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•ome instance*, they would compos:-!' ibe majority
Let those who take pleasure in the c :i« sunt pialion of
such scenes as roust inevitably f*»lkm, finish out
the picture. % / ‘ b
u Jf lam correct in the principle here advanced,
I repeat my assertion, th it ■ scuw'so'i of the sub
ject of emancipation in the non 'ilaoghetding State*
is equally iyuruus to ' he slices and 'heir m isters.
ana that it has no sanction in the principles of the
Constitution. I roust nut be un-J:tis:ood to say,
that there is any thing in that imirurnent which
prohibits such a di*cii.»sion- 1 kivifv there is not.
But the man who believer that the c-»aira« which
his fellow-citizens have upon him are; satisfied oy
adhering to the letter ot the poim al compact that
connects them, must have a very .ruperect know
ledge of the principles upon which our glorious
Union was formed, and by which alone it can be
maintained.’
The following extract ot a letter Iro n an intimate
friend of Cun Hatrison, places his conduct on liiat
occasion in a sinking point ul v eiv :
“ but hu speech at tAeviot affords still stronger
proof on this point. It was delivered, you will re
collect, on the 4ih of July ; it was delivered 100
before the very men w ho hod opposed him because
of his slavery v tews. Surely, then, he would not
now touch this dangerous topic, j The occasion
did n >1 require ir ; the occasion, indeed, would
hardlv justuy it ilesid-.*, tn stm the first oppor
tunity win U di? Gen rai ha. enjov fi since t*l'i
of adcresiing the people ; and how eaa/ hi a natu
ral it wou d have been, to improve it for his own
ends: to seek, by talking of Old lime*, ot his feass
of arms, and the giotious West, Ip kindle af.esh
those friendly faehop which once l/yrned strongly
in his favor ' VS ny not so embrace |t I—V\ 1 —V\ hy, at
any rate, discuss a subject which clas full oi ex
citement, which might rouse against, him passions
that were even then only slumbenrg, wtnch had
before, and on that very spot, manped his political
pros; ects ? He did it, it is evident,! because a fuul
spirit wa- about him, which it’ alloiwed t > spread,
would peril ail rhat was noble in the land ; and he
forgot himsei t, arid ihonghl only ol hi* countiv, in
the effort to destroy that spirit ” j
Afterward-, in a speech at Vmcjrnnes, in 1835,
he user! ihe following language upon! his sabiect:
“ I have now, f’-iiow - citizens, a fif x\ worda more
to say on another end w- lech is in my
opiriion, of more importance than any other that is
now in the course of discussion iamf part of the
Union. I allude to the societies w:;.,.'!i hive been
firmed, and ihe movements of cericin individuals,
in some of the c talcs, in relation to 6. portion of the
populaii >n in others. The conducted these persons
is ihe more dangerous,because theuf object is mask
ed'undcrthe garb of di-interestedml*,; and benevo
lence, and ttieir course vindicated pv argurnenia
and propositions which in the abstain no one can
deny. Hwt however fascinating nja:y be tire dress
with which their schemes are printed to their
fellow with whatever purity ot intention
they may have been formed and ijystained, ihey
will be found to cany in their train fluschiet to the
whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it,
which if is probable, some of the £r- jectors, and
many of their supporters, have neiiyir thought of;
the latter, the first in ihe senes of (fi.fi!s which are
to spring from their source, are stich as you have
read of, to have been perpetrated cud. ie lair plains
of Jia I y and Gaul by the Scythian jui-rdes of Attila
and Aiaric ; and such as most c-f ytprapprehended,
upon that memorable night when *ih«? tomahawks
and war clubs of the followers ol Tecumseh were
rattling in your suburbs. I regard ridt the disavow
als of any such intention upon the; pe rt of ihe au
thors of ihese schemes, since upon ;fie examination
of the publications which have bsderi made,they
will he found to contain the very nets, and very
arguments, w hich would have been;used, if such
had bevn iheir object. I arn rerUifi that there is
not in tl is assembly, one of those deluded men, and
that there are few within the bounds of the >tare.
If there are any, I would earnestly e ireat them to
forbear; to pause in their career, ari l deliberately
consider ihe consequence of their;i yonduct to the
whole Union, and to those for whose benefit they
profess to act. That the latter will he the victims of
the weak, injudicious, presumptuous, xinrihistilu ton
al efforts to serve them, a thorough eza.ninado-i of
the subject must convince them. Ihii; (struggle and
struggle there must be,; may coraraei. : .fe with hor
rors such as I have described, but it; will end with
more firmly rivetting the chains, or in the utter ex
tirpation of those whose cause tney -idvocaie.
“Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, i\% applying the
terms weak, presumptuous, and uiu.'i-.i iututional, to
the measures of the emancipators f A sagbl ex
amination will, I think, show iltailiyam not. l a
vindication or" the objects of a <Jchii sruion which
was lately ln-ld in one of the low nAuf Unto, which
I saw in a newspaper, it was aarijl- t at nothing
more was minded than to prod .(c ii state of pub
lic feeling w htch would lead to an. amendment of
the Constitution, authorizing the alj> ; itiun of slav
er}- in the United Stales. Now, Vyn nn amend
ment of the Contsituiion be effected; without the
consent of the Southern states ? j'-Cliat, then, is
the proposition to be submitted -<i them ? It is
this. ‘7 he present provisions of r.|iie Constitution
secure to you the right a which you held be
fore it was marie, which you have never given up,)
to manage your own domestic conchas in your own
way; bui a- we are convinced i liiat you do not
manage thenr. pioperly, we want ydjq to put in the
hands ol the General Government:,!m thecrjuncils
of which we have ihe majority, the control over
these matters, the effect of winch will be virtually
to transfr the power from yours i&to our hands.”
