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THE tOASTi'TUTJOMLIST.
“ JAivltS GAHD NEK. JR.
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PRESI DENT’S MESSAGE.
FeUow-citizcms of the Senate
and of the House of Representatives:
T he annual meeting of Congress is always
an interesting event. The representatives of
the States and of the people come fresh from
their constituents to take counsel for the com
mon good. After an existence of near three
lou: ths of a century as a free and independent
republ c the problem no longer remains to be
to ved, whether man is capable of self-govern
ment. The success of our admirable system
is a conclusive refutation of the theories of
those in other countries who maintain that ‘la
favored few’” are born to rule, and that the
mass of mankind must be governed by f >rcc.
Subject to no arbitrary or hereditary authoii
ty, the people are the only sovereigns recog
nised by our constitution. Numerous emi
grants of every lineage and language, attract
ed by the civil and religious freedom we en
joy, and by our happy condition, annually
crowd to our shores, and transfer their heart,
not less than th air allegiance, to the country
whose dominion belongs alone to the people
No country has been so much favored, or
should acknowledge with deeper reverence the
manifestations of the Divine protection. An
all-wise Creator directed and guarded us in
our infant struggle fur freedom, and has con
stantly watched over our surprising progress,
•until we have become one of the great nations
of the earth.
It is in a country thus favored, and under -
government in which the executive and legis
lative branches hold their authority for limit
ed periods, alike from the people, and where
ail are responsible to their respective consti
tuencies, that it is again ray duty to commua
Bicate with Congress upon the state of the
Union, and the present condition of public af
fairs.
During the past year the most gratifying
proofs are presente I that our country has been
blessed with a wide-spread and universal pros
perity. There has been no period since the
government was founded, when all the indus
trial pursuits of our people have been more
successful, or when labor in all branches of
business has received a better or fairer reward-
From our abundance we have been enabled to
perform the pleasing duty of furnishing food
for the starving millions of less favored coun
tries.
In the enjoyment of the bounties of Provi
dence at home, such as have rarely fallen to
the lot of any people, it is cause of congratu
lation, that our intercourse with all the Pow
ers of the earth, except Mexico, continues to
be of an amicable character.
It has ever been our cherished policy to cul
tivate peace and good will with all nations ;
and this policy has been steadily pursued by
me.
No change has taken place in our relations
with Mexico since the adjournment of the last
Congress. The war in which the United
States were forced to engage with the govern
ment of that country still continues.
I deem it unnecessary, after the full exposi
tion of them contained in ray message of the
11th of May, 1816, and in ray annual message
aft the commencement of the session of Con
gress in December last, to reiterate the serious
causes of complaint which we had against
Mexico before she commenced hostilities.
It is sufficient on the present occasion to
say, that the wanton violation of the rights of
person and property of our citizens committed
by Mexico, her repeated acts of bad faith,
through a long series ol years, and her disre
gard of solemn treaties, stipulating for indem
nity to our injured citizens, not only constitu
ted ample cause of war on our part, but were
of such an aggravated character as would have
justified us before the whole world in resort
ing to this extreme remedy. With an anx
ious desire to avoid a rupture between the two
Countries, we forbore for years to ass© t our
clear rights by force, and continued to seek
redress fbr the wrongs we had suffered by am
icable negotiation, in the hope that Mexico
might yield to pacific councils and the de
mands of justice. In this hope we were dis
appointed. Our minister of peace sent to
Mexico was insultingly rejected. The Mexi
can government refused even to hear the terms
of adjustment which he was authorized to
propose; and finally, under wholly unjustifia
ble pretexts, involved the two countries in
war, by invading the territory of the State of
Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding
the blood of our citizens on our own soil.
Though the United States were the aggriev
ed nation, Mexico commenced the war, and
Wc were compelled, in self-defence, to repel
the invader, and to vindicate the national ho
nor and interests by prosecuting it with vigor
until we could obtain a just and honorable
peace.
On learning that hostilities had been com
menced by Mexico, I promptly communicated
that fact, accompanied with a succinct state
ment of our other causes of complaint against
Mexico, to Congress ; and that body, by the
act of the 13th of May, 1816, declared" that
“•by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state
of war exists between that government and
the United States” —this act declaring “ the
war to exist by the act of the republic of Mex
ico,” and making provision for its prosecution
“ to a speedy and successful termination,” was
passed with great unanimity by Congress,
there being but two negative votes in the Se
nate, and but fourteen in the House of Repre
sentatives.
The existence of the war having thus been
declared by Congress, it became my duty, un
der the constitution and the laws, to conduct
and prosecute it. This duty has been perform
ed.; and though, at every stage of its progress,
I have manifested a willingness to terminate it
by a just peace, Mexico has refused to accede
to any terms which could be accepted by the
United States,, consistently with the national
honor and interest.
