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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL.
A 1J <; U s T A . _____
TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 11.
FOR PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
Os Ohio ;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican—
the patriotic Farmer of Ohio.
for vice-president,
JOHN TILER,
Os Virginia;
, T A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9S—
one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
~ JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark,
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin,
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs,
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
®SjLIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
No mail northof Charleston last night.
,
North Carolina Elections,
The Charleston Courier of yesterday says;—
We have been furnished by a gentleman just from
the North, with the following returns from North
Carolina, being Ml that have as yet been received :
Moorehead (W.) Saunders (Adm.)
Washington, .379
Beaufort, 846 363
Edgt combe, 11l 1 -98
Franklin, 353 636
Warren, 88 70.3
Granville, 873. 760
Wayne,... 00. 512 maj.
Alabama Elections.
The Montgomery Advertiser of the 7th, an
administration paper, says: “From present ap“
pearances, there is no doubt but that the Demo
cratic vote of Alabama, on joint ballot, will be
somewhat reduced. We do not regret this. —
The difficulty has been, that it was too large to
manage. The strength of parties ia the Senate
will be nearly balanced, but in the House of Re
presentatives, we shall have the controlling influ"
eace, unless some unexpected defection has ta
ken place in the Northern counties. In South
Alabama, the Harrisonites have gained in the Le
gislature, as far as heard from, but the popular
vote, compared with that of IS3G is decidedly
against them.”
•'From the Log Cabin Extra.
Barhour —Mann and Shanks, Representa
tives
Bahbotjr ana Russell. — Buford, elected to
the Senate, which is a whig gain.
Greek— Riddle, Senate. Young McAlpin .
Murphcy, Representatives; reported whig map
over 500.
Pike —Simmons and Dickson, Reps.
Mobile — Bales, Prince, Hollinger and Lang
don, Representatives: majority over 100.
Baldwin — Hall, Representative; 30 major
ity. Whig gain.
Perky— Barron, Bradley and Seawell, Rep
resentatives. 1 whig gain. Increased whig ma
jority 84.
Conecuh — Bell, Representative, 170 major
ity.
Dallas — Phillips, Senate. Whig gain.—
Norwood and Norris, Representatives.
Bibb and Suelbt — Watrous, Senate; whig
gain.
• ~ Shelby—Two W/itgs. Gain 1.
Tallapoosa—Stone. Representative.
Talladega—Hill and Rice Reps.
Macon and Tallapoosa—Daily, Senate.—
This district was lost to the whigs by unfortu
nately having two candidates in the field. 1
democratic gain.
Chambers —McLemore aud McCoy, represen
tatives. 280 majority. Whig gain 2.
Tuscaloosa —Four Whigs. Whig gain 1.
Jefferson —McMillan and Randolph, one
whig loss.
Bibb —Two Whigs elected. 1 whig gain.
Report says that the whigs have carried Ma
rengo and Pickens, which will be a gain of 3.
Butler and Pike —Womack Senate, whig
gain.
Those in Italics are whigs.
<£j=Tn accordance with the wishes of some of
our friends, we shall publish the Sub Treasury
Bill in the course of a few days.
Extract of a letter dated
Raytown, Ga., August 3, IS4O.
Never have wc seen such manifestations of
deep and settled political feeling as were exhi
bited at the Harrison Barbecue given at Raytown
on the Ist inst. It seemed as if the whole couu"
try had emptied it-elf into 1 1J Raytown. About
2000 persons were on the ground, a procession
wa» formed under the direction of Gen. Grier,
and proceeded to the tables where they partook
of the Barbecue. The cloth being removed the
audience was respectively addressed by Col.
Sayre, Col. Gamble , Col. Foster, Col. Johnson,
Capt. Tombs, and Capt. Smyth, in answer to
calls. The speeches were replete with argument,
jvith facts and thrilling denunciations of the poli
cy of the present administration, and the most
eloquent appeals in favor of Harrison and Reform.
' It would be vain forme to attempt a description of
the enthusiasm which pervaded the meeting
owing to the inclemency of the weather the toasts
that were prepared for the occasion were not
given.
Meeting in Pulaski Count y*
At a meeting of the friends of Harrison, Tyler
and Reform, held in Hawkinsville, Pulaski county,
July iSth, IS4O, John Rawls, Esq., was called to
the Chair, and Augustus H. Hansell requested to
act as Secretary'.
On motion ol A. H. Hansell. it w’as
Resolved, That the persons whoso names are
hereunto attached, be appointed delegates to the
Convention to be held in the city of .dacon, on the
second Thursday in August next, and that all others
friendly' to the election of Harrison and Tyler, and
who may wish to attend, hand in their names to
the Chairman of this meeting, and be recognised
as delegates from Pulaski county.
