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To the People of Georgia, ajid Especially
to the State Right?’ Party.
Fm.f.ovv Citizens:
1 have read with unfeigned riegret the Circular
Jitter of the Honorable .Air. Co-qult-t. If I mistake
not, he will ere long experiences this same feeling
in a greater degree than Ido now. vV hen he comes
10 see die universal reprobation which it has receiv
ed from those, with whom he ha«f;n*?n hitherto po
litically associated, and the shout op exultation with
which it lias been welcomed by lihcse who have
heretofore denounced him, lie vj *>e constrained
,n his moments of retirement, campy to review the
course w hich he has pursued. Swell a scrutiny
cannot fail to awaken feedugs of poignant regret that
he has thus exposed himself' to t fije leluciant, but
delusive censure of his friends, and|to the still more
unwelcome approbation of those;, >{•■ wliorn the par
tv to whim, he was attaciied lout; been heretofore
denounced as the advocates of trcifc nt. As one of
the State flight’s party ot Georgit!, to wliorn this
letter is addressed, 1 make the remarks which fol
low rather in sorrow tlran in anger. Mr. Coquitt
is a man of respectable talents—.is i have always
understood, of private worth—and.,-as I have had
to know, zealous id itjis assertion of
his political opintons. How such; a man repre
senting the State Right’s parly of (Georgia, in tne
Congress of the United Stales, coiifd have brought
himself to avow to them his deteriijioation to sup
port iMr an Buren for the Presidency, is a mys
tery to which I pretend not to solve. I only know,
for the evidence is before me, that in the letter in
question, be has dealt unjustly w ith bis political as
.suciaies, and has evinced a want of candor, or a
misconception of facts, which it ut painful to no
tice, hut impossible to overlook. (
The avowed object of Mr. Coli'plilt’s address to
the Stale Rights Forty of Georgia,’is to announce
Ins secession from them on the Presidential question,
audio assign the rea ona for his course. His pur
pose >s to convince them, that they are wrong in
supporting General Harrison, and |t this may not
he, that with his views, he is in opposing
lam. Such a purpose pursued in k spirit ot frank
ness is perfectly unobjectionable fit is, however,
not merely open to scrutiny, by Dfose to whom it
is addre.-sed—hut it invites it. In Ihe effort to
establish his own consistency, Mr. < 'olquitt necessa
rily imputes its opposite to those vvi’.h whom he has
hen to I or.' acted. Confining hno.it If vvuhin the
limits of Icgifmaie self defence, it in therefore the
right of each member of that party,; however, hum
ble his position, for himself and ids associates to
repel the charge, lit doing ih si t do nut. pro
posed offer an elaborate vindication of Gen. Har
rison’s quid fication lor the f’re.-idenf y Thai would
occupy an undue portion of a d|i!y paper—and
more appropriately belongs, so foil as they may
deem it necessary, to the Co u venalon, wliich is
shortly to assemble at Milledgevflj;. 1 have ano
ther reason wiih h, with inn, tsevciji more influen
tial THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA HAVE
TAKEN THIS MATTER INTpITHEIR OWN
HANDS. Arou-ed by the calm.biles which had
been circulated among them, ag insiiu citizen grown
grey in the public service, ami Ivjiose patriotism
and integrity, even bis accusers u*i| not venture to
question, they have conn to the respite. They have
learned the story of his eventful nfe, from the mo
ment when in ilie spring tide m yioulh, he first
drew Ids sword against a savsgo foe, to ihai in which
he now reposes in retirement, a pt ijcaful cultivator
of the sod, which h's valor had defended. They
have tr iced him through more th ih forty years of
public ccmce,and have found no single blot on his
escutcheon 'I h?y have consulted; «>ur public an
nals, and have seen the recorded evidence that he
has umformh enjoyed the confidtmfe of those, who
themselves stood highest in Ihe cowfidenco ot the
country—and yielding to the just aid generous im
pulses of their nature, as a meet; reward for deeds
id noble daring, in the field, and for.laithlu! and ef
ficient service in the cabinet, they.have hailed him
by acclamation, as THE P.-UFcE’S CANDI
DATE, determined to coaler upotiUhe patriot sol
dier and sage, -
“ The proudest meed which freemen may accord.
The unbought homage of the b rave hi id tree.”
Even while I write, thousands c.|f our country
men on our mmtains, in our midhinds, and along
1 our whole Atlantic border, are proclaiming their
i high resolve. Jt would be worse .join idle, ibere
j lore, fora bumble individual like rtiyself, before a
people thus awakened, to enter open a labored de
tail of Gen. Harrison’s qualifications for the Presi
dency. They know them by heart already. And
the attempt io change or resist iheitirnnt of popu
i iar feeling and opinion, w hich is hairing him on in
triumph to the I’resideniial chair, is a still more
bootless task, even to me enjoying, us Mr. Colquitt
docs,; be advantage of high officii u .station. Still it
tt due to the Stale Rights’ Party, tin* Mr Colquitt’a
appeal should be met. Justice to ihcpu requires that
11 should tie weighed in the balance, jA’ith ihe frank
ness wiih which it professes to have, been written.
As a t associate in seasons ot past po t.cal slnle, and
with the feeling of auld lin'd syne, w hich that as
sociation recalls, I sincerely hope th-it the process
may not he entirely useless to himself
Mr. Colquitt's address has two gcAcral divisions.
In the first, he specifies the reasons: why he connot
[rapport Gen. Harrison. In the s-cdu‘t ,ho staes the
considerations under the Influence As w hich lie has
[endeavored to reconcile to himsqllj the support,
[ winch alter many qualms of feeling.iu not of con
science, lie lias resolved to give to Mr. an Buren.
Wc have now to do with tne first \
Mr. Colquitt’s first charge against', Gen Harrison
1 1!i , that he is ‘ u Federalist.' Ido fv.t stop to weigh
I die degree of criminality w hich th-s.charge implies,
| but proceed directly lean examination ot lire proo!