“Agr.n: in some of the States, and in sections
of otte rs, the black population fat exceeds that of
the while. Some ol the emancipators propose an
immediate abiKdaS What is the proposition then,
as regards these States and parts oi States, but the
alternatives of amalgamation war tlfe blacks, or an
exchange of s.tuati.ms uiin then * Is there any
man ot common sense, who doe* it jot believe that
the emancipated blacks, i emg a iajsjority, will in
sist upon a full participation of pohjical rights with
the whites; 'nd when possessed-bf these, ihey
will not contend for a lull shar* of social rights
also? What but the exiremil) of weakness and
lolly could induce any one to thins: that such pro
positions as these could be listeugkj to by a people
so intelligent as the Southern S jit<;s? Further:
the emancipators generally decia.id that it is their
mien ton to effect their obj ct (a!<jsough their acts
contradict the assertion; hy no olKci aieatiS than by
convincing the sla.ehuiders that ; 1 ike irarnediiie
emancipation of the slaves is imed for, both by
moral übiigition and sound policy,. AnunfleigeJ
youth at the moment of b avingi j ndeed in many
instances, before he has left ii) hiai l ieological semi
nary, undertakes to give ieciu es? upon morals to
the countrymen of W ythe, Tuckefi Pendleton, and
Lowndes: and lessons of political Wisdom toSiatcs,
whose affairs have so recently bjen dire led by
JefferM>o and Madison, Macon a;*i; Cra vfbrd. Is
it possib'e that instances of greater, vinity and pre
sumptv n could hi exhibitd ? JJif.t'he course pur
sued by the emaucip tors is 1 do
not say that there are any vvotds ihjfhe Constitution
which forbid the discussions theyafire engaged in;
I know that tlit re are not. And ;■there is even an
article which secures to the ntdijms the right to
express and publish tiieic (qdnioap{without res'ric
tion. But in the const ruction 01-it-he Con-tituuon
it is always necessary to refer to l ike circumstances
under which it was framed, a ms: to a.scenain its
meaning by a comparison of it,|<provisions wan
each oilier, and with the previocij{situation of the
several States who were parties tnllil. In a portion
of these, hla very was recognized: t and they rook
care to have the mht secured t...» st lera, to fi How
and reclaim such ol them as werelf hgi lives to other
Slates. Ti e laws of Congress vkvtsed under this
power, have provided punishmen.jio any who shall
oppose or interrupt the exercise of qhis right. Now,
can any one believe thit the instrument, which
contains a provison of this kind vvaich autliunzes
a master to pursue feis slave blip another State,
lake him back,and provides a pijtdHiUment sot any
citizen or citizens of that State ulfo should oppose
him, should at th • same tune a ujhonze the laiter
to assemble together, to pass resf-taviona and adopt
addresses, not only to encourage Jhe slaves to leave
their masters, but to cut their throats before they
do so ? : - i
“I insist that, if tlie citizens-:;f the non-slave
holding States can avail themself of the article of
the constitution which prohibits! the restriction of
speech or the press, to publish eAiy thing injurious
to the rights of the slaveholde r-hates, that they
can go to the extreme I have mentioned, and effect
any thing further which writing pi- speaking could
effect. But lellow citizens, tlies-e are not tlse prin
ciples of the Consthuliori. Suchi a construction
would defeat one of the great: o;bjeclß of its for
mation, which was that, ot securing the peace and
harmony ol the States which wiei'e parties to it
The liberty of speech and of th:t|press was given
as the most effsctu il means to pres luxe to each and
every citizen th-tr own rights, atfiaj to the Stales the
rights which appertained to th|sU at the time of
their adoption. It c uld nevertUa-ve been expected
that it would be used by the citnltrn of one portion
of the. S a’esfur the purpose of p<rpriving those of
another portion of the rights xvhifi they had nserv
ed at the adoption oj the coristituf i jn, and tn the ex
ercise of which, none but themselves have any concern
or interest. If slavery is an evil, Ufa tvil is with them.
If there is in it guilt, the guilt is theirs not ours, since
neither the States where it does nc* exist , nor the go-
comment of the United States, can without usurpa
tion of power, and the violation of a solemn com
pact, do any thing to remove it w ithout the consent of
those who are immediately interested. Bui they wdl
; neither ask for aid, nor consent to he aided, whilst
\ the illegal, persecuting, and dangerous movements
! are in prosrress, of wtnch F complain: th* interest
of all concerned requires that the*e should be stop
ped imraedia eiy. This can only be done by the
force of pnbhc opinion, and that cannot too soon be
brought into op-ration. Every movement w hich ts
1 made by the abolitionists in the non siaveboldmg
j States, is viewed by our Southern breihren as an
attack upon tb« ir nahts, and which, if persisted in.
most in the c.nd eradicate those feelings of attach
ment and affection, between the ettiz-ns or a.I the
States, which was procured by a community ol in
terest and dangers in the war of the Revolution,
wntch was the foundation of our happy Union, ar.d
hv a continuance of which it can ai<>ne be preserved
I ei.treat you then, to frow n upon the measure?
1 which are:o produce retu ts so much to be depre
cated. The opinions which I have now given, I
have omtrred no opportunity for the last two years
lo lay before ihe people ot ray own State. I have
taken the liberty to express them here know ing that
if even they should untbrumatelv not accord w ith
vours, they wold be kindly received.