John Rawls, Turner Coley,
W B Reeves, James Lamkin,
John Lampkin, Washington Lancaster,
John Newsom, Wright Lancaster,
John Anderson, Thomas Bembry,
Thomas Barber, A J Coalson,
J Coney, Jacob M Snell,
John Lee, Willet \\ Snell,
Wm Kirksey, Abram Shiver,
J Bohannon, Daniel Rawls,
John D Gordon, B Shiver,
H Henderson, Francis Wright,
Wm Brown, Isaac Shiver,
Blackshear Bryant, John Beavans,
R R Slappev, A H Hansell,
George Walker, B Newsom,
Wm A Berry, J II Wallace,
Edward St George, J W Powers,
Thomas J Wright, Jackson Snell,
Robert J Anderson, Darling Jones,
Wm Bacon, Wm D Eddings,
G G Graham, Wm Roebuck,
J E J Horne, Hardy' Jones,
Henry Phelps, J J Mayo,
Theophilus Sutton, Bryan Bradley,
James E Philips, Crawford Hart,
Robert N Taylor, Wm W Mayo,
James Philips, Andrew' D Beaty,
Charles Walker, Samuel F Jones,
David Walker, Edmund F Brown,
Charles E Taylor, Matthew Lynham,
Simeon Gray' Bush F Deffnall,
H L Niles, John Dormany,
Henry Anderson, Hardy Powers,
George W Hines, William Spiers,
JED Coley', George Brainerd.
After which the meeting adjourned.
JOHN RAWLS Chairman.
A. H, Hansell, Secretary.
Harrison fleeting at Abbeville C. 11.
According to previous arrangements the friends
of the election cf William Henry' Harrison to the
office of President of the United States, met in the
Court House of Abbeville, August 3d, 1340. Col.
Larkin Griffin was appointed President, and Wm.
S Burch and Dr. Thomas B. Dcndy, appointed Sec
retaries.
On motion of J. V. Cain, a committee of twenty
five were appointed to select and repoit suitable
persons as candidates, to represent the cause of
Harrison, Tyler and Reform at our ensuing elec
tions.
The committee consisted of the following gen
tlemen, viz:
Capt Irvin, Maj Thomas Wilks,
Maj Alston, WmS Burch,
J Willard, Dr F Branch,
Dr Wra Smith, Mr Jacobs,
Samuel A Hodges, Maj Caldwell,
Capt Wm Parltous, Wm Pascal,
A W Batie, B Allen,
A Miller, S Barr,
J A Burton, A Morrow,
O Taggart, S Bird,
W N McKeller, A R Patton,
R H Leslie, Capt Cannon.
A B Arnold,
After a short time the committee relumed, and
submitted the following report: The committee
appointed to select and report the names of suita
ble persons as candidates to represent the Harrison
party in this district, beg leave to recommend the
names of the following persons as candidates:
For Congress, Wyat W. Stark—For the Senate,
Dr. A. B. Arnold—For Representatives, James W.
Harris, Dr. Paul W Conner, John Brownlee, J. C.
Willard, and Dr. S. V. Cain.
After which, Dr. A. B. Arnold rose and addressed
the meeting in a very' able and spirited
He spoke of the life and and character of William
H. Harrison, and refuted most successfully many
of the foul calumnies attempted to be cast upon
him by his political opponents. Also of the cur
rency question, particularly of the Sub-Treasury
and a National Bank —the latter of which he ably
advocated and at considerable length —showing
that during the existence of a National Bank the
fiscal concerns, both of the government and com
merce, was successfully and happily conducted,
and of the present embarrassed state of affairs.
Dr. S. V. Cain was then called upon. He ap
peared and addressed the meeting with an able and
lengthy address, upon all the important topics now
agitating the American people, relative to tne en
suing Presidential election, and upon the neces
sity of a change and reform in the present admin
istration —advocated the claims of Gen. Harrison
over Mr. Van Buran—refuted the charges of Gen.
Harrison’s being an abolitionist, federalist, &c.
James W. Harris then rose and invited any gen
tleman of the opposite party to address the meeting
Mr. Wardlaw and Maj. Burt were immediately
called for by their party'. Mr. Wardlaw was pre
sent and addressed the meeting in his usual able
and eloquent style, to whom James W. Harris re
plied. Maj. Burt appeared in reply to James W.
Harris.
It was moved and seconded that tne meeting ad
journ until sale day in September next.
LARKIN GRIFFIN, Pres’t.
WiM. S. Burch, >
rr, u .... > Secretaries.
Dr. Thomas B. Dendy,s
Baltimore, August 6.
Various stories were in circulation in this city
yesterday, respecting a duel which was reported
to have taken place on Tuesday, on the Virginia
side of the Potomac, between the Hon. Francis
Thomas, member of Congress from the Frederick
District of this Stale, and the Hon. Wm. Price
of Hagerstown. One of the stories went so far
as to say that at the first fire Mr. Thomas had
been killed on the spot, and that Mr Price had
been mortally wounded —the parties having
fought at three paces. It was soon found, how
ever, that the reports could not be traced to any
authentic source; and the belief that they were
untrue wastully confirmed on the arrival of the
cars from Frederick, yesterday afternoon—no
such occurrence being known there when the train
1 left at ten o’clock in die morning. It is known
that a difficulty had occurred some time ago be
tween the gentlemen named, which wis expec
ted to resuit in a hostile meeting, but it is to he
hoped that the. measures which have been taken
to prevent it, have been successful.— American.