I by a releronce to the Executive J ■it-v.nl, Mr. Col
I quill has found that Gen. Harrison was appointed
■ Secretary of the North Western i erruory in 1798,
land Gov of Indiana in the session of fT99, and 1800
l r n! that both these appointments v.ore made by
■ John Adams. Mr. c olquitt Dutiful these afford
puch decisive proof that Gen Hmns Vi is a Feder
alist, that ‘no man ran doubt ii he so convinc
ed of this, that he considers it unn gessory to pro
duce any other evidence, and only do»Js so, *as it is
>'( nvenient.’ 'fhe propositon wiih Which lie at
'runls the intelligence ot DieMiate Riights’ party of
murgn, is that a man appointed to office, must,
[neces-sardy, have held the same political opinions
jWiih the President who appointed pliim. I may
[concede to Mr. (’olquitt the iru’.h of Ijia proposiiion,
‘1 he will limit i’s npplica: ;on, as i pnnals «j! >»ur
[country will limit it, to the proei t qud preceding
r 1 minis (ration* of’ the general goyertfnienl. They,
d have acted upon the principle,; publicly pio
claintoc by one of their partiz itis.thaj the offices of
R free people, are spoils, vvhieh belong to tne v ictors
1[ » polnical strife. Rut the concession stops lu re,
arul in making it, I must remind h:m);hat tins very
abuse oi 1 xecutive patronage is I'.te ot those
e:i| jrmiucs, which have at length ajwakened our
ccuntiyni 'n to the necessity of their-interposition.
Mr Colquitt will consult the Executive Journals
°§ain,h« will find 1 vol. p 269, the nomination by
-Mr. Adams, to the office of Governc?ir of the Mis
►fsirpi lerntorv, of that gallant soldicnof the Rev
olution, who was presented by Ge«. Washington to
[ 16 f fench minister, as a man iha was; proof against
bayonet wounds. I refer to Gen. John;Matthews, of
Georgia W** |, e a federalist? It he w-ili refer to page
Ot the same journal, he will fifdjthe nomina
u,il h . v -Mr, Adams to one of the hii jicst offices in
• ' g» of E.dndge Gerry. Doe* Mr arolquht know
••Cl har.f ■ ii i that distinguished *5 filwntui 1 Dues
,tj know ‘iini he was a oi fcbt Roptihlu iin
f 11 1) in Massachusetts, the competitor and rival ot
“' J '- burring, who wns the '•hampioiGol the leder-
I party m that tMiie? If Mr.Coiqai?| will careful
.• eiani|| ie tins same Journal, he wi.l lend other in
besides that of Gen. Harmon,! and those
“irh I Uavnmentioned, in which Mr.. Adams ap
| nnted kepuhlicr.ns to office let |u|i recur tiow
p' ‘ e specific case. The proof ot Gep Harrison s
is that he was twice appointed to office
by John Adams. To ascertain this Mr. Colquitt
ttas referred to the Executive Journals. In the
same vol. pp. 85 and 132, it will appear that this
same Gen. Harrison was twice appointed to office
ny t rr>sMcnt VVashington— at oage 44 I, that he was
apponted to two distinct offices by President Jeffer
son— i.t page 4-t, of the second volume, that he was
again appointed to office by the same President
Jefferson at pp. ]3J, 300 ar.d 329, that he was
three times appointed to office, by President Madi
son. Here let us pause fora moment. In a dehb
crate appeal to the people of Georgia, on a most mo
mentous and exciting question. Mr. Colquitt ad
i.ueesas a tact, which he deems important in its de
cision, the charge that Gen. Harrison was a Fed
eralist, and in proof of it he refers to the Executive
Journal of the Senale, to show that he was an
painied to office by John Adams. Did he not know
mat the same Journal would prove that he was
twice appointed to office by Pre-ident Washmgt jn,
thrice by I resident Jefferson, and as many times bv
resident Madison ? Looking to the argument
ut.icb he was urging to the people of Georgia, w as
U right to suppress these facts? Now that the ex
cifement under which I trust this appeal was penn
eri may in some degree have subsided, does he
himself think that he has made a fair s aiernenl
ot the contents of the Executive Journal ? Mr. Col
q iitt was not. ignorant that Gen. Harrison had been
appointed to office by other Presidents besides the
r At * ams - H e proves this, in a subsequent [.art
of his address, in an attempt to correct an alled<*ed
error of the committee of the citizens of Macon,
in doing which he falls into a much greater error him
self. They had stated that on the formation of the
Indiana territory, Gen. Harrison had been appoinied
its Governor by Mr Jefferson, and Mr. Madison
-Mi. Colquitt asserts that “instead of bavin" been
appointed by .Mr. Jefferson, he was appointed by
the elder Adams He says Mr “Jefferson found him
in utnee, when became into the Presidential chair,
r.nd did nut r-movehim; so did Mr. Madison.’’
And he proceeds to say, “ this circumstance cannot
weigh a feather favorable to his being a Republi
can Phe plain and dir,ct assertion here, is that
Gen. Harrison was not appointed by Mr. Jefferson,
or Mr. Madison—that they found him m office,and’,
only suffered him io remain there not removing him
Now mark the lucts The appointment which Gen.
Harrison received from Mr. A tarns expired on the
13lh May, 1803, t fie office being held for three years,
Ist Executive Journal, p. 441, and Mr. Jefferson
appoinied him for three years more. That appoint
ment expired in 1806, when Mr. Jefferson again ap
poinied him -and his third term of office expired
on the iGth of January, 1810, when Mr. Madison
re-appointed him to the same office, 2d Executive
Journal, p. 130. If Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison
had desired to get rid of Gen Harrison, it was not
necessary to ‘ remove,’ him His T erm of office ex
pired twice under Mr. Jefferson, and once under
Mr. Madison, and they recalled him to office by new
appointments. Thus the Macon Committee are
substantially correct, certainly more so than Mr.
Colquitt.
Rut this is not all. Both Mr. Jefferson and Mr.
Madison gave him original appointments to office
which had not been conferred upon him by Mr. Ad
ams. Will that “ weigh a feather?” On the 4th
of February, 1803, on a distinct and separate ori
ginal nomination by Mr- Jefferson, he was ap
pointed “ a Commissioner to enter into any treaty
or treaties, which may be necessary, with any Indi
an tribes, North-West of the Ohio, and witbin the
territory of the United States, on the subject of their
boundary or lands”—one of Ihe largest commissions
ever granted to an individual, and from which im
portsnt benefits have resulted. Ist Executive Jour
nal, 441.
Mr. Madison did more. In 1812, While Gen.
Harrison was still Governor of Indiana, under Mr.
Madison’s own appointment, he nominated Wm.
Henry Harrison to be a Rrigadier General, ami in
1813, to bea Major General in the army of the Uni
ted States —2d Executive Journal, pp. 300, 329.
'1 he questions heretofore proposed, now recur.