Gen. Har tson's view* inrelati»n to abolition and
the [tower of Congress, over slavery are now before
us, and each man can judge for himself whether j
, Mr Colquitt is or wrong tn the conclusion to
which he urges us to come —whether a man who
tas so spoken and so acted as Geu. Harrison has
done can as President of the f nited States, minis- '
te< to the views (*f the abolitionists ? 1-et us bear
in mind that he was announced as a candidate 'or
j tor the Presidency in 1835, and that he was before
the people and voted for in that office in 153 c-. Then ,
let us remember h's efforts in Indiana as early as j
| 18d2, continued while he remained ihe Governor of j
that term try, lu procure the tepeil of ifee ordinance
! which prohibited the intro faction of slaves there,
' and that in 1320, when Miss >uri was adnnfcd into
the L .ion, through a representative from the non
s!a eholding Sta eof Ohio, he again advocated the
; rights oil he South by voting against the protiibi-j
1 iior.Jof slavery in that State. Let us pause here a
moment, to consder the magnitude of the interests
which the South had at stake, when Gen Harri
son thus fearlessly stepped forward as oar advocate, i
The immense terrilo y known by the name of Lou
isiana. (embracing all except the Horidas,) which
formerly belonged to Spain, had been ceded by that
government to France and by France to us. New
I Stales were to be crea'e 1 out of i;. The question ;
was whether th y should have a community of inter- |
rerest wi, h the n »f. a or with the s *uih; and that crea:
question depei ded upm another whether slaver/
should be perraiiled or prohibited here? vitssouri,
Arkansas, and Louisiana are n »w Sou hern States
|in feeling. What would they have ben if the Mis
souri Restrictionists who were opposed by Gen.
. Hamson, and supported by Mr. Van lsur;n ha I
j prevailed ? 'I hey would have swelled the majority
j against us in Congress, and we should have bee i !
i bound hand and ifi*or, by the Northern n.cnahers of
the Confederacy—Such was the magnitude of our
interest. Le; us sre under w hat circumstances, and
: at what sacrifice Gen. Harrison became our ad
-1 v.»cate. He was a representative from a non-sla e
holding State, ills constituents were in favor of
the Mtssou i restriction, of prohibiting slavery there,
bur they did not instruct him. He knew for he
had been repeatedly warned that by voting in fa
vor of the looulh on that question, he would lose
his seat in Congress—b it tie did not falter. One
of his associates on that memorable occasion has
recently told us that on the rep a titionof these warn
ings, the very night before the final que-tton on the
Missouri restrictions was taken he fearlessly repled.
u I HAVE OFTEN RISKED MY LII E IN DE
FENCE OF MV COUNTRY, 1 WILL NOW
RISK MY POPi LAUJTY IN DEFENCE OF
THE UNION.” fle did risk, and did sacrifice that
popularity for us; a popularity the result of his many
valuable services in the West, winch was greater
than that enjoyed by any other min at that day.—
He was left out of Congress at the next election lor
this cause alone.
And this is th° man w hose fidelity Mr. Colquitt
would now persuade us to doubt. This chivalric I
soldier, this liberal high minded statesman, who so j
nobly sacrificed himself for us, is to be told thet we
—we the people of the South, who are at tins rai
ment reaping the benefits of bis generous seif devo
tion, that ,ve cannot trust the gallant veteran—.My
longue would cleave lo ray mouth in the effort to
utter the ungenerous, the unmanly sentiment. Mr.
Colquitt has mistaken the character of his c mstitu
ents. They are men, and may he deceived, misled,
goaded mto'the commission oi w rong, but they can- .
not be induced to withhold the tribute of gra e
fui hearts frou services like these.
In H 33 he delivered his speech in Cheviot before
an audience composed almost entirely of men op
posed to slavery, and many of them abolitionists.
"i hits had Harrison commuted himself by
word and deed on the subject of slavery before he
bacarne a candidate far tne Presidency. In 1835
his name was announced as a fit person to fill the
office, and he took the earliest occasion lo promul
gate his views on that question. His speech at
Vincennes delivered in June of that year is before
you. From that time, and down to the present year,
he has shunned n » occasion to declare his opinions j
What are they —
That there is no principle of the Constitution less !
disputable than that the slave population is tin- i
I der the exclusive control of the States which pos- !
ses-ses them
That the dUcossion if the subject of emancipa
tion in toe non slaveholding Stales, is equally in- j
I juriuus to the slave and bis master.
That it has no sanction in the principles ol the
I Constitution.
That the conduct of the abolitionists is the more
dangerous, because masked under ihe garb of dis
in'erestedness and benevolence, is injudicious, pre
sumptuous and un. (institutional, ana carries in ns
i train, mischief to the whole Union, and horrors to
a large portion of it.
These are the sentiments of Gen. Harrison ex- j
pre.-sed and acted on with noble fearlessness in the j
midst of abolitionists. Can y,u w ithhold your con- i
fidenre from such a man? Can you be per.-uadeJ j
(I care not who shall play the orator) to believe ;
that tins man will rartrsh the laurels he has won hy
the fearie.-s independence which he has manifested j
on ti ts momentous question for the list thirty-tight
years, by an art of perfidity now ? He goes in o of- *
flee if elected under the pledge to re ire front it, at
the expiration of the first faur years. Can you oe- !
lieve toat in this last closing scene of his political i
care r, he will by betraying your interests which he i
has thus pledged bim-elf to support, proclaim the
insincerity and disengenuousness of his whole puht
ical life ?
I have said 1 should shew to you that vve could
secure all the benefits which would result from
Gen. Harris m's election lo the Presidency, with a
perfect guarantee lor the preservation ol our own
peculiar institutions. Have i fulfilled the deciara- i
lion ? I have told you 1 could prove that General I
Harrison could not favor the movements of the a bo- |
lilionists inCongres*. Read and judge fur your- i
selves. Alter declaring that the “course pursued
| by the emancipators is unconstitutional” —alter ar
guing tosnewthat although not expressly forbidden
by the constitution, it is clearly inhibited by its !
spirit, by a comparison of its various provisions,:
and ol the situation of the several .Stales w ho were j
parlies to it—after adverting to the laws pissed by ■
Congress authorising the reclamation ot slaves es- j
caping from one Jktate lo another—after expressly I
declaring that Congress has no right to abolish sla- j
very either in the Stares or m the District of Co
lumbia, he proceeds lo enquire whether an instru
ment (the Con-.tiiutioii) which contains such a pro
vision would autaorize the citizens of the non
slaveholding States lo assemble together, to pass
resolutions and adopt addresses, not only to encour
age the slaves to leave their misters, bur to cut their
throats before ihsydo so?” He then insists if under
the clause w hich secures the freedom of speech and
of the f»ress “they can publish any thing injurious
to the rights of the slaveholding States, ihey can go
the extremes that i have mentioned.” He adds
that the freedom of speech and of the press, was
given to secure to the citizen his own rigli.s, not to
enable him to invade the rights of others, and utters
this emphatic declaration, that “neither the States
where slavery does not exist, nor ihe government
of the United Stales can without usurpation and a
violation of a solemn compact do any thing to re
move it without the consent of those who are im
mediately interesied.” In the opinion of Gen.