Important Letter from Gov Kinney
of Illinois.
Mount Pleasant, (III.) July 10, 1840.
Dr. A. G. Henry, Chairman of the Whig Cen
tral Committee of Illinois.
D f.au Sir : Your letter of the 6th ultimo
which you have done me the honor to address to
me on the part of the Central Committee has this
moment come to hand, and I regret that I arn so
indisposed (having been confined to my room for
three weeks with a fever) that I shall be compell
ed, in part, to answer your several inquiries by
referring to a portion of my recent publications,
which I think, will fully answer your first inter
rogatory.
You ask me, it in yielding my support to Gen.
Harrison for the Presidency, 1 have here deser
ted any of the democratic principles which I have
heretofore advocated ! I answer unhesitatingly
that I have not. And, as an evidence of it, I beg
leave to refer you to my letter addressed to the
Hon. A. VV. Synder, at hisiequest; which let
ter was published in the Madisonian, Pack
woodsman, State Register, and other papers; and
I would thank the editors of those papers to re
publish the letter, as it will show the People
what my views were upon the sub-Treasury
scheme many year ago. In the letter referred to, .
I expressed no decided opposition to the present
ruinous sub-Treasury system, which is now look
ed upon as a threatening storm, which will deso
late and lay waste our trade and commerce, and
bring our People to poverty and want.
I still continue to advocate the original prin
ciples which General Jackson avowed, and which
Mr, Van. Bureo promised to carry out ; and in
view of which promise, I warmly supported his
election to the Presidency. But Mr. Van Buren
has himself abandoned those original measures of
General Jackson by thrice urging upon the Peo
ple the sub-Treasury system, which the People,
through their immediate Representatives have
thrice, rejected. When he first recommended the
adoption of the present sub-Treasury system he
promised to go “in accordance with the wishes
of the People.” He has failed to do so. I there
fore am compelled, from a sense of duty to my
self and rny country, to say that I cannot, under
any circumstances, he induced to yield him my
support, at least, not until I can support him on
principle.
When General Jackson retired from office he
left the Government in a more prosperous, in
dependent, and happy situation than any other
nation on earth, and what, let me ask, is the con
dition of the country now !
Let every true lover of this country, every true
Republican, reflect upon the situation we are now
placed in.—Let them also remember that in ail
countries where the sub Treasury is in operation
the laboring class remain in poverty, without
any hope of bettering their condition —the rich
daily growing richer upon the labor of the poor ,
and are in consequence enabled to support mon
archy, priestcraft, and aristocracy, which when
connected together, area trinity of articles which
no country has yet been able to compete with ;
and the warfare against which has cost money
and blood enough to make every reflecting per
son ciy out, in the language of the prophet, “Oh
that my head were waters, and my eyes a foun
tain of tears, that i might weep over” the misery
and suffering in store for the People of this na
tion.
A standing Army must be connected with this
abominable scheme; and notwithstanding Wash
inglon, Jefferson, and all their successors in the
Presidential chair down to Mr. \an Buren,
recommend a small number es troops in lime of
peace, yet vve find that the present Executive,
through the Secretary of War, has recommended
raising an army of 200,000 men, one-half to be
under pay, and the remainder ready to be called j
into service at a moment’s warning.
The power which such an army would give
the President, both physical and political, must he
evident to every reflecting man. They are to be |
called militia, instead of regulars, for the purpose
of securing to them the right of voting, which is
not allowed to regular troops; thus placing under
the control of the President 200,000 voters, to be
used as may best suit his interest. And should
he at any lime be disposed to place a crown upon
his head, he would have at his command 200,000
bayonets.
These are some ofthc principal considerations
that have induced me to pledge myself to support ;
Gen. Wm. H. Harrison; and I would appeal at j
this time to the original Jacksonian Democrats
with whom I have acted in good faith, to say (
whether Mr. Van Buren did not ride into office
on the wings of Gen. Jackson’s popularity! And
I would ask them also, it they did not vote for
Mr. Van Buren because he promised to carry out i
the great democratic principles of Gen. Jackson’s
first administration! lam free to acknowledge
that I did.
In the second place, as you ask me if the Re
publication party with which I acted in 1812 and
1813 constitutes any portion of that party which
supported Mr. Clinton in opposition to Mr. Mad
ison 1 In answer, I say it did not. The old De
Witt Clinton parly were generally known, and
always termed in those days, “ theAnti-War Fed
eral party.” They supported Mr. Clinton be
cause he was a rank Federalist, and an uncom
promising opponent of the war. It was on that
ground I myself opposed him, believing then as I
do now, that his election would have proved ru
inous to the liberties of the People. That Mr.