The rapid and billiant successes of our arms,
and the vast extent of the enemy’s territory
which had been overrun and conquered, before
the close of the last session of Congress, were
fully known to that body. Since that time, the
war has been prosecuted -with increased energy,
and I am gratified to state with a success which,
commands universal admiration. History
presents no parallel of so many glorious vic
tories achieved by any nation within so short a
period. Our army, regulars and volunteers,
have covered themselves with imperishable
honors. Whenever and wherever our forces
hare encountered the enemy, though he was
n vastly superior numbers, and often cutrench-
I ed in fortified positions of his own selection,
i and of great strength, he lias been defeated.
■ Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon
our officers and men, regulars and volunteers,
for their gallantry, discipline, indomitable
courage and perseverance, all seeking the post
of danger, and vicing with each other in deeds
of noble daring.
While every patriot’s heart must exult, and
a just national pride animates every bosom, in
beholding the high praise of courage, consum
mate military skill, steady discipline, and
humanity to the vanquished enemy, exhibited
by our gallant army, the nation is called to
mourn over the loss of many brave officers and
soldiers who have fallen in defence of their
country’s honor an I interests. The brave dead
met their melancholy fate on a foreign land,
nobly discharging their duty, and with their
country’s flag waving triumphantly in the face
of the foe. Their patriotic deeds arc justly
appreciated, and will long be remembered by
their grateful countrymen. The parental care
of the government they loved and served
shou .d be extended to their surviving families.
Shortly after the adjournment of the last
session of Cong ess, the gratifying intelligence
was received of the signal victory of Buena
Vista and of the fall ol the city of era Cruz,
and with it the strong castle of San Jnan de
Ulh a, by which it was defended. Bel e r ing
that after these and others successes, so honor
able to our arms and so disastous to Mexico,
the period was propitious to afford her anoth
er opportunity, if she thought proper to em
brace it. to enter into negotiations for peace, a
commissioner was appointed to proceed to
the headquarters of our army, with full powers
to enter upon negotiations, and to conclude a
just and honorable treaty of peace. lie was
not directed to make any new overtures of
peace, but was the bearer of a despatch from
the Secretary of State of the U. S. to the Min
ister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, in reply to
one received from the latter of the twenty
second of February,lß4 7, in which the Mexican
government was informed of bis appointment,
and of his presence at the headquarters of our
army, and that he was invested with full pow
ers to conclude a definitive treaty of peace,
whenver the Mexican government night signify
a desire to do so. While I was unwilling to
subject the Unsted States to another indignant
refusal, 1 was yet resolved that the evils or the
war should not bo protracted a £ay longer
than might be rendered absolutely necessary
by the Mexican government.
Care was taken to give no instructions to the
commissioner which could in any way inter
fere with our military operations, or relax our
energies in the prosecution of the war. lie
possessed no authority in anymanner to control
these operations. He was authorized to ex
hibit his instructions to the General in com
mand of the army; and in the event of a treaty
being concluded and ratified on the part of
Mexico, he was directed to give him notice of
that fact. On the happening of such contin
gency, and on receiving rotice thereof, the
General in command was instructed by the
Secretary of War to suspend further active
military oj ©rations until further orders. These
instructions were given with a view to inter
mit hostilities, until the treaty thus ratified by
Mexico could be transmited to Washington,
and receive the action of the government oftho
U. S.
The commissioner was also directed, on
reaching the army, to deliver to the General
in command the despatch which he bore from
the Secretary of State to the Minister of
Foreign Affairs of Mexico, and, on receiving it,
the General was instructed by the Secretary
of War to cause it to be transmitted to the
commander of the Mexican forces, with a re
quest that it might be communicated to his
government.
The commissioner did not reach the hcad
qua.’ters of the army until after another bril
liant victory had crowned our arms at Cerro
Go-do.
The despatch which he bore from the Sec
retary of War to the General in command of
the army was received by that officer, then at
Jalapa. on the seventh day of May, 1847, to
gether with the despatch from the Secretary
of State to the Minister of Foreign Affairs
of Mexico, having been transmitted to him
from Vera Cruz. The commissioner arrived
at the headquarters of the army a few days
afterwards. His presence with the army and
his diplomatic character were made known to
the Mexican government, from Puebla, on the
twelfth of June, 1847, by the transmission of
the despatch from the Secretary of State to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico.
Many wet ks elapsed after its receipt,
and no overtures were ma le, nor was any de
sire expressed by the Mexican government to
enter into negotiations for peace.