Harrison then the assemblages of abolitionists to
pas* resoluti- ns, adopt addresses and prepare memo
rials, fyc.are unconstitutional, and Congress cannot
countenance these proceedings, they cannot enter
tain those memorials, they cannot * do any thing,”
to promote their object, which is the removal of
slavery, “ without usurpation and the violation of a
solemn compact ” VN ould sue a a man so pledged
hy tne acts and declarations of his whole lite—who
iu a private station has bearded the aoolitionists to
their lace, by denouncing their conduct as violative
of the constitution, and hostile lo the peace and
harmony to the Union; could such a man be brought
hy any counsels to favor the nefarious views ol
these fanatics, when elevated by the suffrages of
his countrymen, far above the reach of their tnalig-
I nant influence * Would he wait anal the.r vile
' purposes hid been so far matured, as to assume the
I form of a bill which could only be prevented from
becoming a law bv his executive vein? So—ihe
j impulses of his feelings, t!ia convictions of his judg
ment —his respect for the rights of ills countrymen;
| his devotion to the constitution, all wou d u.ote to
induce him to frown upon tnese disturbers of tite
peace and harmony of the Union He would seize «he
first occasion to mark his reprobation ot their con
! duct. His errliest communication to Congress
would contain so decisive an express>on ot his
views as would silence th.se miscreants at least
during his ad.omistrafion.
1 believe there is but oae other reason urged by
Mr. Colquitt why the St iles liighis’ party of Geor
gia should not support Gen. Harr,son, which may
require a passing notice an-l that is, that his election
will in the establishment of a Bank of the
United Mates. Mr Colquitt declines to argue this
question, and I mil follow his example, Ine mai
ler to be ascertained is, what is Gen. Harrison s
i opii ion, and of this, we have lull and explicit evi
dence. In answer to a call made upon him in 1822,
he said —
** I believe that the charter given to the Bank of
the United Mates was unconstitutional, it no. being
’ one ol tho*e measures cectssary to carry any ot the
expressly granted (lowers imo effect.”
la answer to an enquiry made by Mr. Sherrod
Williams in 1836. w hether if e'ecied, he would s gn
a bill incorporating a National Bank, he says:
I would if 1 1 wtre clearly ascertained that the
public interest, in relation to the collection and
disbursement oflhe revenae would maienai’v sut
ler without one, and there were unequivocal irniu
le&iaiions i f public opinion in ns lavor. I think,
howvver, the experiment should he fairly tried, to
ascertain wbeiher the financial operations i f the
government cannot - be as Well carried on without
the aid of a National Bank If it is not necessary
tor that purpose, it dots not appear to me that one
can be constitutionally chartered. There is no con
struction which I can g ve the constitution, which
would aa h >riz? it on the ground of affording la
cnines to comme*c
'I hose views tt would seem ought to silence all
cavil on the part of those who are oppj.ed to a
Hank, unoalatabie as they may be to us friends.
They are the views of Jefferson in his report to
Gen. Washington in 1791—and of .Mr Madison as
President in IS 16. If the friends of r, Bank should
be induced to withhold their support from Gen.
Harrison, in consideration of fuse opinions, their
conduct would be more reasonable.
So much of Mr. Colquitt's a dress as professes
to assign his reasons for preferring Mr. Van Karen,
though it covets a go id deal of space, is so scanty
in matter, that it need not occupy us long. Mr.
\an Huren's claims to the support of th Slate
Bights’ party, when they have been careluily gar
nered up hy .Mr. Colquitt, are found to consist of
the following particulars :
Mr. Nan Buren was supported hy the State
Rights’ party as Vice President in lS.il and I^3i.
He has prim sed to veto any bill which may bo
passed foi the abolioon of slavery in the District of
Columbia against wishes <>f the slave holding
Stares—and to resist the slightest inter.frer.ee with
it in the Mates where ii exists.
He has declared himself an enemy to a Bank U.
Stares-
This is the sum total of his claims. Mr. Colquitt
can appeal to no acts of distinguished public ser
vice He can recall to our recollection no great
public nuasnre, on which Mr. Van Buren° has
s araped the impress of his name. The record ot
his life is destitute of all those brilliant incidents,
and efficient public services which adorn the annals
of Gen Harrson's eveniful career, lie came to
the Presidential (.’hair, not called there hy the peo
ple. not by torce of his own merits, or as the re
ward of a life of distinguished public servi res, but
as one, the measure of whose glory was filled up,
by having served under the “ illustrious Chiet,’’
whose appnin’ee he was, and in whose foots'eps
he was pledged to wa k. Far, very - far, be it from
me to deprive him of lire precious recollection of it,
which will accompany him in h;s retirement.
But to Mr. Colquitt’s bid of particulars—
-1 fie Mate Rights’ party of Georgia voted for
Mr Nan Buren as Vice President <n 1824 and 1832,
and therefore ought to vote for him as President in
1810. The conclusion ?eems hardly legitimate.
Mr. Colquit 1 apprehend voted against him as Pre
sident, (the Btate Rights' party certainly did; at a
more recent period, in 1836. NV'oild it not be
much more fair to contend that for that cause Mr.
