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CHROMCI.fci ANIi SENTINEL.
A IMi KS T A .
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 5.
FOR PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRIS ON,
0/ Ohio ;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor
ruptible Statesman—the inflexiWo Republican —
the patriotic Farmer of Ohio.
for vice-president,
JOHN TYLER,
Os Virginia •
A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9B—
—of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN VV. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee."
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
‘CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NTS BET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
Lost,
The tile of the “State Rights Sentinel” for
1536 has been borrowed from our office by some
person who lias omitted to return it. We would
therefore thank the individual who lias it in pos
session to send it home. In tire event that we are
unable to obtain our own, we should be glad to
purchase or borrow a file for that year, and also o
the one of the Augusta Chronicle.
The Northern Mail had not arrived when our
paper went to press last night, and as we had no*
heard of the arrival of the Charleston Cars, fears
of an accident on the railroad are entertained.
Our Colton market since our report on the 2d
instant, has been very quiet at our then quotations.
Exchanges remain the same as then quoted.
Van IJuren Dinner
Wc are requested to give notice that a public
dinner will be given by the Van Buren party, at
Appling, on Friday, the ISth inst., to which their
fellow citizens are invited without distinction of
.parties. The ladies are also invited !o attend.
Corporal Mum—The Biographer,
An apology is due to the Corporal for our failure
to notice his interesting Biography, now in the
course of publication —we trust the crowded state
of our columns will excuse us to the distinguished
author.
The Loco Foco Feast.
Our readers are referred to the letter of our cor
respondent for an account of the proceedings at the
Indian Springs. We have no room for comment.
In our daily yesterday, a typographical error oc
curred in his letter The last date should have been
10 o’clock, .4. M., instead of P. Af.—lt was cor
rected in our tri-weekly edition.
We received some days since, a letter from a
in Columbus, disabusing the public
mind with regard to a communication which ap
peared in the Constitutionalist, relative to the vote
of Muscogee, which we regret has been mislaid, or
it should have appeared. We will, however, as
sure our friend, that the letter of the Loco Foco
had no effect here, for we are too well apprised of
tae extent of Celquitt &. Co’s, influence in Mus
cogee, to swallow such stuff.
News & Planters Gazette.
With much pleasure, we welcome our friend, D.
G. Cotting, to the corps editorial, who has ma le his
debut to tiie patrons of the News & Gazette, pub
lished at Washington, Ga., in a very handsome
manner. Mr. C. is a gentleman of High attain
ments, and wields a vigorous pen. Wc expect much
from him in the great cause of Reform, and we
cordially commend the News & Gazette to the pa
tronage of our friends.
L. W. Tazewell, ol Va.
In a late letter of Gov. Tazewell, in which he
declares bis intention to support Van Buren, he
uses the following language:
“ Common justice, as well as common honesty,
compel me to award him a meed, in my judgment,
he has so well deserved. The support he has thus
earned, 1 will willingly give him, so long as he
shall continue to merit it.”
Immediately after the passage of the Tariff bil 1
in 1828, the same Gov. Tazewell, in the Benate Os
the United States, pointing his finger at Martin Van
Buren, said in his most sarcastic and contemptuous
manner. ‘*\ou, sir, have deceived us once, tha*
was your fault ; when you deceive us again, it
will be our fault.
Maine Election.— The election lakes place
September I4lh. Besides State officers and
members ot the Legislature, eight members of
Congress arc to be chosen. The nominees thus
far announced, are as follows:
Districts. Whigs. ] A)CO Focos.
J. Daniel Goodenow, Nathan (Jlillord,
2. W. P. Fessenden, Albert Smith,
3. Benjamin Randall, Joseph Sewall
4. George Evans, John Hubbard,
5. Zadoc Long, N. S. Littlefield,
6. S. A. Kingsbeiry. Alfred Marshall,
7. Joseph C. Noyes, Joshua A. Lowell.
8. Hannibal Hamlin.
'The delegation from Maine in the present
Congress comprises two Whigs and six Loco
F ocos.
tx-Di an SrkiNfi, September % VS-40.
Mb. Editor Every thing is burly burly
here. I have no hesitation in saying that one
thousand men here would produce, more bustle
and inconvenience than would twenty thousand
in Macon. There are two small hotels here,
about one hundred yards apart, with a small area
i between, where the whole crowd arc collected to
listen to the speakers. I suppose at this time,
between eleven and twelve o clock, all their dele
gates, young and old, great and small, may be
said to have arrived. I think they will number,
in all, from fifteen to eighteen hundred. They
are the most noisy and disorderly set of gulls I
have ever seen. Their fuglemen have told them
that the sole cause of the excitement which per
vades the land, from North to So-Jth, has been
produced by log cabins, hard cider and coon
skins; and any one would readily suppose,'from
their antics and buffoonery, that they hold the
hard cider, at least, in the most sovereign con
tempt I heard a number of them last night, as
they were parading around, under their quandatn
leader, who called himself the “ desperado,” (and
nobody disputed his claim to the title,) sing a
song, of which I could only hear the chorus, as
in co;, ~-e harmony with their spirit and princi
ples, it was re-echoed among the hills—the cho
rus was, “ G—dd—n the friends ot Tippecanoe!