Our army pursued its march upon the capi
tal, and, as it appro ached it, was met by for
midable resistance. Our forces first encoun
tered the enemy, and achieved signal victories
in_the severely contested battles of Contreras
and Churubusco. It was not until after these
actions had resulted in decisive victories, and
the capital of the enemy was within our pow
er, that the Mexican government manifested
any disposition to enter into negotiations for
peace; and even then, as 'events have proved,
j there is too much reason to believe they were
I insincere, and that in agreeing to go through
the forms of negotiation, the object was to
gain time to strengthen the defences of their
capital and to prepare for fresh resistance.
'lhe General in command of the army
deemed it expedient to suspend hostilities
temporarily, by cut iring into an armistice
with a view to the opening of negotiations.
Commissioners w ere appointed on the part of
Mexico to meet the commissioners on the part
of the United States. The result of the con
ferences which took place between these fui »
tionaries of the two governments was a failure
to conclude a treaty of peace.
The commissioner of the United States took
with him the project of a traty already pre
pared, by the terms of which the indemnity
required by the United States was a cession of
territory.
It is well known that the only indemnity
which it is in the power of Mexico to make in
satisfaction of the just and long deferred
j claims of our citizens against her, and the only
means by which she can reimburse the United
States for the expenses of the war, is a cession
to the United States of a portion of her terri
tory. Mexico has no money to pay, and no
other means of making the required indemni
ty. If we refv a 1 this, we can obtain no
thing else. To reject indemnity, by refusing
to accept a cession of territory, would be to
abandon all our just demands, and to wage the
I war, bearing all its expenses, without a pur
pose of definite object.
A state of war abrogates treaties previously
existing between the belligerents, and a treaty
1 of peace puts an end to all claims for indemni
ty —for- tortious acts committed, under the au
-1 thority of one government against the citizens
or subjects of another, unless they are provid
ed for in its stipulations. A treaty of peace
which would terminate the existing Avar,
without providing for indemnity, would en
able Mexico—the acknowledged debtor, and
herself the aggressor in the war —to relieve
herself from her just liabilities. By such a
| treaty, our citizens, who hold- just demands
| against her, would have no remedy either
against Mexico or their own government.
Our duty to these citizens must forever pre
vent such a peace, and no treaty -which does
not provide ample means of discharging these
demands can receive my sanction.
A treaty of peace should settle all existing
differences between the two countries. If an
adequate cession of territory should be made
by su#h »• treaty, the United States should re- |
lease Mexico from all her liabilities, and as- !
lume their pavmeut to our own citizens. It, i
instead of this,- the United States were to i
consent to a treaty by which Mexico should
engage to pay the heavy amount of indebted
ness which a just indemnity to olir govern
ment and our citizens would impose on her,
it is notorious that she doe's not possess the
means to meet such an undertaking. Irom
such a treaty no result could be anticipated,
but the same irritating disappointments which
have heretofore attended the violations ot
similar treaty stipulations on the part of Mex
icoi Such a treaty would be but a temporary
cessation of hostilities, without the restora
tion of the friendship and good understanding
which should characterize the future inter
course between the two countries.
Th it Co vgresic mt. mplated the acquisition
of territorial indemnity when that body made
provision for the prosecution of the war, is
obvious. Congress could not have meant —
when, in May, IS I‘3, lha/ appropriate I ten
millions ot dollars, and authorized the Presi
dent to employ the militia and naval and mili
tary forces of the United States, and to ac
cept the services of fifty thousand volunteers,
to enable him to prosecute the war; and when
at their last session, and after our army had
invaded Mexico, they made additional appro
priations and authorized the r using of addi
tional troops for the same purpose—that no
indemnity was to be obtained from Mexico at
the conclusion of the war: and yet it was cer
tairf that, if no Mexican territory was acquired,
no indemnity could be obtained.
It is fu. thir manifest that CongrcM contemp
lated territorial indemnity, from the fact that,
at their last session, an act was passed, upon
the Executive recommendation, appropriating
three millions of dollars with the express ob
ject. This appropriation was made, “to ena-
IV e the President to conclude a treaty of peace,
limits, and boundaries with the republic of
Mexico, to boused by him in the event that
said treaty, when signed by the authorized
agents of the two governments, and duly ra
tified by Mexico, shall call for the expendi
ture of the same, or any part thereof.” The
object of asking this appropriation was dis
tinctly stated in the several messages on the
subject which I communicated to Congress.—
Similar appropriations made in 1803 and 180 G,
which were referred to, were intended to be
applied in part consideration for the cession of
Louisiana and the Florida*. In like manner
it was anticipated that, in settling the terms of
a treaty of “limits and boundaries” with Mexi
co, a cession of territory estimated to be of
greater value than the tin mnt of our demands
against her might be obtained; and that the
prompt payment of this sum —in part consi
deration for the territory ceded —on the con
clusion of a treaty, and its ratification on her
part, might be an inducement with her to
make such a cession of territory as would bo
satisfactory to the United States. And although
the failure to conclude such a treaty has ren
dered it unnecessary to use any part of the three
millions of dollars appropriated by that act
and the entire sum remains in the treasury, it
is still applicable to that object, should the
contingency occur making such application
proper.
The doctrine of no territory is the doctrine
of no indemnity, and, if sanctioned, would be
a public acknowledgment that our country
was wrong, and that the war declared by Con
gress with extraordinary unanimity, was un
just, and should be abandoned; an admission
unfounded in fact, and degrading to the na
tional character.
The terms of the treaty proposed by the
United States were not only just to Mexico,
but, considering the character and amount of
our claims, the unjustifiable and unprovoked
commencement of hostilities by her, the ex
penses of the war to which we have been sub
jected and the success which had attended our
arms, wore deemed to be of a most liberal
character.
The commissioner of th®United States was
authorized to agree to the establishment of
the Ivio Grande as the boundary, ftom its en
trance into the Gulf to its intersection with
the southern boundary of New Mexico,in north
latitude about thirty-two degrees, and to ob
tain a cession to the United States of the pro
vinces of New Mexico and the Californias, and
the privilege of the right of way aci*oss the
isthmus of Tehuantepec. The boundary of
the liio Grande, and the cession, to the United
States of New Mexico and Upper California,
constituted an ultimatum which our commis
sioner was, under no circumstances, to yield.
That it might be manifest not only to Mexi
co, hut to all other nations, that the United
States were not disposed to take advantage
o a feeble power, by iuiisting upon wresting
f;om her all the other provinces, including
many of her principal towns, and cities, which
we had conquered and held in our military
occupation, but were willing to conclude a
treaty in a spirit of liberality, our commis
sioner was authorized to stipulate for the res
toration to Mexico of all our other conquests.
As the territory to be acquired by the boun
dary proposed might be estimated to be of
greater value than a fair equivalent for our
j ust demands, our commissioner was authorized
to stipulate for the payment of such addition
al pecuniary consideration as was deemed
reasonable.
The terms of a treaty proposed by tire Mexi
can commissioners were wholly inadmissible.
They negotiated as if Mexico were the victo
rious, and not the vanquished party. They
must have known that their ultimatum could
never be accepted. It required the United
States to dismember Texas, by surrendering to
Mexico that part of the territory of that State
lying between the Nueces and thellio Grande,
including within her limits by her laws when
she was an independent republic, and when
she Avas annexed to the United States and ad
mitted by Congress as one of the States of our
Union. It contained no provision for the
payment by M#:ic >of the ju-d claims of our
citizens. It required indemity to Mexican
citizens for injuries they may have sustained
by our troops iivthc prosecution of the Avar. —
It demanded the right for Mexico to levy and j
collect the Mexican tariff of duties on goods ,
imported into her ports Avhile in our military j
occupation during the Avar, and the OAvners of
Avhich had paid to officers of the United States
the military contributions which had been le
vied upon them; and it offered to cede to the
United States for a pecuniary consideration,
that part of Upper California lying north of la
titude thirty-seven degrees. Such Averc the
unreasonable terms proposed by the Mexican
Cominis uoners.
The cession to the United States by Mexi
co, of the provinces of New Mexico and the
Californias, as proposed by the commissioner
of the United States, it Avas bclieved,Avould be
more in accordance Avith the convenience and
interests of both nations, than any other ces
sion of territory which it avos probable Mexico
could be induced to make.
It is manifest to all Avho haA’e observed the
actual condition of the Mexican government,
for some years past, and at present, that if
theseprovences should be retained by her, she
could not longer continue to hold and govern
them. Mexico is too feeble a poAvcr to govern
these povinces, lying as they do at a distance
of more than a thousand miles from her capi
tal, and, if attempted to be retained by her,
they Avould constitute but for a short time,
even nominally, a part of her dominions.
This would be especially the case with Up
per California. The sagacity of powerful Eu
ropean nations has long since directed their
attention to the commercial importance of that
1 province, and there can belittle doubt that th®
f moment the United States snail ramqmsn |
j their present occupation of it, and their claim |
’ to it as indemnity, an effort would be made by
some foreign PoAver to possess it, either by
conquest or purchase. If no foreign govern
ment should acquire it in cither of these
modes, an independent revolutionary govern
ment Avould probably be established by the
inhabitants, and such foreigners as may* remain
in or remove to the country, as soon us it shall
be known that the United States have aban
doned it. