
do well to consider, in defense of whet princi
pie It ie he does eo, and what better govern
ment he ie likely to get in Its stead—whether
the substitute will give, er be entitled to give,
•o much of good to tho people.
There are some forechedowiogs on this sub
ject; our adversaries have adopUfi mb* decla
rations ef indepanceacaja which, nnlike tho
food old oa# prepared by Jefferaoo, they omit
th# words “all men art created equal," while
they have adopted a tarn; orary national Coo-
atitation, in the preamble of which, unlike oar
‘ “ * by Washingtqn th«y omit
d substitute “wk, th# dap-
condition of i
t the plain people under*tarn
“ is. It is worthy • - “
»government’
zrjs
trial,
notnbtr. of tbo** lu th* .rm^r .nd ntty w!
nii*r is Axova to h»<
has# resign
hand whioh had pemp-
moa soldier or com soon
deserted his dag. Grant
honor ia duo to thoao officer! who remained
Lru^ despite tbe example of tbeir treacherous
assoc isles. But tbe greateet honor and moat
important part of all, is tba unanimity and
firmnoss of tbeoommon soldiers and common
sailors. To ike last man, ee far as known, they
successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of
thocrwhOfU commands but an hour before they
obeyed as absolute law. This is a patriotic in
stinct of plain people. They understood with
out an argumout that tho destroying of tho
good whioh was made by Washington, means
•ocopd to teem.
Out popular good bas often been called an
experiment. Two points in it, our people have
already settled; the successful establishing,
aod tlte tuccessful administration of it. One
•till remains; its suseessftii maintenance a-
gainst a formidable internal attempt to over
throw it. It is now for them to demonstrate to
the world that tboae who can fairly carry an
election, oan also suppress a rebellion ; that
ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors
of bn lists ; and that when ballots have fairly
afid constitutionally decided, there can be no
successful appeal back, except to ballots them-
salves at succeeding elections. 8uch will be
ihegreat lessons of peace, teaching man that
what they cannot take by an election, neither
can they take by war, and teaching all the fol
ly of being the beginners of war.
Lest there may be aome uneaainess in the
minds of candid men as to what ia to be the
course of the government toward the Southern
States, after the rebellion shall have boon sup
pressed, the executive deems It proper to say
that it will be guided by tbe Constitution aud
tbe laws, and that ha probably will have nc
different understanding of the powers and du
tieaof the federal government in relation to
the rights of the States and the people nnder
the constitution, than is expressed in the inau
gural address. He desires to preserve the gov
ernment that it roar be administered for all aa
it waa administered by the men who made it.
Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to
claim this of thair government, and tbe gov
ernment has no right to withhold or neglect it.
It ie not perceived that in giving this there is
any coercion, any conquering or any subjuga
tion in any just sense of these terms. Tbe con
stitution provides, and all the States have ac
cepted tbe provisions, that tbe United States
•ball guarantee to every State in this Union a
a republican form of government. But if a
State may lawfully go out of th* Union, hav
ing done so, it may alio discard tha republi
can form of government. So that to prevent
its going out ie the all indispensable means to
the end of maintaining the guarantee men
tioned as lawful and obligatory. The indis
pensable means to it are also lawful and oblig
atory.
It is with the deepest regrat that the ext
outive found the duty of employing tho.war
power in defence of the Government, forced
upon him. Ho could but perform thio duty or
surrender the existenoo of tho Government in
compromise. Not that compromises are nat
often proper, but that no popular Government
can long survive a market precedent, that
those who carry ao election, can only savo tho
Federal Government from immediate destruc
tion, by giving up tho main points upon whioh
the people gained tho eleetion. Tbo people
themselves, and not thair servants, can safely
reverse their own deliberate decision. Ao a
private oitizen tho executive oould not havo
consented that these institutions obeli parish,
much less could he, ao executive, permit tho
betrayal of so vast and so snored a trust as
tbis free people Irad confined to him. Ho foil
that he had no iqor^l right to ahrinfc.nor oven
to count tho chances of life in what might
follow in full view of hie groat responsibility,
he bas so far dene what he has deemed bio do
ty. You will now, according to yonr own
judgments perform yours. Ha sinooraly hopoo
your views and your action may accord with
his as to assure all feithfal citizens who have
been disturbed in their righto, of a certain
•nd speedy restoration ef tbe laws ; and he?
ing thus obosen our course, with pare purpose,
let us renew our trust in God and go forward
without fear and with manly hearts.
[Signed] ABRAHAM LINCOLN
!R
At Wholesale
or
WE
»re now
to fumi«h m«nni
»nd dealers with
Hemlock Sole Leather
White Oak Do,
Preach Cairuklm, vartowk
Philadelphia Do,
Morocco
Do.
Do.
MILITARY BOOKS.
Army KcKiilutlon*, for Confederate
States. |3.00.
llurdce’u Tactic, 2 volumes, cloth.
All the Plates. $2.50.
Ilardee’u Tactic*, 2 volumes, paper.
All the Plate*. $2.00.
School For the Golde*, 28 Plate*. $1.
Camp Duly, for Infantry, Guard*, Pa
trols, Ac. 60 cents.
Rule* for Field Fortification* and
their defence *nd Coast Defence. 80 eta.
Trooper’s Manual, for Dragoon* and
Mounted Riflemen. $1.75.
Science of War, Strategy, selection of
ground, Ac. $1.00.
Cavalry Tactics, for Trooper, Platoon
and Squadron. 3 volumes, $5.00.
Cooper’s and Macomb*’ Tactics,
for lnfkntry, Cavalry and Artillery. $1.75.
Robert’s Artillery and Maury’s
Skirmish Drill. 1 volume. $1.50.
Ward’s Manual of Naval Tactic*.
$4.00.
Haawcll’a Engineer’s Hand Book.
$1.75.
Hnswcll’s Mechanic’s Tables. $1.25
Law’s Civil Engineering, (London
Rook.) $2.00.
Glynn’s Cranes, Ac., (London Book.) 75c
Wilson’s Builder’s Price Book.
$1.50.
Henck’s Field Book for Engineers. $1
Templeton’s Mechanic's Com panion.-
$1.25.
je27 J. McPHEKSON it CO.
WILLIAM Y. PARKER,
Lining and Binding Skins,
Shoe Thread,
Shoe Eylefs,
Lasts, Pegs, Nalls,
And everything connected with j
manufacture of Boots and Skoal
A Large Lot of tha above
JUST HKCK1VKD,
And for sale at Wholesale or 1
DIMICKy WILSON*!
June 20—d&wlm
WANTED,
A SERVANT—good hoetler, wliUs 0
logo with nn offioer to the w*r. A
this office. Jelyl
REVENUE.
Citt Clerk’s Owes, Cm 1
Atlanta, July 1*1"
C ITY TAX PAYERS will pleoet
that th* Ordinanco on th*
Taxes requires that the tame shall M f
the first day of August next.
I will be nt my office each ba
from now antil the first of Aagazt ■
to reoeiv* payment end receipt for
Pleas# call toon, and embrace the op.
before the ever crowded “last dav."
H. C. H0L00M
July 8—tin. Clerk and C
WANTED, IMMEDIAl
A HALF DOZEN 8H0EMAKM. I'
workman) can obmit cosrtut I
mmt *t good w*ge* **<1 prompt |
plying at one*, to
STARR, ORR 4 BTIWl
Jud* S3—dlf OxbiAF-
Eulogy on Governor
BT HENRY R. JACM0F.
This eloquent Address, op°e ^
Publio Services of Gov. Csaz. J•
delivered by Hon. Henry B. •*•****• 1 '
otto. Georgia, on the 10tn of April
ready for tale. It is a finely prizedp
of thirty-six pages.
Price: Single Copy 25 ctz ; or |1* I
dred. Addraaa,
WOOD, HANLEITER, BlClba
jun#8-dlw. Publishers, Atlswh
THOMAS W. MURRAY,
Formerly of l$l Chambers 84., N#w York,
izroniM, * wiomuu mtzna m
Wines, Liquors & Cigars,
*»» tommuom mine m
BUTTER, CHEESE, So.,
AV. Mr, M
April lS-dtwta.
Nails! Nail!I Hall*»
T HE ETOWAH MINING * l
TURING COMPANY, locstedls®
ty, Georgia, er* now meting, e*«
nil large order* for sny and *11 •i*’ 1 *
superior CUT NAIL. Addreee. or •
W. 8. COTHRAN.
A SHORTER, I
Rome, Oa, May J4,1M1
LORRILLAED'S
IN BOTTLES AND BULL
For tele la qnantltl** t» 4*** —,l |
R. A ROBINSON A OO, WM** 1
VtmtnitU, Mrntmtfth
All
M. A. A a A. BANTA8, ITfrffO I
May 34—tm
N. A. McLENDOW*'
WHOLESALE GRIf
an aaiua a
FOSHAN ANO OONUTIC I
Tobotoo, Cl®»r*i
—aa**—
COSAN, LAND. COSH A I
AV A, CArrwAer M*t». F-F*- 1
Atlanta. O^rgi*.
T VS atlMUoe of
•pMtfclly isvited to tk* **”•'
Monk 3*
Leather! Leather!!
38,444 be. Good grmloek Scle.
14,444 b*. 0~d WkiU Osk Dfc^ ;
44 4mm Prose* Celf “‘“"•j