Adverting to the statement made by Mr. Colquitt,
and the argument which lie founded on it, was it
fight to suppress these latter facts ? Calmly rev ow
ing that siaiement and argument, does he himself
think that he nas dealt fairly with Gen Harrison,
or with I fie islute Rights’ Party of Ga. in this regard?
Has he acted in conformity to that golden rue,
which in private life he would delight to exempli
fy ? Nay, has he not in Ins remarks on the statement
of the Mi con commmitltee, fallen ..nnintentionanlly
of course) into a plain and palpable error of fact ?
The statement which we have thus examined,
seemed so conclusive to Mr. Colquitt, that he tho’l
no man could coubt. Hedtem°d it unnecessary to
produce any further evidence, but as ii was ‘con
venient’ he calls “ oar attention to his (Gen Ham
son’s) own admissions in 1826.’ I enter upon this
part of the subject with great regret. The object
of Mr. Colquitt here is, to prove that Gen. Harrison
was by his own admission, “a zealolous,open and
frank supporter of the Sedition law, and Black
Cockade administration.” lain not going tospeak
now to the question of fact. That is settled beyond
controversy, by the testimony of Judge Burnett,
who being himself a Federalist, and in habits of
friendly intercourse with Gen. Harrison, has given
the most direct and unequivocal testimony of the
fact, that he was the uintorm supporter of what
was called the Republican party, at tlie head of
which was Mr. Jefferson. The knowledge deriv
ed from such intercourse, could not deceive, and
Judge Bin nett is incapable of deceiving. If Mr.
Colquitt has not read lliat letter, I recommend its
perusal. If he is unacquainted with Judge Bur
nett, there are*many around him who will satisly
him, that the Judge’s character for veracity, is as
unquestioned as it is unquestionable. Meamime 1
present the following extract from the letter. Speak
ing of this charge of Federalism against Gen Har
rison, Judge Barnett says, “It has been asserted
entirely at random, that he was a federalist of the
black cockade order, in the time of the elder Adams.
A more unfounded falsehood was never invented.
My personal acquaintance with him commenced
in 1796, under the administration of Washington.
The intimacy between us was constant,and from lhal
time nil he left Cincinnati, I was i.i the habit of
arguing and disputing with him on political subjects.
1 was a federalist—honestly so, from principle, and
adhered to the party till it dissolved, and its ele
ments mingled with other parries formed ot differ
ent principles. 1 can therefore speak on this point
W:tb absolute certainty, and I affirm most solemnly,
thatunder the adm m>tration of Washington, and
the administration of the elder Adams, U ilitam Hen
ry Harrison was a firm, consistent, unyielding re
publican ot the Jefferson school. He advocated the
tdeciton of Mr Jefferson, and warmly maintained hi*
claims against Mr Adams.”
But to Mr. Colquitt’s argument- -He refers to the
second volume of Congressional debates to prove
that Mr. Randolph charges Gen. Harrison, with he
ing “an open, zealous and frank supporter of the
Sedition laws, and black cockade administration,”
which charghe says Gen. 11. admitted. In proof of
which lie quotes a part of tit * reply, in w hich Gen.
Harrison says .Mr. Randolph heard !*.im
express sentiments favorable to the then administra
tion, and adds” for 1 certainly felt them, so tar at
least as the course pursued by it in re ution to the
Government oj France ” This Mr. Colquitt says
is an admission of the charge made by Mr. Ran
dolph (fen Harrison in common with Gen. M ash
ington, and the most distinguished patriots of that
day, approved of the conduct of Mr. Adams’ ad
minis!ration in relation to the government of France
—and this .Mr. Colquitt says is an admission that
he is a supporter of the Sedition laws, and of the
Black cockade administration. Does he deceive
himself when he resorts to such an argument?—
But General Harrison was gudty ofthc inexplica
ble sin of acknowledging that he fell the greatest
respect for a revolutionary patriot, one w ho did not
merely sittn, but nobly sustained the Declaration of
our Independence, and who was then our Chief
Executive Magistrate repelling the aggressions upon
our rights, of Revolutionary France. He approved
Mr Adams’ conduct in relation to that Government,
and therefore was a zealous supporter of the Seth
lion ln\v y qikl ins whole tidminisinilion- Is this Imr.*
Can such an argument deceive any body ? hen
the movements on our Canadian border threalentd
a short lime since to involve us in difficulty with
Great Britain, I, in common with many other oppo
nents of the present administration, approved ot the
conduct of .Mr Van Buren, and fret I y expressed my
approbation. I pray 10 be protected troni the inter
ence which, according to Mr. Colquirt s sysiem,
ot logic, may be drawn from this face that I
cm therefore, a zealous supporter of Mr. van hu
ALG( STA. GA-, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 16, 1840.
rem’.s administratioH sub-treasury abuse of patron
-1 d * al 'a 8,,t >ir - Col q‘«tl in referring to Gen.
I Hamson ■ admission, that he hail express.d an
whlch n ue V h ° l ° Ms AdW admunstratiori,
v. orrt ii h | a ' e SGPn Was to its conduct to-
I wards Rerolut.onary France, omits to quote the
| jo flowing sentence which immediately follows ir
Aor was I unsupported in that opinion br those,
who had a right to control my actions if not my opin
ions. In no part of the country were those meas
ures (relerrtng to the measures of Mr. Adarm’ ad
ministration in relation to France, which he Gen
Harmon had approved) more decidedly approbated
than by my immediate constituents, as the address
of that body to the I’resident during theses-ton will
snow. Here in this sentence in the same speech
from that which Mr. Colquitt quotes, Gen. Harri
son says that the limited apptobation of .Mr. Adams’
administration which ne feft, and expressed, was in
conformity to the expressed w ill of his ow n imme
diate constituents. Why did Mr. Colquit omit this
, s j’ ntenr ’ c ; I hat which immediately precedes, anJ
| that which immediately follows it, are inserted
I in las address. Standing by themselves, that
may be misinterpreted, as Mr. Colquitt has prov
v \ aken in connection with the sentence which
he has omitted, the misinterpretation is corrected.
1 tuts taken the declaration of Gen Harrison amounts
simply to this : I did express sentiments favorable
to Mr. Adams’ administration, so far, at least, as io
me course pursued by it, in relation to the govern
ment of France—ami induing this 1 uttered the
expressed opinions of my own immediate constiiu
ei.ts.
u 1 %i lli^ v ! eu ’ 13 uu&vorahle to the argument urged
by Mr. Colquitt, and founded on lien. Gen Harri
son s own admission, that which follows is more
j Let . llis assertion he borne in mind, that Gen.