I was informed that these were some ot the same
gentry who committed the outrage at the bridge
In Crawford county-.
Dr. Joel Branham,last evening,addressed him
self particularly to the poor men. He is a most
admirable bar-room orator, especially if the crowd
should be all drunk and of his own way of think
ing. He poured out his wrath on Harrison for
sustaining an appropriation for Kenyon College,
in Ohio ; but he did not tell the poor men that
the object and intention of (his institution was to
give their sons an opportunity of placing them
selves on a footing with the aristocracy. Verily’
if it be a fault to advocate such a measure as this,
even “ his failings lean to virtue’s side.”
A gentleman from Troup (Haralson) addressed
the meeting, but I did not hear him. Gen Glas
cock rlso spoke last evening,, in his usual, style
Gov, Lumpkin opened upon them this morning
before breakfast, to the no small annoyance of
many a happy sleeper. (\ ou must be informed
that the Harrison men here are estimated at from
five hundred to one thousand.) The Gov. spoke
of the allcdgcd extravagance, Arc. ■cf the present
Administration, and asserted that the W higs had
used all the money in appropriations! Alas!
old man, you are at bay !
Capt. Fooler, of Chatham, made a speech this
morning, which I did not hear. Maj. Howard
made a wild and extravagant address.
One thousand extra Globes came by to-day’s
mai.', directed to Lumpkin, Cuthbert and the
three. The mail is loaded dow n with them
every day ; and who will have the temerity to
deny, that whenever the mail is overladen, that
these papers, coming from the patent lie manu
factory at Washington, have the preference and
precedence over any other documents.
Their procession has formed and passed.—
They have regaled themselves on barbecued
meat, and are now listening to the d\fence and
courtship of Mr. Colquitt. There are many
more persons here than we had this morning ex
pected. I should say there are, including all
ages and sexes, between thirty-five hundred and
four thousand people. I draw my conclusion in
relation to the numbers from conference and con
sultation with both parties.
A number have addressed the rank and fde,
which neither time nor cirnumstances will per
mit me, at this time, to notice. I will only say of
S-. Jones’ speech, that for shameless detraction
and unblushing falsehood, it cannot be surpassed;
but like the matter of Kendall’s Globes, the hear
er will ask, “from whom do these things ema
nate!” And though he, and such as he, may
rave and stamp at the resistless torrent that
sweeps onward, like the fool of old, who ordered
the sea to be chained, the scornful waves will still
dash over him. X.
Harrison Tyler and Reform.
In pursuance of public notice, about five hun
dred of the citizens of the upper part of Burke
and the lower part of Jefferson counties, inclu
ding about sixty, ladies, assembled near John_
son’s Mills, on Brushy Creek, on Tuesday, the
Ist inst., when they organised themselves into a
meeting by appointing Etheldrcd Smith, Presi
dent. Joseph Olephant and Matthew Carsewell,
Vice Presidents, and Robert Patterson and Sid
ney B. Farmer, Secretaries.
The meeting was then opened by a solemn
and fervent appeal to the throne of grace, by the
Rev. Joshua Key. After which the meeting was
addressed by Col. Thomas M. Berrien, Hon. Ro
ger L. Gamble, Maj. Mulford Marsh, George W.
Crawford, and Col. George W, Evans, in strains
of eloquence which were received amid repeated
bursts of applause.
Judge Enoch Bync offered the following reso
lutions, which were unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That we approve of and adopt the
resolutions of our fellow citizens of Burke, at a
meeting on the 291 h ult., at Waynsboro.
Resolved, That we tender our thanks to those
gentlemen who addressed this meeting, lor their
able addresses.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meet
ing be signed by the President and Secretaries,
and published in the Chronicle and Sentinel.
At three o’clock the company partook of a
handsomely arranged Barbecue, prepared for the
occasion.
At the close of Col. Berrien’s address, who led
in the discussion, an invitation was extended to
the opposite party to address the meeting, should
any present wish to do so. But none came for
ward.
After they had partaken of ihe ’cue, they again
repaired to the stand, where they were again ad
dressed by a part of the aforenamed speakers, un
til about five o’clock, when, on motion, the meet
ing was adjourned.
ETHELDRED SMITH, Pres’l.
Robert Patterson, 7
Smart* B. Farmer, > tec ciebiruß.
Mr, Wfcßstfer** Speech- Conduied. ,
SUB-TREASURY LAW.
Util what does the Sub-Treasury propose ? Its
basis is a separation of the concerns of the Treas
ury from those of the people. Tlr.it bill provides :
That there shall be provided in the New Treas
ury building at Washington, rooms for the use ot
the Treasurer, and fire-proof vaults and safes for
the keeping of the public monies; and those vaults
and safes are declared to be the Treasury ol the
United States.
That the vaults and safes >cf the Mint in I niia
delphia, and gthe Branch Mint at New Orleans,
shall also be places for the dfeposite and safe keep
ing of the public monies, and that there shall be
fire-proof vaults and safes also in the Custom
Ho ises of New York and Boston, and in Charles- |
ton, South Carolina, and St. Louis, Missouri, and •
that these also shall be places of deposite.