Colquit should v »te against hi.a now. But does
Mr Colquitt not know that the support given to
Mr. Van Buren by ihe State Rights’ pany in 1821
was so given, less with a view to his claims than to
pronitiaie New York by the aupjiort of one of her
citizens for the Vice Presidency and thus to ad
vance the elec.ion of William H Crawford ? Has
he forgotten that the prominent competitor of Mr.
Van Buren was lire bitter enemy of .Mr Crawford,,
and not tlren a favorite with any considerable por
tion oft lie Shale Rights’ party of Gerg'a, and when
he appeals to the vote ot 1824, is he not pe-fectly
aware that under the influence of hostility to Mr.
Calhoun, the vote of Geo r gia was thrown away
upon Mr. Van Buren, not with a view to elect him,
h>r no other Mate 1 believe voted for him, hut to
express the feeling w hich the 8. R party of Geor
gia entertained to Mr (Vhoun. Every man who
will recall these circumstances to his mind, will at
once peceive how very slight are the cla.ms whicn
Mr. Van Buren can derive from them to the confi
dence of the Stale Rights’ party of Georgia—and
• annot lad 1 should think, to wonder how they
could have influenced the discriminating mind of
Mr. Colquitt
Mr Van Buren’s next claim is founded on his
views and pledges in relation to abolition. A* I
have already shewn Gen Harri on ss more tho
roughly with us on this subject than Mr. Van Buren.
Mr. Van Buren was a Missouri Restrictiunist—
General Dama n Sacrificed his seat in Congress
by resisting it—Mr. Van Buren was the adiocate of
th • inhibition of slavery in the territories—General
Harrison uniformly opposed the inhibition.
Mr. Nan Buren would veto a bill for the aboli
tion of slavery in the Diairicl of Couiumbu, bo
cause he considers it inexpedient, though with his
fuvsent 1 gh's ke cannot deny to Congress the Con
stitutional power to pass u bill. General Harrison
utterly dunes the pow r —considers such a bill abso
lutely unconstitutional , and requiring no further
lighis to guide him would at all limes oppose it hy
the intervention of the Presidential veto, in ihe
legitimate and constitutional exercise of that high
power.
Mr. Van Buren is opposed to a National Bank—
hut he admitted in 1826, that tire power of Con
gress in this regard was a successful interpo.a
tion in the Constitution.”—He resists it lliereiore
on the ground of inexpediency. Gen. Harrison
considers a Bank both unconstitutional and inex
pedient i nlcss it be clearly proved to tie necessary
to the financial operations oi the Government —to
th collection and disbursement ot the revenue.
From this, w hich i» a lair exposition of iheir re
spective views, the Shate Rights’ party ofGeor.ia
can readily judge between them.
But Mr. Colquitt has not I apprehend placed in
the prominent, relief to w hich it is entitled, the pre
duminiling motive lor his present change of p si
tion. He is the advocate of Mr. Van Buren’s Sub-
Treasury scheme which has been repudiated by
the State Rights’ party ot Georgia. Hoc ipsuni tst
de quo ugehut. Ii ihe State Bights’ party oi Geor
gia < an be induced to sup(*ort Mr. N an Buren they
will more reartiiy adopt his Sub-Treasury scheme,
and thus Mr. Colquitt will rally around him friends
from whom he wouid reluctantly be separated and
who would (it they could pieserve their ancient
connection w i hour such a sacrifice) reluctantly
separate fiorr him In their resistance to that mis
erable pr.-j-ct they are actuated by stronger feelings
than even iheir attachment to Mr. Colquitt, by the
duly they owe to themselves, to their lamilies, to
their country. In operation, as it has been for
some lime past, though without legal sanct on, they
have felt ns flighting influence upon all their m
tere>is They do not deceive themselves by sup
posing that the pnc’ of their great siap'e upon
which most of their comforts depend, can de render
ed independent of the flucinations of foreign mar
kets, by any - regulation o! our domestic currency—
but neither will they suffer others to deceive them
on this subject. They know that upon the proper
regulation «.f that currency depends the reel value
of the nominal price w hich they receive lor their
cotton—and that in its present depreciated stale
they are compelled to pay a tax more than equal to
its actual depreciation on all the articles ot their
consumption. These indications come from an
unerring source 'J hey are the vibrations of the
pocket-nerve, and cannot deceive.
And now, in the exercise of my right as a Stats
Righrs’ mar, and as one of 3lr. Colquitt’s const iiu
ems, I have commented on lus address, freely as
decame ibe subjc-ciand the occasion but w ith those
feelings of respect and good will which are due not
loss lo Mr. Colquitt personally, than to our ancient
association. 1 trust this address may be received
in tlie same spirit by the -State Rights’ party gene
rally. Mr Colquitt will be eulogized (he has been
already) by those whose opinions he has hitherto
held in little esteem, but who seek to use him and
bis circular as a highly convenient accession to the
political assets of a rapidly failing concern. Let
’ the State Rights’ pony of Georgia not forget the
respect which they owe to then-selves by the de
nunciation of their ancient associate. If we parr,
lit is because hr has decreed the separation Let us
| do so with go;*d will—looking rather to the kindlier
| recollections of the past, than cherishing those leel
ings of hostility which antagonist political positions
are 100 apt to engender
A ST VI E RIGHTS' MAN OF 1825.
j CHRONICLE* AND SENTINEL.
AVGU S T A .
TUESDAY MORNING JUNE 16-
ron PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
Os Ohio;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe —the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican—
the pattiot Farmer of Cbio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN TYLER,
Os Virginia;
Stite Rights Republican of the school of ’9B—
—of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriotic statesmen.
FOB. ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUN JAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
JOEL CRANVFORD, of Hancock.
SEATON GRANT!. AND, of Baldwin.
CHRISTOPHER B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
EZEKIEL WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb.