Hamson m 1826, admitted that he was a supporter
of the Law and black cockada admimstra
turn. Io prove this, he quotes so much of Gen.
Harrison s speech as be supp. osed liable to this in
terpretation, omitting that which would have entire
ly rc j u v e] , lL Those who will refer to the Uegts
ter of Debates, will find at the print where Mr
Colquitt s quotation ends, the following ;
“ (To the question asked by Mr. Randolph, whe
ther Mr. ii. recollected a conversation between Mr.
Nicholas and himself m relation to the negroes and
politics of Virginia, Mr. H. answerer)—] recollect
it perfectly well, hut can this be adduced as an ,vi
dence of my Java ring the Sedition Law? Mr. Nich
olas was my relation and intimate friend ; the con
versation was entirely jocular, and so considered
by that gentleman at the time, and ever after. I
will never said Mr. H. resort to any one to support
an assertion of mine on a matter of fact. Bui if I
choose to do so, the gentleman from Maryland, w ho
sits opposite to me (General Smith) and who was
the hi ot her-tn-la w of Mr. Nicholas, knows flic tin
deviating friendship and support, which I received
from Mr. Nicholas through his w hole political life.
.Mr. Jefferson was at that time Vice President of
the United States, and was upon the most intimate
terms with Mr. Nicholas. He took his seat as Pres
ident ot the Senate within fifteen minutes after the
conversation had passed. If it had been considered
in any other light by Mr. Nicholas than as a joke,
Mr Jefferson would certainly have heard of it, and
he would as certainly have withheld (those evi
dences of his confidence, and regard wdiich I re
ceived from him during the whole course of his sub
sequent. administration. But sir, said Mr. H. my
opposition to ihe Alien and Sedition Laws was so
well known in the terntoi y, that a promise was ex
torted from me by my friends in the Legislature , by
which 1 was elected, that I would express no opinions
in Philadelphia, which were in the least calculated
to defeat the important objects with which I was
ch irged. As I bad no vote, 1 was not ca led upon
to express my sentiments in the House. The Re
publican party were all in favor of the measures, 1
wished to have adopted. But the Federalists were
the majority. Prudence therefore and ray duly to
my constituents, rendered it proper that 1 should
refrain from expressing sentiments which would in
juriously affect their interests, and that if expressed
could not have the least influence upon the deci
sion of Congress.” Now remembering that Mr.
Colquitt refers to this speech for the purpose of prov
ing that Geu. Harrison by his own admission, was
a supporter of the Sedition Laws, and of Mr. Ad
ams' administration, how does he justify himself in
the omisson to quote those parts of it, in which
Gen. Harrison den es ihe charge, and not only as
serts his opposilion to ihe Alien and Sedotion Laws
the prominent measures of Mr. Adams’ adrninis
traiion,but more over declares that, this opposit'on
on liis part Was soJvveJl known to his constituents as
to induce them to exact from him a promise that he
would not injure them by the expression of his opin
ions in Congress where the friends of Mr Adams bad
majority. In the face of these declarations, which
ore contained in tnis same speech to which Mr.
Colquitt has referred could he have ventured to say
that Gen Harrison has admitted himself to have
been an advocate of the Sedition Laws and of Mr.
Adams’administration ? Most certainly nit. Did
he then overlook the concluding part of the speech,
that which follows after ilie question put by Mr.
Randolpn ? I trust so—and will ih -relore dismiss
this part of the address with the expression of the
dvppe that in the spirit of that singleness of heart,
and sincerity of purpose which Mr. Colquitt has
endeavored to bring to the discussion of this sub
ject, he will not only cease to urge upon others, but
will pause himself in adopting conclusions which
are not morely not sustained but which are rafut
ed by' the very references which he makes to sup
port them.
Thus far .Mr. Colquitt is evidently at fault in his
attempts to fasten the charge ot Federalism on
Gen. Harri-on. His references to the Panama
question, and to the administration of the younger
Adams, are equally futile and may be more briefly
disposed of.
If Mr. Colquitt withholds his support from Gen.
Harrison in consequence of his vote on the Panama
question, he will he equally embarrassed in bis new
association. The present Vice President with
whom he is about to ally himself, voted on that
question with G®u. Harrison, though unlike him,
he joined with the opposition in the effort to defeat
it, by voting with them on all the preliminary ques
tions, but ranged himself under the standard of the
administration on the final vote, as the Executive
Journal will prove.
As to the administration of the younger Adams,
it is known that before he came to the Executive
chair, he had quarrelled with, and as they said, be
trayed his le-!eral friends, lhal, he had made his
peace with Mr. Jefferson—had been appointed
Minister to England by Mr. Madison, was the Sec
retary of Stale of Mr. Monroe, and that he placed
at Ihe head of his own cabinet the great champion
ot the Republican party in its strife with Federal
ism. The truth is, the administration of Mr. John
Quincy' Adams, like his mind, was ot theconiposhe
order, a medley of parties, and was supported and
opposed indiscriminately by all- Nothing is is to
inferred therefjie in proof of General Harrison’s
federalism from his support of that Administration.
It was probably owing to the belief that Mr City
would give tone to its measures. That gentleman
had long been the champion of the Republican
party, the supporter of Mr. Jefferson and Mr Madi
son. Between him and Gen. Harrison there had
been an early and continued community of political
opinion, and of private feeling, and to tins cause
the younger Adams was indebted for the support
which his administration received from General
Hamson.
Mr. Colquitt’s next evidence of the Federalism of
Gen. Harrison is his approval of the prorlaraa.ion
issued by Gen. Jacsson. On this subject, ibere
can, with the Stale Right’s Party of Georgia, he no
paltering. For one, I would not yield my opinion
of this measure, to effect the election of Gen. Har
rison to the Presidency ot the I nited States, as
highly important to the interest and prosperity ot
the Union, as I consider it to be. If Gen. Harrison
entertains iho opinion exrcssed by him in his Che
viot speech, I differ with him ioto ccelo, but 1 do not
believe it. The prophecies of an anonymous wri
ter have little claim to public confidence, an t yet 1
will venture to predict, that “ the sober second
thought ” on which Mr. Van Buren so much relies,
will induce Gen. Harrison to recall the approbation
expressed on that festive occasion, it he has not al
ready done so. At present, however, we must deal
-with facts as they now appear. Giving then to
Mr. Colquitt, the full benefit of his quotation.*! in
vite hit attention, and that of the reader, to the fol
lowing considerations. This Proclamation was
issued by Gea. Jacison, ot a moment when Mr
i Van Buren was the man of his counsels. If it did
not originate will, him. it received his cordial c«n
-IIV r. | U rta - 1 or *?‘ n * s *° be found in Die
dead v houihty of Gen. Jackson to Mr. Calhoun,
in wtucb f- e, »n ts Mr Van Buren cordially ayro; a
thiz d with his “ illustrious predecessor.” The
I nion party of Georgia, those with w hom Mr. Cos
quitl is on account of Gen. Harnw.n * approval of
1 i'\lJ V^nT’ 011 abom lo unite in the support
hr-ir-t. ni ii ° ren *- ' vere 80 * ar from taking urn
hra = e ,t this act of despotic power, that ihev~iom
eo m the exuiimg shoot which emanating from
,n e | ,BIC Chamber, was reechoed
by the w hole rank and file of the party 'Fhe Pro
clamation notwithstanding, tliev continued to he
the devoted supporters of Gen. Jackson, u ; , to the
moment of his retirement to the Hermitage. \VI«m
m obedience to his mandate his mamb was cast
upon ihe present incumbent, who was lot »nd part
in i.io original conct>ciiou of this measure, and
piecged to tread in the footsteps of hi* predecessor,
tuey gave in their adhesion to him Still M» Col
quilt declares his deierminaitou to unite with the
Union panv in support of Mr. Van Burvn. He
refuses to act wiih his political associates who are
rallying around Harrison, because he has expicssed
an opinion favorable to the Proclamation—and
throws himself into the arms of his political oppo
nents, to unite with them in the support of ont of
the original contrivers of that very measure. Os
sneb a course, under the influence oi such motives,
I ran say truly, non toh idem, in video, set I miror
mngis
Buch, in relation to this Proclamation, has been
the course of the party with w bieh Mr. Colqmtt is
about to unite. J Hat from which he is separating
himself, has not lietn without its own difficulties,
i lie hostility of the State Rights partv of Georgia
to the Proclamation of Gen. Jackson, is abiding,
universal and uncompromising. Mr. Colquitt can
not express bis own leehngs in relation to it, too
strongly, to find a cordial response in the bosom oi
every State Righis’ man. He certainly finds it in
mine. If that party could see among tks candidates
for the Presidential chair, one w ho would faithfully
carry out their principles of State Sovereignty, they
would fly to his standard with all the enthusiasm
of their revolutionary sires. That is indeed a con
summation devoutly to he wished, but for which
they have hitherto looked in vain What then—
must they therefore disfranchise themselves !—fore
go their rights as American citizens, and leave the
Republic a prey to the spoilers ? EVERY CON
SIDERATION OF PATRIOTISM FOBIDS IT.
It vve may not infuse into the Administration of the
Federal Government, our own peculiar principles
ot -Mate Sovereignty, let us still strive to liave it ad
mimstered by honest men. If we cannot proclaim
from the Capitol at Washington the eov reiguty ot
the States,, let us at least unite with, those who are
hkemind-d with ourselves, in cleansing the Au
gean stable. Il vve cannot obtain all which we
desire by the election of (4en. Harrison, it would
still bo unwise to-refuse the good which is within
our reach. VV e can by united efforts secure an
honest administration of the Executive power. We
can stop the abuse of Executive patronage. We
can slay' the waste of the public treasure We can
restore public confidence. We can re-establish ihe
cr dit of the naiion at home and abroad. We can
put an end to an incessant tinkering with the cur
rency, which operates a heavier tax upon each of
us, than would suffice in the aggregate for the libe
ral support of th« Government, properly adminis
tered. W n can purge the National Councils, and
restore io the halls of Legislation that spirit of de
corum without which the high powers delegated by
the people to llien Representatives, are incessantly
liable to abuse. Finally, we can pcactisallv assert
THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE TO SELECT
THEIR OWN CHIEF MAGISTRATE, IN OP
POSITION TO THAT EX.E XTiVE DICTA
TION, by which martin van buren
WAS FOISTED INTO THE PRESIDENTIAL
CHAIR, ALL UNWORTHY AND UNFIT AS
HE WAS. AND IS, TO BE THE RULER Os
A FREE PEOPLE. We can do all[this and mure
if we are true to ourselves in the approaching
Presidential contest; and we ran do it, as I will
he easter shew under ihe lughest and most solemn
guarantees for the preservation of our ow n peculiar
inatitutious. Shall we refuse tne accomplishment
of all these desirable objects, because Gen. Harri
son may differ from ns on a question of povvei, be
tween the Slates and the ronJederacy w hich will
not in all human probability again, arise until we
are all slumbering in our graves T And for what ?
To promote the re-election of a man who has
brought countless evils upon the country —who
unlike Gen. Harrison in all that we desire, concur
red with him in this very doctrine of federal supre
macy which we abhor. The Suite Right’s pany
of Georgia have not heretofore so thought or acted.
At the last Presidential election when the suffer
ings of the country were but a tithe of those which
we now endure, we gave a cordial, united support
to the venrrable Judge While, differing from him
as we did on this important question of Constiiu
tional power —under the influence of the considera
tions which I am now urging, and with far less
faborahle prospects of success, we gave the vote of
Georgia to Die Senator trom Tennessee. Whore
then were the scruples which have driven Mr. Col
quitt from his | arty now ? And how docs he re
concile his acquiescence in the support of Judge
White who had v«ted tor the Force BiU, with his
refusal to vote for General Harrison, who at the
most has merely ns an individual citizen expressed
an opinion in favor ot the Proclamation, and when
100 there is reason u> doubt if lhal opinion be still
entertained by him T
Let it ever be borne in tnitad, that the State
Rights’ party, in the present crisis oi our affairs,
are called to decide, not merDy whether they will
support Gen. Harrison, but wheiher by refusing to
support him, they will indirectly, but practically
and efficiently support Mr. Van Buren. They can
not if I hey will, be neutral in this contest. If they
abstain from voting—it they throw away iheir votes
-if they do not immediately rally to the support of
Gen Harrisou, the Electoral 'Picket of the Admin
istration party will prevail, and the vote ot Georgia
will be given to Mr- Van Buren. If they rally as
a party in favor of General Harrison, it is already
abundantly evident that many ofour Union fellow
cinzans disgusted with the measures of the Adminis
tration, will flock to the standard, State Rights ’men
who are ready like Mr. Colquitt to vote for Mr
Van Buren, will of course reject < en. Harrison
But, if with a more eorreet view of their own best
interests, both as individuals, and as a party--if in
the exercise of a sounder judgment upon passing
events, and above all with a more accurate knowJJ
ledge of facts than Mr. Colquitt has given to them
in Ins address, they cannot bring themselves to take
the nauseous draught, which he has already quaff
ed, then let them come to the rescue, inscribing on
their banner Harrison and Reform.
ihe next subject presented by Mr. Colquitt to
the consideration of the Btate Riglfis’ puny and
people of Georgia, is that of Abolition, a fruitful
theme, and one which with the except ion of Execu
tive patronage has afforded more political capital to
Mr. Van Buren than every thing eke besides. Mr
Colqu.t! maintains that Gen. Harrison is aa Aboli
tionist. that he is tlie candidate of those fanatics,
and that if elected to the Presidency he would fa
vor th* ir views.
To support these charges, Mr. Colquitt raters to
calumnies often refuted, as to make it almost a
waste of tune to repeat the refutation. It would
be inexcus . hie, except to enable the public now,
and Mr.Colquitt himself hereafter, properly to es
timate the spirit in which his address is written.—
He makes assumptions which are merely gratu
itous, and sustains his position by arguments so
fteble, that to state, is to refute them. Reasserts
that “ it is tne blindnessofstupidity.ortlie madness
of party, for any man to doubt” that Gen Harri
son was nominated for the purpose ol obtaining
abolition vote*. 1 pray my ancient associate to
recall this expression. I am neither blinded by
stupidity, nor maddened by party, and yet I
doubt. IJo more—Exercising the right ol freemen,
that of judging for myself, I disbelieve- If the
fact which is here asserted, were true,w hich is not.
would it prove that General Harrison was an ab
olitionist? If that hand of fanatics, irritated ty the
exposure ot ibeir iniquitous schemes which had
been recently made by Mr. Clay, in his able a'ga
ment in the Senate of the United State* were more
itiflimed against him than against Gen. Hamson
w hose denunciations were more ancient and less
fresh tn their recollection—and of those who sought
to rescue the government from the misrule of Mr.
Van Buren, calculating upon this state of feeling
had been influenced by it to select General Harri
son as their cancfida’e, would this have made h:m
an nho.Rtonisi f Pursue this idea lunher. >uppo*e
General Harrison should rece.ve the \ote« ofa por
tion ot the abolitionists— v we know that he cannot
rescue their united vote, fur a pan of them instsis
upon nominating their own candidate, while aec
ther portion supports Mr. Van Buren)—-uppose
cn Harrison should receive* number greater or
le.-s of a. olnion votes, would this maK > him an nh- ’
olitioniat 1 When in 1824. Mr. Colquitt’* political 1
opponents and mine supported Gen. Jackson in op
position to William H. Crawford, «!<k>B Mr Col
quitt believe they were more influenced. (I mean
'hose who reguia ei the movements of the partv
by attachment to *tcn. Jackson, or by enmity to M r.
Craw ford Mr. ( olquitt has aa extensive cornier
lioti, a large circle ol friends, some of whom have
differed with him in relation to the local politics <>t
the State. If these under the influence of whatever
motive, had sustained him in the Congreosional can
vass, would it have shaken hta Btate Rights’ prin
ciples If ven now as the tew anl of lu-i secession at a
moment soopponune to the administration [.arty in
Georg;a, w hen ear h man ts ready to cry out “ help
(. assius or I sink, if they should (most unexpected
ly to Mrt ( olquiit) put h>s name on their Conures- ;
sionnl ticket, and in good faith give him their votes,
would he theiehy become n subnisstonisi—the j
miserable craven he has so often denounced, who I
knows no rightful remedy beyond petition and tie
ballot box torihe violation of his constitutional
rights’ Mr. ( olquitt w ill see, and it in his present
slice of feeding he cannot, th? State R phts’ I’arty
will see that such arguments are too weak to avail j
with any man, who was not more than halt con
vinced already. Bui our worthy representative is
wholly at fault in relation to the motives of this pre
ference ol (ion. Harrison to Mr. Clay by the Con
ventional Harrisburg. It w ill be difficult for him,
wiih all lii.s advantages of position, in running
over the catalogue of American Statesmen, to se
lect any two individuals equally distinguished on
the theatre of political life, between whom there
has been throughout their whole course a greater
community of feeling and of opinion, than between
Mr Clay and Gen. Harrison. To either of them,
the Convention at Harrisburg would w illingly have
confided the Execvttve Chair. The motive for (he
preference of (foil. Hamson is Uj he found :n their
belief, that his popularity with the nation was great
er than that of Mr. Clay—that while he would re
ceive in the Northern, Eastern and Middle States
all Die votes which would have been given to .Mr.
(’lay, his commanding popularity in the West,
which had been the scene of his military and civil
services.would, and it atone could counterbalance
the influence of Col. Johnson. Ido nut think that
we of the South were taken into the calculation of
the opponents of the administration, who were as
serr.hied at Harrisburg. It was believed that we
were either devoted to Mr. Van Buren, or so entire
ly r w rapped up in Mr Calhoun and his phantasies,as
to make it hopeless that cither (son. Harrison or Mr.
Ci ty would receive suppport from us. That they
were right in their judgment of tin Northern, Eas
tern and Middle States is already evident, and the
tidings which are borne to u» upon every breeze
from the West, of Gen. llairison’s triumphant pro
gress in the affections of Die people there, attest the
correctness of their decision in relation to that sec
tion of the Union. If they erred as it is now man
ifest they did in their calculation concerning the
Souih k-; us not therefore question their intelligence.
The revolution in public opinion and feeling which
has been accomplished here, even at the moment in
which I write, both in its extent and the rapidity
w ith which it has been effected, is unexampled in
the annals of poliiical history'. It could not have
been anticipated by them—since now that it has oc
curred, it so thotoughly surprises us.
1 am compelled to take up the charges of Mr. Col
quitt somewhat out if their order. This results from
the fact that thearrangtment of them is unmethodi
cal, manifesting the excitement under which they
were penned. 1 pas i then to tfie allegation Dial
Gen. Harrison is an abolitionist founded on the
slafement that he was a member of au Abolition So
ciety in Richmond at the age of eighteen. As Gen.
Harrison was born in 1773, this must of course have
been in 1791. Now, 1 ask Mr. Colquitt if he does
not know that abolition societies are of recent, es
tablishment in the United Slates—that they have
grown up since the South Hampton insurrection in
Virginia, within the last few years—if he was not
perfectly aware when he penned this address, that
the society here spoken ot was “ The Humane So
ciety of Richmond, r ami that its object was the ab
olition nolot Slavery bin of th'j slave trade, the im
portation of slaves from Africa. If he did not know
these fads, which have been promulgated riiruugh
oiU the Union, he is obviously u quiufi d for the
office of an instructor. It he did prefer Das cl arge
against Gen. Harrison, knowing the facts which 1
have staled—but I will not permit myself to indulge
such a supposition,or to state the conclusion to which
it would necessarily lead. 1 content rnyselt with
the notoriety of the fact, that the charge is utierly
groundless—Mr. Colquitt still insists that Gen. Har
rison is an abolitionist, and in proof of it he gives
extracts from 'The Liberator, The Emancipator, and
The Ijeroy Gazette, abolition papers Ihe two
first ot these express the exultation of the editors in
consequence of the failure of Mr Clay to obtain
the nomination of the Harrisburg Convention, but
they do not manifest the slightest approbation ol
the nomination of Gen. Harrison. If Mr Colquitt
had not been so very unfortunate on this, as on va
rious other occasions, some of which have been al
ready noted,ns to meet only what served the pur
pose of his argument against Gen. Harrison, he could
have told us that the editor of one of these same
papers, The Emancipator, is as much dissatisfied
with the nomination of Gen- Harrison, as he was
pleased with the rejection of Mr. Clay, and that he
manifests a decided preference for Mr. Van Buren
f ask live perusal ol the following extracts which
Mr. Colquitt, has overlooked.
Extract from the Emancipator.
“Gf.n. Harrison.— Many have supposed that
it might bo expedient for the Executive Committee
to interrogate (son Harrison, now that ho is the re
cognized candidate for the Presidency, with some
prospect of election, to learn his views with res
pect to Die abolition of slavery. But w here is the
use? Il is true we rejoice in the rejection of Hen
ry Clay, because he is a slaveholder, and defender
of slavery,Gen. Harrison we know is not a slave
holder. Neither is Mr. Van Buren. Hut no one
thinks it necessary to interrogate Mr. Van Buren.
Why? Because his principles are known to bvin
favor of the Slave Bower. But are tliose of (son.
Harrison any less so ? He is the man of his party,
and ihat pany have shown the absoluteness «>1 their
subserviency by nominating a slaveholder, a pecu
liarly higutted devotee of slavery on the same ticket
with General Harrison, and now by electing a nul
lifying slaveholder, from slave breeding Virginia lor
Speaker.
But wo submit, farther tliat Gen. Harrison’s prin
ciples are already well known by his deeds, of
watch we find Die follow ing summary in the Ro
chester Freemm :
In December, 1802 while Governor of Indiana
Territory, he was president of a Convention of the
people of lhal Territory, held at Vincennes, and
transmitted to Congress a memorial of the conven
tion,praying that the sixth article of the “Ordinance
of ‘87,” which prohibiting slavery there, rnmht be
suspended. (S«? Am Bate Papers, 1803.) H;s ef
forts to make Indiana a slave State were prosecuted
for years while he was Governor of that State.
In 1819, Feb. 15. Gen. Harrison voted as a mem
ber ot the House ot Representatives, against a
clause prohibiting the further introduction of sla
very' in Missouri: and against a clause lor lurther
emancipation (at 25) of slave* born within that f tale.
Two days afterwards he voted against a clause
prohibiting the further introduction of slavery into
Arkansas, and against the further emancipation of
slaves bom in Arkansas.
So basely did lie bow to slavery, that even Ohio
was shocked. He was indignantly rejected at the
next Congressional election m 1922 The National
Intelligencer of Oct. 20, 1822, says: a lt is confirm
ed to us that Mr. GatMy is elected in opposition to
Gen. Harrison A friend informs us which vve are
sorry to leam, that he was opposed particu arly on
account of his au Iterance to lhal principle wt the
Constitution which secures to the people ol the
South their pre existing rights.” R seems then that
Gen. Harrison claimed for the South the right to
fasten slavery upon any soil which the nation might
have or purchase
He ha* had but little opportunity to act m a
public capacity upon the subject ol slavery since
VOL. 4,-No. 143.
that time; hut an nddres* Irom his political friends
ta Virginia, tn 1836, says, “ he is sound tJ the core
on the subject ol slavery ”
Here then we have two abolition papers, the
Lmancipoior and I he Rochester Freeman, opposing
Harrison's election. Hear the s«nu> paper further
“It is true that Gen. Harrison's pi'n-inal demons
tration are ipsa recent than .Mr. Van Hurens But
they are much stronger, for Mr. Van Buren helped
to send Kulu> King to the United '■hates Senate to
oppose slavery in .Missouri, and has never attempt
ed to extent! slavery to regions w here it was already
abolished. And further the demonstration of the
H arrisoa party are more recent thatt those of the
other. And it it is said that we should give the old
Genera I a chance to repent of his pio-slavery, we
reply that it belongs to the man who repents to ex
hibit his own repentance Certainly there are no
circumstances in the case which warrant the slight
est presumption in favor of Ins repentance. Let turn
or his friends it they choose, show w herein (ns
views differ from Uis action* in 180“ and 1810, and
1836 ”
When .Mr Colquitt was quoting from Abolition
papers to inform us, the people of Georgia, of the
views of the hand of fanatics in relation to General
Hainson, was it right to withhold from us the ex
tracts which you have just read ’ or must we again
res>*rt to the conclusion that our worthy represeuta
live was himsell ignorant of i lie facts which were
necessary to the proper decision of a question, on
w hich he undertook to instruct ns.
Again, I ask—Hoes Mr. Colquitt know,or has he
at any lime heard of The Cayuga Tocsin, a regular
an Buren abolition paper ’ l>oes he know \V .O.