That there shall be a Receiver General at New
York, Boston, Charleston, and St. Louis, lhat
the Treasurers of these Mints, and the Receivers
General, shall keep the nublic money without
loaning or using it until ordered to be paid out;
and into the hands of these Treasurers and Re
ceivers General, all collectors o r public money aie
to pay what they receive.
That the resolutions of Congress of April, IMb,
be so far altered as that hereafter of all duties,
taxes, and debts due and becoming duo to the
United States, after June of this year, 01 c-iouith
shall bo paid in specie; after June of next yeai,
one-ha!f ; after June of 1842, three-fourths ; and
after June, 1543, the whole. Se that after June,
1843, all debts due the Unite ! States, whether foi
dirties, taxes, sales of public lands, patents, post
ages of letters, or otherwise, “ shall be paid >n
gold and silver only.”
That from and after June, 1543, every ofncei 01
agent in the Government, in making disbuise
ments er payments on account of the U. States,
shall make such payments In gold or silver coin
only. . ~A nn
Receiver General in New York to he paid S4UUU
salary —the Olivers, each, $2500.
I propose to say a few words on these provisions.
In the first pla ’e, it seems very awkward to de
clare by law certain rooms in Washington, and
certain safes and vaults therein, the Treasury of
the United States. We have been accustomed
heretofore, to, look upon the Treasury as a depart
ment of the Government, recognized by the Con
stitution, which declares that no money shall be
drhwn from the Treasury, except upon appropria
tions made in due course of law. It may, how
ever, be made a question whether any tiling but
these rooms and safes at Washington are not with
drawn from the protection of the Constitution. It
is senseless. It ?s absurd. It is as if tiie legisla
ture of New York should declare that certain desks
and tables, in a certain large room at the United
States Hotel* ccfistituted the Court for the ( Di
rection of Errors «< (lie State of New York.
What else does this bill do ? It declares there
shah be certain vaults, and safes and rooms. But
it has not been for want of adequate vaults, and
safes, and rooms, that we have lost our money,but
owing to the hands to which we have trusted the
keys. It is in the character of the officers, and
not in the strength of bars and vaults, that we
must look for security of the public tieasure.
What would be thought in private life, if some
rich merchant, J. J. Astor for instance, should de
termine nc longer to trust his money with banks
and bank directors, who, nevertheless, have a com
mon interest with him i i upholding the credit and
stability of the currency, and should build for him
self certain sa'fes and vaults, and havi ig placed his
treasures therein, should of some 40 or 50 hungry
individuals, who might apply for the office of trea
surer, give the keys to him who would w ork the
cheapest. Y-ou might not, perhaps, pronounce him
insane, but you would certainly say, he acted very
unlike J. J. Astor. Now what is true of private
affairs is especially true of puplic affairs, and what
would be absurd in an individual is not less in a
government. What is doing in Boston, where I
belong ? these hanks there, respectable specie
paying. trust-worthy banks, managed by prudent
and discreet men—and yet the treasure of the
counuyis withdrawn from the keeping of those
institutions, with a capital paid in of two millions
of dollars, and locked up in safes and vaults, and
one of the President’s political friends from an
other State, is sent for to come and keep the key.
There is in his case no president to watch the
cashier, no cashier to watch the teller, and no di
rectors to overlook and control all—but all is vest
ed in one man. Do you believe that, if under such
circumstances, the United States, following the
example of individuals, were to offer to lereive
private funds in deposite in such a safe, and allow
interest on them, they would be entrusted with
any ? 1 here arc no securities under this new
system of keeping the public monies that we had
not before, while many that did exist, in the per
sonal character, high trusts and diversified interests
of the officers and directors of banks are removed.
.Vlotcvcr, the number of receiving and disbursing j
officers, is iircreased, and in proportion is the dan
ger to the public tieasure increased.
The next provision is, lhat mone} r once received
into the Treasury is not to be loaned out, and if
this law is to be the law of the land, this provision
is not to be complained of, for dangerous indeed
would be the temptation, and pernicious the conse
quences, if these treasures were to be left at liber
ty to loan out to favorites and party associates, the
monies drawn from the people. Yet the practice
of this government hitherto has always been op
posed to this policy of locking up the mon es of
'he people when and while it is not required for
the public service. Until this lime the public de
posites, like private deposites, were used by the
banks in which they were placed, as some compen
sation for Ine trouble of safe keeping, and in fur
therance of the general convenience. When, in
183-, Gen. Jackson formed the league of the De
posite State Banks, they were specially directed
by Vlr. Taney, then Secretary of the Treasury, tc{
use the public funds in discount for the accommo
dation of the business of the country. And why
should this not be so ? The President now says,
if the money is kept in banks it will be used by
them in discounts, and they will derive benefit
theiefrom. What then ? Is it a sufficient reason
for depriving the community of a beneficial meas
ure, because the banks that carry it out will also
measurably derive some benefit from it? The ques
tion is, will tiie public be benefitted ? and if this
be answered affirmatively, it is no bar to say that
the banks will be too. The government is not to
play the part of the dog in the manger. The doc
trine is altogether pernicious, opposed to our ex
perience, and to the habits and business of the na
tion.