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
E. A. NISBET, of Bibb.
J, C. ALFORD, of Troup.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
T. B. KING, of Glynn.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumpter.
R. L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
T. F. FOSTER, nf Muscogee.
J. A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
Errata —ln the extract from the communica
tion of Mr. Lawson, which was inserted in our no
-1 tice yesterday, the compositor committed an er
ror which was overlooked by us in reading the
proof,—and as it somewhat changes the sense of
: the sentence, we correct it—the fourth line of the
extract read 44 From the reading of the Minutes
instead of 44 From reading the Minutes
Review of \V. T. Colquitt's Circular.
V, e leel groat pleasure in being able to lay be
lore our read -rs in this morning's paper, the very
able and conclusive review of Judge Colquitt’s Cir
i cular by A State Bights man or 1825.” We
hope our readers will not be deterred by its length,
trom giving it such an investigation, as its impor
tance demands.
It may not be improper to remark, that Judge
! Colquitt has in a recent circular, deprived his neiv
• friends of the only argument they had drawn from
his former circular, by denying that he had charged
Gen. Harrison with being an abolitionist, and en
ters into a labored argument to prove that he nei
ther cailed him an abolitionist, or regarded him as
one - —Verily the way of the sinner is hard.
i
Correspondence of the Baltimore Patriot.
Washington, June 10.
RATES OF POSTAGE.
Mr. Webster laid on the table a resolution de
claring that the existing rales of postage charged
j upon letters carrkd by the United States rnail
ought to be reduced and that it is expedient to in
quire into the utility of altering the >vstem, so as
to introduce the use of stamps, and stamped covers
for letters.
Mr. U ebster proposed these resolutions merely
j for the purpose of drawing attention to the subject,
i H is a prevalent opinion throughout the country,
and in Congress, that the present rates of postage
ought to be reduced. The experience of England
; in us system of penny postage by means of stamps,
is greatly deserving of the public attention.—
The reduction in the rr.tes of letter postage se
cu;es the revenue in Englai d against defalcation.
Whether the old system, as used in England, can
be applied to our country, deserves*coasideration.
He tuought it miffit be sately used. In a revenue
point of v.evv, he thought st l9a?t a reduction of
the rates of postage expedient. Travellers now
go as ;:ast a> the mail ; and much correspondence
goes flow by tr ivellers, and pays no postage. If
tlie rates are reduced, the temptations tos<nd fcv
i private hands will be reduced. In this case, more
does not produce more—but less produces more.
Mr. Webster also laid on the table a stamp and
stamped envelope used in England, according to
; the post office arrangements there.
The resolution was ordered to be printed, and
I the stamp and stamped envelope were ordered to
be engraved for the use of the Senate.
One Presidential Term.
The great and salutary One Term Principle,
to be established by the election of General Har
rison, were all else in relation to the two candi
dates equal, is abundantly sufficient to control
. the decision ot the People, Indeed there is no
feature of greater interest belonged to the ques
| tion. It nearly concerns the prosperity of the
' country, and the stability of its institutions.—
No argument is required to show that the Repub
lic is not “ destined to endure,” unless the pro
gress of executive corruption is arrested. This
can be done in two ways only, which wavs are
; either to deprive the President of the means of
corruption or take trom him the inducement to
those means.
Ours is now the worst administered government
in the world. The reason is obvious. The mo
ment we elect a President, instead of devotin"
himself to a faithful and efficient discharge of his
high duties he opens a canvass for his ru-election
1 o accomplish this all his patronage and power
is pul in active requisition. Cabinet Ministers,
and Members of Congress together with our large
office-holders, are required, not lo devote their
lime and talents to the discharge of their duties,
but to exert every faculty to secure an extension
of (heir own terms of office by the re-elec
tion of the President under whom they hold.—
Phis leads loa neglect of their legitimate duties. I
Xay, worse. It prevents the objects and advan
tages ot government by turning its power and
patronage against the people.
The experience for the last twelve years must
teach some useful lessons. Among the most
salutary will be the One Term Principle. This
! va *t Republic has been convulsed to its centrebv
the sanguinary struggles of Gen. Jackson and
i Mr. Van Buren for re-election. In these strug
j gles every other interest has been sacrificed. To
| gratify the ambition of two men, the rights, in
terests. and happiness of twelve millions of peo
ple, and the prosperity and fame of a great na
tion, have been utterly and obstinately disregard
ed. The administration of Mr, Van Buren has
been especially and eminently barren and de
! struetive. It has no redeeming quality of feature.
| Its four years have been years of individual dis
tress and public dishonor. From the day he was
i sworn into office to that which will send him
i swearing out. there has not been, nor will not be.
any mitigation of our sufferings, or anv check to
the career of universal corruption.
But we turn from the dark past to the bright
future 1 General Harrison will be elected Presi
drntfor one tehm. Hiswhole aim and ambi
-1 lion will be to doss up a longlife of public service
• usefully to the country, and h morablv to himself.
His thoughts and time and talents will be devo
ted to the people and the nation. He will admin
ister the government with the wisdom of a states
man and the integrity of a patriot. And this will
bring back the Republic to its lost land-marks.
The constitution will then swing round to its
old and safe m wrings; and prosperity will re
turn to bless and reward freemen for thus nobiv
and triumphantly vindicating their cause and
their country.
General Harri-on, in establishing the One
Term Principle, will have rende-ed the service
and achieved the glory at which Washington
aimed I V rs, the Father of his Countrv bad de
termined tr* establish this most salutary Republi
cs n principle. No act ot his lite gave him more
pain than the stem necessity which compelled
him to take a re-election. But it was a clear case
of duty, and he yielded, not, however without ex
pressing, in the strongest terms, his conviction
that the welfare and safety ofthe Republic should
not he hazarded by making his reluctant consent
a precedent.