Duvall, a leading abolitionist devoted to the cause
of Mr. \an Buren? lbs* he read his leiter to the
editors ol that paper,dated I'ort Byron, 4ih montli,
T, 18l0,in which he denounces the speech ot Slade,
ot Vermont* (though an abolitionist and in favor of
the light ol petition,) as a foul conspiracy lietween
‘*lhe slave holding Whigs of the South, and the
office-seeking abohtiunis.s of the .North,” an<l speaks
of Gen. Harrison as “the slave holder’s tool /” Still
Mr. Colquiit insists that Gen. Harrison ought not
to he supported by the South, because Whig mem
bers of Congress present abolition petitions, and
sustain their right to have them received and acted
upon. He has taken the trouble to count the num
ber of lhes« petitions which were presented by
Whigs in Congret**, from Slates in which they did
noi reside, ami finds that they amounted to 1317,
while the Democrats ptrsoiued on'y seven. I do
not know, and have not just now the means ol in
forming myseif which Mr. Colquut has, but he enn
tell us, how many ofthe.se 13 J petitions were pre
sented by that eccentric gentleman, Mr. John
Quincy Adams If Mr Colquitt had given us this
information, 1 apprehend the re naming number
would have been so small as not to have involved
many of I lie Whig members ol Congress in tho
crime which he thus charges against tnem in mass.
Os M r Adams’ position in relation to the Prcs den
tial canvass, 1 know nothing. If 1 understood it
now, 1 should not he aide to predict what it would
be m November. 1 could not lorsee how it would
st md the summer heats There were conjectures
ot his disposition to give in jus adhesion to Gen.
Jackson at the lime of Mr. Hivis’ election to tho
Senate oft he United States, and if he should com
plete the mosaic ol the Administration party hy a
present accession to it, it would ceituinly surprise
some of us at the South much le>s, than the similar
movement bl a distinguished Southron, who we
once hoped would oe alike without fear, and with
out reproaclu I protest, therelore, against General
11 arrison’s lieiiig held responsible ti»r fits eccen
tricities. Asa member ot Cungjres, the General sup
ported the prominent imasures of his administra
tion, without imbibing his notion*. He will not be
likely to do so, when their positions are reversed
But more gravely. A baud ot fanatics at the
North are waging a ruthless war against our pecu
liar domestic institutions. One ot their means of
warfare is the presentment of petitions to Congress.
Some of the Northern Whig members of that body
present these petitions and maint nn the right of
the petitioners lo have them acted on hy the Na
tional Legislature A great maj >nty of these mem
bers avow their willingness to unite in a report that
the prayers of these petitioners ought not to be
granted, but contend that the right to petition is
secured by tho Constitution, and cannot he with
held by Congress. Now I have no hesitation to
declare not merely as a Southern man and as a slave
holder, but ns a citizen of the 1 i.iteJ States, look
ing to the requirements of the Constitution, that ihis
assertion ol the right of petition in behalf of tlu so
fanatics, is as wild a phrenzy as ever was exhibited
in the halls of Legislation, and 1 venture to say
ami think I can prove that such is the opinion of
(ien. Harrison. Bui before pi feeding farther in
rny remarks on this part of the address, let us pul.
ourselves in possession ol Gen. Harrison’s views m
relation tot less people and lo ihe oowers of Con
gr ss over the subject of slavery. He has spoken
freely, and acted decisively. Let ns endeavor to
understand him, as Mr. Colquitt’s object is to make
the conduct of these NV big members of Congress
hear upon the question of Ids election to the Presi
dency.
Un the 4ibot Ally, 1833, at Cheviot, in Ohio be
fore an. audience composed almost entirely of men
opposed to slavery, and many oft hem Abol tionisls,
he gave utterance to the following patriotic and no
ble sentime its ;
“■ There i*» however, a subject now beginning to
agi ale them, (the Southern Stales,) in relation to
which if their alarm has any foundation, the rela
tive situation in which they may stand to soma of
the States, will be the very reverse of what it now
is. I allude to u supposed disposition in some in
dividuals in the iion-slavehufding stales to interfere
with the slave population of ihe other States, for
he purpose o( t >rcing their cimuripotion. Ido not
call your attention to tuts subject, fellow-citizens,
from ihe apprehension that there is a man amongst
you who will lend his aid to a project so pregnant
with mischief; and still less that there is n Biuie in
the Union which could he bro’t to give it counten
ance. But such are the feelings of oar Southern
brethren upon this subject—such their views, and
just v ewsof (he evils which an interference of thin
kind would bring upon them, that long before it
would reach the point ot receiving the sanction of
Slates, the evil of I lie attempt would he consum
mated ,|a» far as we arc concerned, by adtssoluiioa
of the Union. If there is any principle of tho Con
stitution of the United Slates icss disputable than
an other, it is, that the slave population is under
the ex ’LUSive control, ot the States which pos
sess them. If there is any measure likely to rivet
the chains, and blast the prospects of tbo negroes
for emancipation, it is the interference of unauthor
ized persons. Can any one, who is acquainted
with the operations of the human mind, doubt this ?
We have seen how restive our Southern orelhrcn
have been from a suppose*! violation of their politi
cal rights What must he the consequence of an
acknowledged violation of these rights, 'tor every
man of sense must admit it to he so,) conjoined
vviih an insulting interference with their domestic
concerns ?
“ I will not stop to inquire into the motives of those
vho are engaged in Hus jatul and unconstitutional
project. There may be some who hare embarked in
it without properly considt ring its consequences. and
who are a touted hy benevolent and virtuous princi
ples. But , if such there are. lam very cert tin that
should they continue their present course, their jel
low citizens will, ere long , corse the virtues uhndi
have undone their country.
- Slmiild I be asked u. there no way by which
the General Government can aid (because ot eiaan
cpaiioß, I answer that it has long been an oh.ect
near n>J heart, lo sec the w hole of its surplus reve
nue appropriated to that object. W ith the sanction
0 f ihe States fmiding the slaves, there appear, to
me ti be no constitutional objection to Us being
thus applied , embracing not only the colonization
of those tliat may lie otherwise heed, hut the pur
chase of the freedom of others. By a zealous pro
secution of a plan formed upon tliat basis, we might
look forward lo a day, not very distant, when a
North Auiertsan sun would not look down upon a
slave To those who have rejected the plan of
colonization, 1 would ask U they have well weighed
the consequences of ( mancipation without it ?
How long would the emancipated negroes remain
satisfied with that? Would any of tho Southern
Slates then (the negroes anue4 and organized; bo
able to resist their claims >o a participation in all
their political rights ! V% ould it even slop there
Would they not claim admittance to ail the s ,c;al
rights anu privileges of a community in which, iu