The next provision is, that requiring, after 1843;
all dues to tiie government shall be paid in gold
and silver; and however onerous and injurious this
provision, it is to be conceded that the government
can, if they choose, enforce it. They have the
power, and as good citizens we must submit. Bus
such a practice will be Licovenient, I will say op
pressive. How are those w r ho occupy three-fourths
ot the surface of the United States to comply with
this provision ? Here, in commercial neighbor
hoods and in large cities, the difficulty will be less;
but where is the man who is to take up lands in
the Western States to get specie how transport
it ? The banks around him pay none—he <*ets
none for his labor; and yet, oppressive as all this:
is, I admit that the government have a right to
pass such a law, that while it is a law, it must be
obeyed.
But what are we promised as the equivalent fin
al! this inconvenience and oppression ? Why, that
the Government in its turn will pay its debts m
specie, aud that thus what it receives with one
hand, it will pay out with the other —and a me
talic circulation will be established. I undertake
to say that no greater fallacy than this was ever
’ uttered ; the thing is impossible, and for this plain
reason. The dues which government collects from
t individua's, each pays for h' seif. But it is far
otherwise with the disbursements of government.
3 They do not go down to individuals,and seckingout
the workmen and the laborer, pay to each his dues.
Government pays in large sums to large contract-
I ors—and to these they pay gold and silver. But
, does the gold and silver reach those whom the
contractor employs ?—On the contrary, the con
tractors deal as they see fit with those whom they
employ, or of whom they purchase. The Army
and the Navy arc fed and clothed by contiact; the
materials for your sumptuous Custom Houses, your
i fortifications, for the Cumberland Road, and for
other public works, arc all supplied by contract.
C ontractors fl ck to \V ashington,receive their tons
■ of gold and silver; but do they carry it with them
. ta Maine, Mississippi, Michigan, or wherever
their residence and vocation may be ? No not a
dollar; but selling it for depreciated paper, the
contractor swells his previous profits bv this added
premium, and paj s oil those he owes in depreciated
bank notes. This is not an imaginary rase. I
speak of what is in proof. A contractor came to
Washington fo't winter, and received H draft o
SIBO,OOO on a specie paying bank in New York.
This be sold at 10 per cent premium, and with
ihe avails purchased wild-cat money; with whic i
he paid the producer, the farmer, tiie laborci.
This is the operation of specie payments. It gives
to the govemtncrlt hard money, to the lich con
tractor hard money, but to lire producer and the
laborer is given paper, and bad paper only ; an
yet this system is recommended as specially favor
ing the poor man, rather than the rich, and credit
is claimed for this Administration as the poor
man’s friend. Let Us look a little more nearly a
this matter, and see win m, in truth,it does la>oi .
Who are the rich in this country ? I here is \ei>
little hereditary wealth among us and large cap
itaiists are not numerous. But some there are,
who live upon the interes, of t ieii
imoney, and these certainly do not sutler bytms
new doctrine ; for their revenues are rendered
more valuable, while tiie objects of living are le
duced in value. There is the money lender, too,
who suffers not by the reduction of prices all ag
round him. Who else are rich in this
Why, the holders of office. He who has a fixed
salary, of from 2500 to SSOOO finds prices falling;
but docs his salary fall ? On the contrary, three
fourths of that salary will now purchase more
than the whole of it would purchase beforehand
he, therefore, is not dissatisfied with t. is new law.
There is, too, another class of our feilow citi
zens, wealthy men, who have prospered duung
the last year, and they have prospered when no
body else propers. I mean tiie owners of ship
ping. What is the reason ? Give me a reason.
Well, 1 will give you one. The shipping of the
cauntiy carries on the foreign and domestic trade
—-the larger vessels being chiefly in the
trade. Now, why have these been successtul t 1
will answer by an example. I live on the sea
coast of New England, and one of my nearest
neighbors is the largest ship-owner, probably, -n
the United Skates. Dining the past year he has
made what might suffice for two or three foi tunes;
and how has he made it ? He sends his ships to
Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, to take fieights
of cotton. This staple, whatever the price abroad,
cannot be suffered to rot at home, anu thereftne it
is shipped. My friend tells his captain to provis
ion his ship at Natchez for instance, where he buys
flour and stores in the depreciated currency of that
region, and pays for them by a oi ! ! on Boston
which he sells at 48 per cent, premium. Here at
once, as will be seen, he gets his provisions for
half price. He delivers his freight in Europe, and
gets paid for it in good money. The disordered
currency of the country to which he belongs, doe?
not follow and afflict him abroad. He gets his
freight in good money, places it in the hands of his
owner’s banker, who again draws at a premium toi
it. The ship owncis, then,make money, when ali
others are suffering, because he can escape from the
influence of the bad laws and bnd currency of his
own country. Now, I will contract the story o!
this neighbor with lhat ot another of my neigh
bors, not rich. He is a New England mechanic,
hard-working, sober, and intelligent —a tool-maker
by trade, who wields I.is own sledge-hammer. His
particular business is the making of augurs lor the
South and South West. He has for years employ
ed many hands, and been the support thereby, of
many families around him —himself, meanwhile,
moderately prosperous, until these evil times came
on. Yearly, however, for some years, he has been
going backwards —not less industrious —not less
frugal —he has yet found, that however, apparent
ly good the prices he might receive at the South
and South West for his tools, the cost of convciting
those funds into the funds current ih New England
was ruinous. He has persevered, however, al
ways hoping for some change for the better, and
contracting gradually the circle of his work, and
the number of his workmen, until at length the
little earnings of the past wasted, and tiie condi
tion of the currency becoming worse and worse, he
is reduced to oankruptcy ; and he and the twenty
families that lie iiad supported are beggared by no
fault of their own. What was his difficulty ? He
could not esaepe from the evils of bad laws and
bad currency at home ; and while his rich no.' hbor
who could and did, is made richer by these very
causes, he. the honest and industrious mech ic,
is crushed totheeaith; and yet we are told this
is a system lor premotingjihe interests of the poor.