What Washington so ferventiv'desired, there
fore. will be accomplished by Harrison. The
youth whom, fifty years ago. Washington com
missioned as an ensign in the American Armv,
will have lived to establish an Executive precedent
which the Father of nis Countrv deemed essen
tial to the preservation of its liberties. That
precedent, once established, will be indestruc
tible. And thenceforward a President will serve
but one ter*. Then, as now, statesmen and
patriots will aim at the Presidency, But when
that high station is attained, instead of plun
ging into intrigues to secure a re-election, our
Presidents will by an enlightened and patriotic
dischaige of their duties, endeavor to close their
lives in honor, and to crown th°ir administration
with glory.— Albany Evening Journal.
Frcm the New York Courier and Enquirer.
William Henry Harrison.—The follow,
ing tribute te G> n. Harrison we extract from a
speech of John Clayton of Delaware, delivered
on Mr. Foot's resolution in the Senate of the
United States in the year 1830. It is the more
to be valued, as it was uttered at a period lon®-
before the gallant soldier of the Thames was
presented as a candidate for the highest office in
the gift of the People, There was nothing in
Mr. Clayton’s appeal, therefore, that can be mis
construed into a thrift-pursuing flattery :
Fake another case and inform us why the gal
lant Harrison, the hero of Fort Meigs, the victor
at Tippecanoe and the Thames—a veteran in
councils, as well as in the field—distinguished
for his virtues in a*U the relations of a citizen,
the soldier and the statesman ; why, I ask. was
he proscribed as unfit to represent his countrv
abroad, and withdrawn from Columbia, to make
room for Tho’s P. Moore I He had scarcely ar
rived at Bogota—the ink was still fresh on’ the
executive record which informed the Presi
dent that it was the advice of the Senate that
he should represent us there, when the or
der for his removal was announced. This could
not have been done for any official misconduct.
There had been no time to enquire into that.
Was his fidelity distrusted then 1 Or how did
the public good require his dismissal ? Think
you it will tel! well in the annals of history, that
he who had se often perilled life and limb in the
vigor of manhood to secure the blessings of lib
erty to others, was punished for the exercise of
the elective franchise in his old days ? Sir, it was
an act, disguise it as we may, which by holding
out the idea that he had lo=-t the confidence of
his country, might tend to bring down his grev
hairs with sorrow to the grave. But the glory
o! the campaign on the Wabash, and by those
hard earned victories for which he received the
warmest acknowledgements of merit from the
Legislature of Kentucky, and the full measure of
a nation s thanks in the resolutions of Congress
can never be effaced ; and any effort to degrade
their honored object' will recoil gn those who
make it. until other men in belter days.shall pro
perly estimate his worth, and again cheer his de
clining years with pi oofs of his country's confi
dence and gratitude.
R >bert N. Wicklilfe, whose secession from the
Whig ranks has been so pompously noticed in the
administration papers, is not the Hon. Robert
Wickliffe. of Lexington, as some of them repre
sent. The Louisvi le Journal says that the true
reason of Mr. Wickliffe’s secession fiotn the
Whig ranks is mortified vanity. Last summer,
in opposition to the wishes of the Whigs, he
thrust himself forward in opposition to ihe regu
larly nominated candidate lor Congress, and was
beaten; hence his disaffection with the Whig
party. —Pittsburg Advocate.
PcTfisuriExT of a Slander-r.—When Gen.
Harrison was Governor of the Indian Territory,
and Indian Commissioner, he was accused of of
ficial malversation and corruption, by a land
speculator, whose practical machinations and
gambling in the Indian lands he exposed and de
feated. General Harrison forthwith insti'utcd an
action against his accuser for slander, and the ju
ry to whom was referred the decision of the is
sue promptly, and without quitting the jury box,
returned a verdict in favor of Gen *ral Harrison,
with heavy -damages. He approached the defen
dant, and declared his intention not to receive
one dollar of the damages, saying that after all
legal charges were paid, the balance remaining
should be apportioned among the widows and
orphans of those brave soldiers who fell on the
1 ippecanoe battle field. Instructions were given
and the money distributed in conformity with
the General s declaration among the widows and
orphans ot his gallant companions in arms, who
fell battling for the hero of their countrv, on the
field of glory. It all the slanderers of the Gene
lai were served in the same way, methinks the
widows of the soldiers that fell at Tippecanoe
would be richly dowered. — JS. Orleans Bulletin
Potatoes at par.— The editor of the Paul
ding Clarion says : “Owing to the hardness of the
times, we have been compelled to adopt the cash
system, it being impossible to carry on business
vs ithout money. But to those who have no mon •
ey we would say, that we will receive Irish pula
toes at par, and chickens, eggs, butter, &c. at a
liberal discount.”
F lock from New York.— From the Ist of
July, 1839, to the Ist of June, 18-10, there were
exported from the port of New York, 355.487
bbls. of flour, 121,024 bushels of wheat, and
122,641 bushels of corn.
Pennsylvania Lisisiatcbi.—_l q t v
on the Bth, the Improvement Bill w as £r,ii’ eDiJe ‘
ed.by a vote of 20 to 12. An
adopted, making an appropriation of s> r, ~, *»»
completing the survey for a rail" road 1 f ° r
Harrisburg to Pittsburg, and to ascertain 11 *
practicability of making a M’Adamixed r^V he
Laughlinstown to Cbatnbcrsbur». JaMro: fc
On motion of Mr. Brown, the section
required the Bank of the United States
£4,000.000 at four per cent was stricken-!,
one substituted, providing that the Cover
borrow it at an interest not exceeding 5 -
per annum, payable after the year I&70 •'* rcec >.
The amendments will bring the bill a '
fore the House for confirmation. eaJn be
-1 ‘
“ Our country presents a new spect ac j e r
contemplation of mankind.”— Amo • A>,'j
True! Cabinet ministers turned -^ T ‘
line” liars; senators in congress conre
! stump slanderers, and common li:>c;i fr .. lDto
I national legislature metamorphosed into a
agerie ; the army recruited with Cuba
people swindled by their own servants; * e
I dent squabbling for the public purse; the "
live attempting to erect a -standing inßy’’*’
i the rums of popular liberty ; the
seeking to reduce the wages of labor to the J**
: Jard of European despoti ms.