Van Buren then supported De Witt Clinton is
matter of history that will not be denied.
In conclusion, I would affectionately appeal to
the old Jacksonian Democrats to come out bold
ly and fearlessly in favor of their original princi
ples, and their own pecuniary interest. Go to
•the polls and cast; our votes for the Old Hero of
the West —the man who fought the battles of
your country, and to whom you are indebted, in
a great measure, for your present quiet homes,
and the liberty and freedom which we now en
joy. I have the honor to remain your humble
servant, WILLIAM KINNEY.
From the Cincinnati Chronicle.
The Truth of History.
A fact in the life of his Excellency, Martin Van
Buren.
At a recent meeting of the Whig members of
the New York General Assembly, approving the
nomination of General Harrison, the following
remarks were a. part of those made by Mr. Sibley
a member from Monroe county. The fact he
slates only illustrates the general one, that Mr.
Van Buren, like Sii Robert Walpole, has during
his whole political life, believed and acted upon
the principles of corruption. Openly and above
board did his parlizan, Marcy, avow it in respect
to public offices; but the manner in which Mr.
V an Buren acted it out in pecuniary transactions
is not sufficently well known. In New York
they know him, but elsewhere the truth seems in
credible.
“Mr. Chairman—lt was a remark of the father
of his country, that there was an “indissoluble
union between a magnanimous policy, and the
solid rewards of a public prosperity and felicity.”
But sir, we have low plotting selfishness when
we ought to a magnanimity, and the humi
lating spectacle before our eyes of a President of
the United States courting the low leveller, and
actually buying support where it was not to be
had for fawihg or flattery.
When Mr. Van. Buren was a candidate for
Governor of this State there was a printing estab-
lishment in the county where I reside, (Monroe)
w hich it was found could be subsidized for twelve
hundred dollars. A few of the faithful made a
note for the amount —Martin Van Buren endors
ed it and caused it to be d scounted at a monied
corporation in this city for fifteen months, when
no others could get paper discounted hy the same
corporation which nad half that period to run!
The orthodoxy of trading on borrowed capital had
not then been denied. The money was paid to
the old federalists who owned the establishment,
and the paper went over body and soul to the
support of Van Buren. He has since appointed
one of the signers of this note, Collector of the
port of Gennesee, and another of them Post
master of the city of Rochester !
Haying succeeded in obtaining his election by
this “fair business transaction,” he came out in
his message a few days after, (like the culprit
who breaks out of his cell, and cries “slop thief,”
to conceal his identity.) and expressed a hope that
some measures might be adopted to prevent the
distribution of money previous to elections ; as
he thought it had a tendency , to corrupt the peo
ple in their “primary assemblies.” It is necess
ary, Mr. Chairman, to state these facts in relation
to our “favorite son,” to prevent him from passing
himself off upon distant States, like a counterfeit
bill, for more than he is worth. Here, where we
know him so well, sir, there is no danger from
his future exertions, but Van Buren, like Dun
lap’s pictuie of “Death on. a pale horse, ’ looks
best at a d stance.
In placing such a man at the head of the Gov
ernment, New York like our mother Eve, has
been first in the transgression. Here, in this city,
sir, the first vile plottings against the interests of
the country were concocted, and the overt act
which has consummated their destruction has
been committed at Washington. But, sir, the
measure of their iniquities is full —the people will
bear no more—New York will make an ample
atonement at the next election —the pitcher has
been sent to the well for the last time.”
Keep it Before the People.
That Martin Van Buren, in the Convention to
amend the Constitution of New York, made a
speech in favor of a property qualification, and
urged in justilication of excluding Revolutionary
Soldiers from the right of suffrage, that it made
no difference how unjust it might appear, as to
the old veterans who would all be dead in the
course of fifteen years.
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE,
That the whole of the 27 foreign monarchies
from whom Mr. Van Buren asks direction how
he shall administer the affairs of the republic, ap
prove of his principles and would rejoice should
he succeed in reducing the people of the *nly
free nation on earth to a lovel with their own obe
; dient and degraded subjects.
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE,
That Mr. Van Buren has confessed, in his last
annual message, that twenty-two of the despotic
Kings and Ernpciors of Europe approved fully
■ of the Sub-Treasury scheme, oy which three
fourths of the people’s earning will be transfer
red to the pockets of the office holders.
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE,
That Martin Van Buren is at this moment, to all
intents and purposes, a Monarch, waiting only
the power to prevent the people from expressing
their disapprobation of his inquisitorial designs, i
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE,
■ That he is now exerting his energies to obtain
this power by creating a standing army of two
I HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN, to be Used for the
purpose of putting down “combinations,” or, in
! other words, “ conventions of the people, there
by violating the Constitution, which guarantees
■ to all citizens the right peaceably to assemble
and take measures to have their grievances re
; dressed.