This leads me naturally to the great subject of
American which lias hardly been considered
or discussed as caieiully as it deserves. V\ hat is
American labor? It is best described by saying,
it is not European labor. Nine-tenths of the
whole labor of this country is performed by those
who cultivate the land they or their fathers own,
or who in their workshops employ some little capi
tal of their own, and mix it up with their labor.
Where does this exist elsewhere ? Look at the
different departments of industry, whether agri
cultural, manufacturing, or mechanical, and you
will find that in all, the laborers mix up some
little capital with the work of their hands.
The laborers of lire United States is the United
States—strike out the laborers of the United Slai s,
including therein all who in some way or other be
long to the industrious and working classes, and
you reduce the population of the United States from
sixteen millions to one million. The American
laborer is expected to have a comfortable home,
decent, though frugal living, to clothe and educate
his children, to qua 1 ify them to take part, as all are
called to do, in the political affairs and government
of their country. Can this be sard of any European
laborer ? Does he take any shire in the govern
ment of his country, or feel it an obligation to ed
ucate his children ? There, nine-tenths of the la
borers have no interest in the soil they cultivate,
nor in the fabrics they produce; no hope under
any circumstances, of using themselves, or of rais
ing their children above the condition of a day la
borer at wages, and only know the government
under which they live, by the sense of its oppres
sions, which they have no voice in mitigating.
To compare such a state of labor with the labor
of this country, or to reason from that to ours, is
preposterous. And yet the doctiine now is. not of
individuals only-but of the administration, that the
wages of American labor must be brought down to
the level of those in Europe.
I have said this i> not the doctrine of a few indi
viduals, and on that head 1 think injustice has been
done to a Senator from Pennsylvania, who has been
made to bear a largo share of responsibility of sug
gesting such a policy. If 1 mistake not, the same
idea is thrown out in trie President’s message of
Woodbury says:—
“ Should the Slates not speedily suspend more of
their undertaking which ore unproductive, but by
new loans, or otherwise, find means to employ ar
mies of laborers, in consuming, rather than raising
crops, and should prices thus icntinuc in many ca
ses to be unnaturally inflated, as they have been of
late years, in the face of a contracting currency,
the effect of it on our finances would be still mole
to lessen exports, and consequently the prosperity
and re\ enuc of our foreign crude.”
He is for turning off from the public works these
“ armises of laborers’" who consume without pro
ducing crops, and t.ius biing down prices, both of
crops and labor. Diminish the mouths that con
sume, and multiply the arras that produce, and you
have the Treasury prescription lor mitigating dis
tress and prices ! How would that operate
in this great state ? \ou have perhaps, some 15,-
000 men employed on your public works —works
of the kind that the secretary calls “unproduc
tive”—and even with such a demand as they must
produce for provisions, prices are very low. The
Secretary’s remedy is to set them to raise provis
ions themselves and thus augment the supply
while they diminish the demand. In this wav the
wages of labor are to be leduced, as well as the
prices of agricultural productions. But this is not
all, I have in ray hand an extract from a speech
in the House of Representatives, of a gentleman of
New Ham; hire, Mr. Burke a zealous suppor.erof
the adminisirauon, who maintains thatother things
being leduced in proportion, you may reduce the
wages of labor, without evil consequences. And
where does he seek his example ? in the Medi
terranean. He fixes himself upon Corsica and Sar
dinia. But what is the Corsican laborer, that he
should be the model upon which American labor is
to be formed ? Does he know any thing himself?
Has he any education, or does he give any to his
children ? Has he a home, a freehold, and the
comforts of life around him ? No. With a crust
ot blead and a handful ot olives, his daily wants
are satisfied. And yet from such a state of socie
ty the laborer of New England, the laborer of the
1 nited states is to he taught submission to low wa-
SfL . e extract before me states that the wages
ot Corsica are, for
“ the male laborer, 24 cts. a day.
fomae, do „ J
And the hono able gentlemen argues,that owing
to the greater cheapness of other articles, this is
iel.i lively as much as the American laborer gets,
and he illustrates the fact by this bill of clothing
for a Corsican labo.er : 6
- I
cap,----, 1
Wiistcoat 5 r
Pantalootis,* . . .12*. *. 3 1
Shirt, 6
Pair o f Shoes, c
2S francs. \
Now what say i
faimor of New Vo k,of wa iki ni r o n Sunday to j
England say, to the idea o jacket two s
church at the head of his family, in his
—away with this plan for humbling and degrading
the free intell gent, well educated and well p ■ •
Sorer if the United States to the level of the .1- !
most brute labor of Euiope. nntt itnr-
Th’re is not much danger that scheme,
trines, such as these, shall find favor with t P
Die Toey understand their own interests too wen
for'that. Gentlemen, lam a farmer, on the 'ea ,
shore and have, of < ourse, occasion to employ I
seme degree of agricultural labor. I am sometimes
alsorovved out ,o sea, being, like other New Eng- i
land men, fond of catching a hsn, and finding
health and recreation in warm weather, from the
air of the ocean. —For a few months duung which i ,
am able to enjoy this retreat from labor, public or ;
professional, Ido not often trouble my neighbors, i
or they me, with conversation on politics. Itliap-
however, about 3 weeks ago, that on such
an excursion a I have mentioned, with one man
only, I mentioned this doctrine of the reduct,on
of prices, and asked him his opinion of it.