These and other circumstances of like i mDor .
present our country in a novel light—^ a ’
make mankind shudder for the prosperity 0 f - °
government!—Actc Orleans Bee. * ***
The Oregon Country.
The Peoria Register furnishes the f ' OW ; P
account of the finale of the Expedition *hb
sat out from that country for the mou-.h
Columbia.
Finale of the Oregon Ex PEl)ltioj .
letter has recently been received ! v M r . Brn-i iX
ofTazewell county, from Capt, Tho?j A sJ. p **’
ha.v, leader of the party of fourteen Peoi 3n '
who s t out a year ago for Oregon, written«
one of the Sandwich islands, in January las*
Our latest pre* ious advices from Capt. F left
him at Brown’s Hole, in the Rocky Mountain,
i only one of his Peoria companion*, *aj
• t!n § to fob >n w ith some company bound to the
I Columbia river. Though in his’ letter he does
not mention the fact, yet it is presumed he did
fall in with such a company, and that he pro**.
| cuted his journey with them. He now state,
that in every respect the country has hern over,
rated ; that, excepting the valley of the W'ilhaxjj.
ei—the seat of the Methodist mission
I tion of the territory through which he passed
presents any thing attractive, or offers anv induce
ments to farmers, or any other class of immi
grants. In a word, all the unfavorable represen
tations that were made to him by returnin'* tra
vellers whom he met on the journey, and lowhick
he then lent an incredulous ear, were abundant
ly realized.
We give entire credit to these statements of
Capt. Farnham. He left here determined to
reach the mouth of the Columbia river,or perish,
and with the bona fide intention of settling per
manently in Oregon. One by one he saw hiscom
panions become disheartened at the perils before
them, and return, until he was left at an isolated
spot in the wilderness, with a solitary follower
out of the fourteen who embarked with him,
These repeated defections increased instead of
subduing Lis adventurous spirit, and he finally
succeeded, against eveiy obstacle, in accomplish
ing the leading object of his journey, perhaps at
greater hazards than ever before fell tp the lot of
any adventurer in those regions.
The Boston Daily Advertiser publishes the
following simple rules for reducing sums in the
money of France or England to their value in
dollars and cents; *
To reduce any sum of francs and centimes a I
dollars and cents .- take i-8. and 1-2 of this gti, I
and add the two together, for the value required I
in dollars and cents. To reduce any sum is I
dollars and cents to francs and centimes; multi- 1
ply the given sum by 4, add to this product cue
third ot it for the value required.
To reduce sterling money to dollars and «nh|
—valuing the pound 4 dollars and SO cents; to I
the given pound, annex the shillings ami pence!
in decimals of a pound, and add a cvpher. o'!
move the demical point one place to the right;!
then multiply by 8, and the product by s.and
last product is the value in dollars and rents.
io reduce dollars and cents to pounds: diride I
the given sum by 8. and the last quotient, placiDfl
the decimal point one place to the left, is the re-1
ouired sum in pounds and decimal parts. Mo<b
men of business are probably familiar with th«
rules. Those who are not, will find it useful H
practice upon them until they become familiar.
The L ate Cuba Piracy.—The Philadeiß
phia United States Gazette of yesterday contain
ed an account of an act ot Piracv off Cape Ad
tonio, which is about 45 miles to the iewards
Havana, copied from a New Orleans paper
the 28th ult. Vv e find some doublet the cf
redness of the statement, but on making
(her enquiries of Capt. Remington, cf the brig
Elizabeth which arrived at this port *• n Saturday
we find he fully confirms it. The seven pirate
were brought up from Cape Antonio a few day
previous to his departure. They were to be trio
forthwith, and no doubt was entertained of
being immediately afterwards ordered to exert
tion. They belonged to the Regies, opposite'"
Havana, a well known resort a few years
for such characters.— Xew York Courier &
Enquirer.
The Report of the Fire Commissioners of
city of New York shows that during the year
ding the 23d ult. there were cne hundred
ninety fires, which is an average of more than
fir every forty-eight hours. Os these,
were accidental, and ninety six caused by incttiß
diaries; more than sixty took place in the
district, and the property destroyed amounts in’»«
to $3,325,409. Trie Commissioners repeat i-H
opinion expressed in die report of last Janaa?J
trial incendiarism “internal or otherwise" is
most frequent cause of fires, an opinion
they think is corroborated by the the tact t rJ H
by Jar the greater number of fires are discover*■
about the period of the fi st of February,
the la>t quarter day of the year.
Provi denti al R r.srr F. — We are rejoiceu ■- M
learn that the individual named Fa 1 ley. wbo^^ S
’ed to sea on a raft, near Tybce, some day» sia ■
has been preserved from a horrid death, jB
drifted ashore on the last in the vincinity 0 *
Royal, after having been at from aef .\
until Monday without any tiling to eat or o r in»|»
except a little of the bark of an old oak tree"*
Savannah (Jcorgian.
The Missisippi.— \\ e are not yet insnil- H
we are not a washed out people yet; hut
“father of waters” has still got his hack up
high, and there's no knowing what we are t'ri y|
pect. '1 hose in the habit of watching tb e
say that the water has risen at the rate ota
or an inch and a half every twenty-fourb° ors ’ jH
the last three or four days. In the I irst
paiily. the water just touches the summit 01 Jjß
levee, as though the land and water had c vJB
carefully brought to one level by art, and 3 y . : |||
market the fruit boats in the water stand >» “ ; .j|
and as convenient for purchasers as the sW* ■ -«
posite to them on land. They say
“ There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which taken at the flood leads on to toxtun ja|
and if we are not mistaken, this is the