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE,
That the whole policy of Mr. Van Buren’s ad
ministration is at war with their best interests,
[ and destructive of their nominal prosperity. Let
| it be known throughout the length and breadth
I of the land, that a crusade is now going on
t against the rights of the workingman, whose
j wages are to be reduced to TEN cen;s a day.
I Spread it from East to West, from North to
| !Boulh, the decree has gone forth that a sheep’s
| head and pluck is a sufficient reward for a day
sos hard toil. Let every dweller in the “Log L'a
l bins” of the country know the fact, that a Loco
| Foco Congressman has declared the ‘hard fisted’
j laborers of America can, and should, subsist
j without meat, and that potato soup, onions and
| garlic, are good enough for the men who, in the
f estimation of Martin Van Buren, James Bucha
f: nan, Thomas H. Benton, and Senator Walker,
r are only fit to be placed on a level with the serfs
of Russia, or the black slaves of the West India
$ Islands.
KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE,
t That Gen. William Henry Harrison will be
I the President on the4lh of March next, and will
| rectify all the evils under which the country suf
i fers, and restore the. Government to the pure De
is inocratic principles of Jefferson and Madison.
Mr. Clay’s Speech— Concluded.
[ I have thus, fellow-citizens, exhibited to you a
I true and faithful pictuie of Executive powers, as
it lias been enlarged and expanded within the last
few years, and as it has been proposed further to
extend it. It overshadows every other branch of
Ibe Government. The source of legislative power
is no longer to be found in the Capitol, but in the
palace of the President, in assuming to be a part
of the legislative power, as the President recently
did, contrary to the Constitution, be would have
been nearer the actual fact if he had alleged that
he was the sole legislative power of the Union.
How is it possible for public liberty to be pre
served, and the constitutional distributions of pow
er, among the Departments of Government, to be
maintained, unless the Executive career be checked
and restrained ?
It may be urged that two securities exist: first
that the Presidential term is of short duration;
and, secondly, the elective franchise.—But it has
been already shown that whether a depository of
power be arbitrary or compatible with liberty
does not depend upon the duration of the official
term, but upon the amount of power invested. The
Dictatorship in Rome was an office of brief exist
ence, generally shorter than the Presidential term.
Whether the elective franchise be an adequate se
curity or not, is a problem to be solved next No
vember.- I hope and believe it yet is. But if Mr.
\ an Buren should be re-elected, the power already
acquired by the Executive be retained, and that
which is in progress be added to that department,
it is my deliberate judgment that there will be no
hope remaining for the continuance of the liber
ties of the country.
And yet the partizans of this tremendous Execu
tive power arrogate to themselves the name of
Democrats, and bestow upon us, who are opposed
to it, the denomination of Federalists ! In the J- en
ate of the United States there are five gentlemen
who were members of the Federal party ; and four
of them have been suddenly transformed into Dem
ocrats, and are now warm supporteis of this Ad
ministration, whilst I who had exerted the utmost
of my humble abilities to arouse the nation to a
vindication of its insulted honor and its violated
rights, and to the vigorous prosecution of the war
against Great Britain, to waich they were violent
ly opposed, find myself, by a sort of magical influ
ence, converted into a federalist! The only Amer
ican Citizen that I ever met with, who was an
avowed monarchist, was a supporter of the admin
istration ofGeneral Jackson ; and he acknowledged
to me that this motive w’as to bring abou; the sys
tem of monarchy, which his judgment preferred.
Iheie were other points of difference between
the I ederalists and the Democratic or rather Re
puolican party of 1795, but the great, leading,
piominent discrimination between them related to
the constitution ol the Executive Department of
tne Government. Phe Federalists believed that,
in its stiucture, it was too weak, and was in dan
ger of being crushed by the preponderating weight
of the legisla.ive branch. Hence they rallied a
roundthe Executive and sought to give to it strength
and energy. A strong Government, an energetic
Executive was among them,the common language
and the great object of that day. The Republi
cars, on the contmv, believed that the reel dan
ger lay on on the side of the Executivei, ttot hav
m 2 a continuous and uninterrupted existence,
i tiip niprt ready to defend the puw
was always on the aieu, re.mjt tv
er it had, and prompt in acquiring m »
the experience of history demonstrated that it was
the encroaching and usurpingdcpai m . • .-• »
therefore, rallied around the People and tns Le o .s
What are the positions, of the two great P
of the present day? Modern democracy la
duced the federal theory of a strong and eneig -
Executive to practical operation. It has tunic*
from the People, the natural ally of genuine de
mocracy, to the Executive, and instead ol vigi
lance, jealousy, and distrust, has given to that de
paitment all its confidence, and made to it a virtual
surrender of all the powers of Government. Ihe
recognized maxim of royal infallibility is trans
planted from the British monarchy into mod
ern American democracy, and the President can do
no wrong! This new school adopts, modilies, re
nounces, renews opinions at the pleasure of the
Executive. Is the Bank of the United States a
useful and valuable institution ? Yes, unanimous
ly pronounces the democratic Legislature ot Penn
sylvania. The President vetoes it as a pernicious
and dangerous establishment. The democratic
majority in the same Legislature pronounces it to
be pernicious and dangerous. The democratic ma
jority of the House of Representatives of the Uni
ted States, declare the deposites of the public mon
ey in the Bank of the United States to be safe.