He said he did not like it. I replied, the wages
of labor, it is true, are reduced; but then floui and
beef, and perhaps clothing, all ol which you iuy,
are reduced also. What then can be youi o. jee
tions ? Why, said he, it is true that flour is now
low ; but then it is an aiticle that may use su* -
denly, by means of a scanty crop, in England, or
at home ; and if it should rise from !y>. r > to sl*l, IQO
not know for certain that it should fetch the puce
for my labor up with it. Hut while wages are high
then I am safe, and if produce chances to fall, so
much the letter for me. Hut there is another
thing. 1 have but one thing to sell, that is my la
bor ; but I must buy many things.—not only flour,
and meat and clothing but also some articles that
come from other countries; a little sugar, a little
coffee, a little of the common spices and such like.
Now, I do not see how these foreign articles will
be brought down by reducing wages at home ; and
before the piiccs is brought down of the only thing
I have to sell, I want to be sure that the price will
fail also, not of a part, but all the things which 1
must buy.
Now,gentleman, though he Will be astonished or
amused, that 1 should tell the story, before such a
vast and respectable assemblage as this, 1 will place
this argument of Seth Peterson, sometimes farmer
and sometimes fisherman on the coast of Massa
chusetts, stated to me while pulling an oar with
each hand, and with the sleeves of his led
shirt rolled up above his elbows, against the argu
ments, the theories, and the speeches of the Ad
ministration and all its Fiends; in or out of Con
gress, and take the verdict of the country, and of
the world, whether he has not the best side of the
question.
Since I have adverted to this conversation, gen
tlemen, allow me to say, that this neighbor of mine
is a man of fifty, one of several sons of a poor
man ; that by his labor he has obtained some lew
acres, las own unincumbered freehold, lias a ccm
foitable dwelling, and p’enty of the poor man’s
blessings. Os these, i have Known six, decently
and cleanly clad; each with the book, the slate, and
the map, proper to its age, ai! going at the same
time daily to enjoy 1 ' ie blessing of that which is
the glory of New England, the common free school.
Who can contemplate this and thousands of other
cases like it. not as pictures, but as common facts,
without feeling how much our free institutions,
and the policy hitherto pursued, have done for the
comfort and happiness of the great mass of our cit
izens ? Where in Europe, where in any part of
the world out of our country, shall we find labor
thus rewarded, and the genera!condition ol the peo- i
pie so good ? Nowhere! Away, then, with the j
injustice and the folly of reducing the cost of pro
ductions with us, to what is called the common
standard of the world. Away, then, away r at once
and forever,with the miserable policy which would
bring the condition of a laborer in the United
States to that of a laborer in Russia or Sweden, in
France or Germany, in Italy'or Corsica. Instead
of following these examples, let us hold up our
own, which all nations may well envy,and which
unhappily, in most parts ol the earth it is easier to
envy than to imitate.
Hut it is the cry and effort of the times to stim
ulil those who are called poor against those who
are called rich; and yet among those who urge
this cry and seek to profit by it, there is betrayed
sometimes an occasional sneer at whatever savors
of humble life. Witness the reproach against a
candidate now before the peop’e for their highest
honors, that a Log Cabin, with plenty of Hard Ci
der, is good enough for him.
It appears to some persons, that a great deal too
much use is made of the symbol of the Log Cabin. ‘
No man of sense supposes,cer dnly, that the hav
ing lived in a Log Cabin is any further proof of
qualification for the Presidency, than it c.eates
a presumption, that any one, who from humble
condition, or under unfavorable circumstances, has ,
been able to attract a considerable degree of pub
lic attention, is possessed of reputable qualities,
mo .1 and intellectual.
Hut it is to be remembered, that this matter of '
the Log Cabin originated, not with the friends of
the Whig candidate, but with his enemies. Soon 1
after his nomination at Harrisburg, a writer for 1
one of the leading Administration papers spoke of *
his “Log Cabin,” and his use of “hard cider,” by .
Way of sneer and reproach. As might have been
expected, for pretenders are generally false, this
taunt at humble life proceeded from the party
which claims for Itself the character of the purest
democracy. The whole party appeared to enjoy'
it, or at least they countenanced it, by silent ac- !
quiescence; for 1 do not know that, to Ibis day',
any eminent individual, or any leading newspaper,
attached to the administration, has rebuked tiiis
scornful jeering at the supposed humble condition
or circumstances in life, past or present, of a wor
thy man and a war worn soldier. But it touched
a tender point in the public feeling. Itnatuially
roused indignation. What was intended as re- j
proach, was immediately seized on as meiit. “He '
it so—be it so,” was the instant burst of the pub
lic voice. “Let him be the Lob Cabin c andidate.
What you say in scorn, we will shout with all I
our lungs; from this day, we have our cry of rally, !
and we shall see whether he, who has ‘dwelt in
one of the rude abodes ol the West, may not be
come the best house in the country'.”
All this is natural, and springs from souices of
just feelmg. < ther things, gentlemen, have had
a similar origin. We all know that the term
“Whig,” was bestowed in derision, two hundred
years ago, on those who were thought too fond of
liberty; and our national air of Yankee Doodle
was composed by British officers, m ridicule of the
American troops. Yet, ere long, the last of the
Brivi h arm’es laid down its arms at Yorktown,
while this same air was play ing in the ears of offi
cersandmen. Gentle ncn.it is only sha'low-mind
ed pretenders, who cither make distinguished ori
gin matter of personal merit, or obscure origin mat
ter of person 1 reproach. Taunt and scoffing at
the humble condition of early life, affect nobody
in this country, but those who are foolish enough
to indulge in them, and they arc generally suffi
ciently punished by public rebuke. A man who
is not ashamed of himself, need not be ashamed 1
of his early condition.
Gentlemen, it did not happen to me to be born in
a log cabin; but my elder brothers and sisters i
were born in a log cabin, raised amid the snow
d "ti of New Hampshire, at a period so early, as !
that when the smoke first rose from its rude cliim- i
ncy, and curled over the frozen hills, there was no i
similar evidence of a Whiteman’s habitation be
tween it and the sct'iements on the rivers of I
Canada. Its remains still exist. I make to it an 1
annual visit. I carry my children to it, to inspire J
ike sentiments in them, and to teach them the i
hardships endured by the generations which have t
gone before the n I love to dwell on the tender *
recollections the kindred ties, the early affections, <
and the touching narratives and incidents, which <
mmgle with all I know of this humble, primitive *
family abode. I weep to think that none of those *
who inhabited it are now among the living; and if <
ever lam ashamed of it, or if I ever fail in affec- *
tion ate veneration for Him who reared if, and de- «
ended it against savage violence and destruction, 1
cheushed all the domestic virtues beneath its roof, f
and, through the fire and blood of a seven years’ c
Revolutionaay War, shrunk from ti o j
toil, no sacrifice, to serve his country - < V‘ gcr > no
his children to a condition better tha^'p 0 r * i,e
may my name, and the name of niy ndl, * ° Wn ,
blotted forever from the memory of nLi lty > ll «
[Mr. Webster then reviewed the cx
of the Government, but just at the lasi ltUr ° J
we find with regret that the sheet comai" 10 " 16111 )
portion of the speech has been mishit miD B %
We supply therefore from memory a f lust —
and we are aware, a very inadequate outli? b/‘ef
argument] ne °ithf
The expenditures of this A.lminislntin
been eminently wasteful and extrava<n t * V!
and above the ordinary revenue of the' 1 f)Vei 1
Mr. Van Huren has spent more th in
lions that reached the Treasury from , y
ces. I specify; * inolhci % '
Reserved under the Deposite Act, 4( .
4th Installment of Surplus kept back. q
Payment by the Hank of United Slates ,<j(iU ’ 00u
on its Bonds, . „
Butcren this has been found
prodigality of the Administration, and w c
been long assembled in Congress before a
was made upon it, notwithstanding the
representa ions of the Message and the T-
Report, lor authority to issue five millionth**
Treasury notes; and this, we were assured if, 1 * 0 *
gress would only keep within the cstim.tr'
mitted by the Departments, would be * UI) ’
Congress did keep within the estimates- anf 8 '"
before we broke up, intimations came’
Treasury that they must have authority to b "
or issue Treasury note* for, four and a haift
lions more. ln **l*
This time even the friends of the Admir .
tion demurred, and finally refused ta [*’
new aid,—and wha‘ then was the alternative?
M by, after having voted appropriations forth,
rious branches of the public service, all within Ik’
estimates, and all of which, they were told ", he
indispensable,they conferred on the President?
a special section, authority to withhold ih-1 •
propriations from such objects as he pleased 'j
to select at his discretion the obje ts upon y
money should be expended. Entire authority,
thus given to the President over alllhese ei *
in direct c.-ntiavention of that
of the Constitution forbidding a!l expenditure ' ”
cept by virtue of appropriations—which if**!
meant any thing must mean the specification of
distinct sums *or distinct purposes.
In this way, then, it is proposed to keen bark
from indispensable works four and a half million,
which arc. nevertheless, appropriated, and which
with the five millions of Treasury notes already
issued, will constitute a debt ol Lorn nine to tl
millions. *
‘ v o, then, when General Harrison shall succeed,
in Mafch next, to the Prcsilential chair, all that
he will inherit from his predecessors—besides their
brilliant example—wiil he thi-e Treasury vaults
and safes, without a dollar in them, and a debt of
ten millions of dollars.
The whole revenue policy of this Administra- I
tion has been founded in error. While duties are I
laid on articles of daily use and necessity, articles 1
of luxury arc admitted free of dutv. Look at the 1
custom House returns, $20,000,000 worth of silks !
imported in one year, free of duty, and other arti- j
cles of luxury in proportion, that should be made
to contribute to the revenue.
We have, in my judgment imported excesshtly,
and yet the President urges it as an objection to
works of public improvement, to railroads and ca
nals, that they diminish our importations, and
thereby interfere with the comforts of the peop,e,-
His message sayst
“Our people will not long be insensible tothe
extent of the burdens entailed upon them by the
false system that has been operating on their >an.
guine, energetic, and industrious character; nor to
the means necessary to extricate themselves from
those embarrassments. The weight which presses
upon a large portion of the people, and the Stilts,
is an enormous debt, foreign and domestic. The
foreign debt of our States, corporations, and men
of business, can scarcely be less than two hundred
millions of dollars, requiring more than ten mil
lions of dollars a year to pay the interest. This
sam has to be paid out of the exports of the coun
try', and must of necessity cut off imports to tint
extent, or plunge the country more deeply in debt
from year to year. It is easy to see that them
crease of this foreign debt must augment the an
nual demand on the exports to pay the intern'
and tc the same extent diminish the import'; and
in proportion to the enlargement of the foreip
debt, and the consequent increase of interest must
be the decrease ol the import trade. In lieu of the
com irts which it now brings us, we might hive
our gigantic banking institutions, and splendid,but
in many' instances profitless, railroads add canals,
absorbing to a great extent, in interest upon the
capital borrowed to construct them, the surplus
fruits of rational industry for years to come, and
securing to posterity' no adequate return for the
comforts which the labors of their hands might
otherwise have secured.”
What are these comforts that we are to jet se
much moie of, if we will only stop our railroad'
and canals? Foreign goods, loss of employment at
home or European wages, and lastly direct taxa
tion.
One of the gentlemen of the Souh, of that nul
lifying State Rights party' that has absorbed tin
Administration, or been absorbed by it, come
boldly out with the declaration that the periodis
arrived for a direct tax on land; and among the
reasons assigned for this project is this one, that it
will brine: the North to the grindstone. Wo shall
sec, before this contest is over, who will be the
paities ground, and who Ihe grinders. It is, how
ever, but just to add, that thus far, this is only an
expression of individual opinion, and I do not
charge it to be otherwise.
I had proposed to say something of the militia
bill, but it is already so late that I must forego this
topic. (No, no—Go on —Go on—from the crowd)
Mr. Webster resumed, and briefly analysed the
bill.
Owing, however, to the lateness of the hour be
did not go largely into the discussion. He did not,
he said, mean to charge Mr. Van Buren with any
purpose to play the part of a Caesar or a Cromwell,
but he did say that in his judgment, the plan a*
recommended by the President in his message,
and of which the annual report of the Secietaryo*
War accompanying the message developed the
leading features, would, if earned into operation,
be expensive, burdensome, in derogation ol the
Constitution, and dangerous to our liberties. Mr-
W. referred rapidly ’o the President’s recent letter
to some gentlemen in Virginia, endeavoring to ex
culpate himself for the lecommcndafion in the
message, by endeavoring to show a difference e
tween the plan then so strongly' commended, an
that submitted in detail some months alteiwar *
by r the Secretary of War to Congress. Mr. * •
pronounced this attempt wholly unsatisfactory.
Mr VV. then went on to say- —I have now frank
ly stated my opinions as to the nature of the p re '
<?nt excitement, and have answer cd the question
i propounded as to the causes of the revolution m
public sentiment new in progress ill this revo
lution succeed ? Does it move the masses, or b J
an ebulilion merely on the surface ? And wno 1
it that opposes the change which seems to be going
forward ? (Here some one in the crowd cried ou,
“ none hardly but the office-holders oppose i ■
Mr. Webster continued,) 1 hear one say that 1
office-holders oppose, and that is true H 1 ‘e
wore quiet, in my opinion, a change would W
place, almost by common consent. I ha ve “* .
ot an anecdote, peihaps hardly suited to the s ,J
ety and dignity of this occasion, but which eo
firms the answer which myfriend in thecro* J n *
given to my question. It happened to a ft' mer
son, that his load es hay was blown overby a
den gust, on an exposed plain. Those near* 11 " 1 ’
seeing him manifest a degree of distress, whichsu
an accident would not usually occasion, asked m
the leason, he said he should not lake on so uiu f
about it, only father was under the load. ** iin r
it very probable, gentlemen, tiiat there arc r n ‘ l ■
now very active and zealous friends, who uo
not care much whether the wagon of the admmr*
tration were blown over or not, if it were not
the fear that father, or son, or uncle, or brotnf
might be found under the load. Indeed it ~ s
markable bow fervently the tire of patrioH*
glows in the breasts of the holders of office. A
thousand favored contractors fear lest ’he propose
change should put the interests of the public m *i*»
danger. Ten thousand Post Offices, moved by tI J
same apprehension, join in the cry of alarm, w 11 "®
a perfect earthquake of disinterested renionst.cn
ces proceeds Irom the Custom Houses. Patron
age and favorotism tremble and quake, tlnoug
every' limb, and every nerve, lest the people sbou
be found to favor of a change, which might in “ an
ger the liberties of the counVy. or at least brcaK
down its present eminent an ! distinguished P 10 *