'I he President says they are unsafe, an i removes
them. The deinociacy say they are unsafe, and
approves the removal The President says that a
scheme of a Sub-Ticasury is revolutionary and
disorganizing The democracy says it is revo.u
tionary and disorganizing. Ihe President says it
is wise and salutary. The democracy says it is
w ise and salutary.
The Whigs of 1840, stand where the Republi
cans of 1798 stood, and where the Whigs ol the
Revolution were, battling for liberty, lor the Peo
ple, for free institutions, against power, against
corruption, against Executive encroachments, a
gainst monarchy.
We are rep cached with struggling for offices and
their emoluments. If we acted on the avowed and
acknowledged principle of our opnonents. “that
the spoils belong to the victors,” we should indeed
be unworthy of the support of the people. No !
fellow-citizens ; higher, nobler, more patriotic mo
tives actuate the Whig party. Their object is tne
restoration of the Constitution, the preservation of
liberty, the rescue of the country. If they were
governed by the sordid and selfish motives acted
upon by their opponents, and unjustly imputed to
them, to acquire office and emolument, they have
oiry to change their names, and enter the Presi
dential palace.—The gate is always wide open, and
the path is no narrow one which leads through it.
The last comer, too, often fares best.
On a resurvey of thefewpast years, we behold
enough to sicken and sadden the hearts of true pat
riots. Executive encroachment has quickly fol
lowed upon Executive encroachment ; persons
honored by public confidence, and from whom no
thing but grateful and parental measures should
have flowed, have inflicted stunning blow after
blow in such rapid succession that, before the
people could recover from the reeling effects
of one, another has fallen heavily upon them.
Had either of the various instances of Executive
misrule stood out separate and alone, so that its
0110110113' might have been seen and dwelt upon
with composure, the condemnation of the Execu
tive would have long since been pronounced; but
it has hitherto found safety and impunity', in the
bewildering effccs of the multitude of its mis
deeds. The nation has been in the condition of a
man who having gone to bed after his barn has been
consumed by lire, is aroused in the morning to wit
ness his dwelling house wrapped in flames. So
bold and presumptuous had the Executive become,
that penetrating in Us influence the Hall of a co
ordinate branch of the Government, by means of a
submissive or instructed majority of the Senate, it
has caused a record of the country' to be effaced
and expunged, the inviolability of which was guar
antied by a solemn injunction of the Constitution !
And that memorable and scandalous scene was en
acted only' because the offensive record contained
an expression of disapprobation of an Executive
proceeding.
If this state of things were to remain—if the
progress of Executive usurpation were to contin
ue unchecked, hopeless despair would seize on the
public mind, or the People would be goaded to acts
of open and violent resistance. But thank God,
the power of the President, fearful and rapid as
its strides have been, is not yet too great for the
power of the elective franchise ; and a bright and
glorious prospect, in the election of William Hen
ry' Harrison, has opened upon the country. The
necessity of a change of Rulers has deeply' pene
trated the hearts of the People; and we every
where behold cheering manifestations ot that hap
py event. The fact of his election alone, without
reference to the measures of his Administration,
will powerfully contribute to the security and hap- I
piness of the People. It will bring assurance of
the cessation of that long series of disastrous ex
periment’s which have so greatly afflicted the Peo
ple. Confidence will immediately revive, credit
be restoied, active business will return, prices of
products will rise; and the people will feel and
know that, instead of their servants being occupied
in devising measures for their ruin and destruction
they will be arduously employed in promoring their
welfare and prosperity.
But grave and serious measures, will unques
tionably', early and anxiously command the earnest
attenton of the new' Administration. I have no
authority to announce, and do not pretend to an
nounce, the purposes of the new President. I have
no knowledge of them other than than that which
is accessible to every citizen. In what I shall say
as to the course ofanew Administration, therefore
I mean to express my own sentiments, to speak
for myself, without compromittiug any other per
son. Upon such an interesting occasion as this is,
in the midst of the companions of my youth, or
their descendants, I have felt that it is due to them
and to myself explicitly to declare my sentiments,
without reserve, and to show that I have been,
and, as I sincerely' believe, the friends with whom
1 have acted have been, animated by the disinter
ested desire to advance the best interests of the
countiy and preserve its free institutions.
The first, and in my opinion, the most important
object, which should engage the serious attention
of a new administration, is that of circumscribing
the Executive pow er, and throwing around it such
limitations and safe-guards as will render it no
longer dangerous to the public liberties.
What is the work of man that does not neces
sarily partake of his imperfections ; and it was
not to be expected that, with all the acknowledged
wisdom and virtues of the framers of our Constitu
tion, they could have set forth a plan of Govern
ment, so free from all defect and so full of guaran
tees, that it should not,in the conflict of embitter
ed parties and of excited passions, be perverted
and misinterpreted. Misconceptions or erroneous
constructions of the powers granted in the Consti
tution, would p.obably have occured, after the
lapse of many years, in seasons of entire calm,
and with a regular and temperate administration
of the Government; but, during the last twelve
years the machine, driven by a reckles charioteer
with frightful impetuosity, has been greatly jarred
and jolted, and it needs careful examination and a
thorough repair.
With the view, therefore, to the fundamental
character of the Government itself, and especial
ly of the Executive branch, it seems to me that,
either by amendments of the Constitution, when
they are necessary, or by remedial legislation,
when the object falls within the scope of the pow
ers of Congress, there should ue,
Ist. A provision to render a person inelli<rible
to the office of President of the U. S. after
vice of one term.
Much observation and deliberate reflection have
satisfied me that too much of the time, the thoughts
and the exertions of the incumbent, are occupied
during his first term, in securing his re-election.
The public business, consequently suffers ; and
measures are proposed or executed with less regard
to the general prosperity than to their influence
upon the approaching election. If the limitation
to one terra existed, the President would be exclu
sively devoted to the discharge of his public duties;
and he would endeavor to signalize his adminis
tion by the beneficence and wisdom of its meas
ures.
2d. That the veto power should be more pre
cisely defined, and be subjected to further limita
tions and qualifications. Although a large, per
haps the largest, proportion of all the acts of Con
gress passed at the short session of Congress since
the comrnencement of the Government, were pas
sed within the three last days of the session, and
when of course the President for (he time being
had not the ten days for consideration allowed by
the Constitution, President Jackson availing him-
self of that allowance, has failed to return
tant bills. When not returned by pJ P ‘ n
within ‘he ten days, it is questionable' »w ident
they they are laws or not.—lt i s Very . c ' Vhet her
the next Congress cannot act upon them u tlut
ding whether or not they shall become
President’s objections notwithstanding t!le
ought to be provided for. A 1 'his
3d. That the power of dismission fna* I
should be restricted, and the exercise of it h °^ Ce
dcred responsible. 1 " e rea-
The constitutional concurrence of th* s
necessary to the confirmation of all • eaat ® is
appointments; but without consulting thp m^°rt * nt
without any other motive than resoa'mem^ 1111 *’
price, the President may dismiss at his sol ° rca ‘
ure, any officer created by the joint action It
self and the Senate. The practical etlc°- •
nullify the agency of the Senate. ** to
occasionally cases in which the public fin ma *
quires an immediate dismission without 1 I
for the assarabling of the Senate ; but i n T, l n ?
cases, the President should be bound to co a
cate fully the grounds and motives of the
sion. The power would be thus rendered
sibie. Without it, the exercise of the n res ! )0 8'
utterly repugnant to free institutions the 15
which is perfect responsibility and dance
the public liberty, as has been already rhoJjj
4th. That the control ever the Treasury f
U. States should be confined and confined ex* 1 ° •
ly to Congress ; and all authority of the p° USlVe '
over it, by means of dismissing the Secreta^* 01
the Treasury, or other persons in the
charge of it, be rigorously precluded. etaate
You have heard much, fellow citizens ofth
voice of the Banks and Government. Afte^*'
pling them, and impairing their utility, the E
live and its partizans have systematically
ccd them. The Executive and the country D ° UD '
warned again and again, of the fatal course
has been pursued ; but the Executive nevenh i
persevered, commencing, by praising and
by. decrying the State Banks. Under cover r
the smoke which has been raised, the leal >
ject all along has been, and yet’is, to obtain
the possession of the money power of the V ■
That accomplished and sanctioned by the Pe
—the union of the sword and the purse in th
hands of the President effectually secured and-!
farewell to American liberty'.
The Sub-Treasury is the scheme for effecting 4,
that union—and, lam told, that of all the days m J
the year, that which gave birth to our National ex
isteuce and freedom, is the selected day to be dis
graced by ushering into existence a measure i m .'
minently perilous to the liberty , which on that an
niversary, we commemorate in joyous festivals
Thus, in the spirit of destruction which animates
our rulers, would they convert a day of gladness
and of glory, into a day of sadness and of mourning
Fellow-citizens, there is one divorce urgently de
manded by the safety and the highest interests of
the countiy—a divorce of the President from the
Treasury of the United States,
And sth. That the appointment of members of
Congress to any office, or any but a few specified
offices, during their continuance in office, and for I
one year thereafter, be prohibited.
This is a hackney'ed theme; but it is not less de- 1
serving serious consideration. The Constitution
now interdicts the appointment of a member of 1
Congress to any' office created, or the emoluments I
of which had been increased whilst he was in of. '
(ice. In the purer days of the republic, that re
striction might have been sufficient—but in these
more degenerate times, it is necessary', by an amend- j i
rnent of the Constitution, to give the principle
greater extent.
These are the subjects in relation to the pernu
nentcharacter of the Government itself, which.it
seems to me, are worthy of the serious attention Li
of the people, and of a new administration. There
are others of an administrative nature, which re
quire prompt and careful consideration.
Ist. The currency of the country, its stability
and uniform value, and, as intimately and indisso
lubly connected with it, the insurance of the faith- !
ful performance of the fiscal services necessary to
the Government should be maintained and secured
by exercising all the powers requisite to those ob
jects with which Congress is constitutionally in
vested. These are the great ends to be aimedat
the means are of subordinate importance. Wheth
er these ends, indispensible to the well
both the people and the government, ate to be at
tained by sound and safe State banks, carefully se
lected and properly' distributed, or by a new Bank ,
of the United States, with such limitations, condi- *
rions and restrictions, as have been indicated by
experience, should be left to the arbitrament of en
lightened public opinion.
Candor and truth require me to say, that in my
judgment, whilst banks continue to exist in the
country, the services of a bank of the United States
cannot be safely dispensed with. I think that the
power to establish such a bank is a settled question;
settled by' Washington and by Madison, by the *
! people, by forty' year’s acquiescence, by the judich
i ry, and by both of the great parlies which so long
! held sway in this country'. I know and I respect
; the contrary opinion, which is entertained in this
State. But in my' deliberate opinion of the mat
ter, view the power to establish such a bank being 1
settled, and being a necessary and proper power,
the only' question is as to the expediency of its ex- '
ercisc. And on questions of mere expediency pub
lic opinion ought to have a controlling influence.—
Without banks, I believe we cannot have a suffi
cient currency; without a Bank of the United fl
.States, I fear we cannot have a sound currency.—
But it is the end, that of a sound and sufficient |
currency, and a faithful execution of the fiscal du
ties cf Government, tha. should engage the dis
passionate and candid consideration of the whole
community'. There is nothing in the name of a h
Bank of the United States which has any magical
charm, or to which any one need be wedded. It is
to secure certain great objects, without which so- I
cieiy cannot prosper; and, if contrary to myap- |
prehensions, theve objects can be accomplished by
dispensing with the agency of a Bank of the United I
states, and employing that of State banks, all ought I
to rejoice, and heartily acquiesce, and none would
more than I should.
2d. That the public lands, in conformity with
the trusts created expressly or by'just implication, |
on their acquisition, be administered in a spirit o!
liberality towards the new States and Territories,
and in a spirit of justice towards all the States.
The land bill, which was rejected by President
Jackson, and acts of occasional legislation, will ac
complish both these objects. I regret that the time
docs n. t admit of my' exposing here the nefarious
plans and purposes of the administration as to this
vast national resource. That, like every other
great interest of the country, is administered with
the sole vi. w of the effect upon the interest of the
party in power. A bill has passed the Senate,and
is now pending before the House, according to „
which forty millions of dollars are stricken
the real value of a certain portion of the puhhc
lands by a short process; and a citizen of Virginia
residing on the southwest side of the Ohio, isM
allowed to purchase lands as cheap by half a do.'
lar per acre as a citizen living on the northwc?-
side of ihat river. I have no hesitation in express'
ing my conviction that the whole public domain lS
gone if Mr. Van Burenbe re-elected.
3d. That the policy of protecting and
ing the productions of American industry, entering
into competition with the rival productions ot t° r '
eign industry, be adhered to and maintained out <■
basis of the principles and in the spirit of the com
promise of March, 1833.
Protection and national independence are, in m -'
opinion, identical and synonymous. The prm c, P
of abandonment of the one cannot be surrendere
without a forfeiture of the other. Who with J u
pride and national sensibility, can think iU .
jeoting the productions of our industry toad
taxation and restraints of foreign Powers, wlt "
effort, on our part, to counteract their prohibit
and burdens by' suitable countervailing legist 11 ' j
The question cannot be, ought nut to be, one
principle but of measure and degree. I I g.
of the compromise act, not because that act i* l I
pealable, but because it met with the sanch° n 1
the nation. Stability, with moderate apd
protection, is far more important than instapi
the necessary consequence of high protect* •
But the protection of the compromise act " 1
adequate, in most, if not as to all, interests,
twenty per cent which it stipulates, cash du »
home valuations, and the list of free article®
sorted in the act for the particular advantage w
manufacturer, will ensure, 1 trust, sufficient P
tection. All together, they will amount P rob^ 0 {
to not less than thirty per cent —a greater ex'e
protection than was secured prior to the aC
1828, which no one stands up to defend. N° w >
valuation of foreign goods is made, not by
American authority, except in suspected case^, ue)
by foreigners, and abroad. They'assess the
and we the duty; but, as the duty depends, in ‘
cases, upon the value, it is manifest th at * ‘ J
who assess the value, fix the duty. T* s6 n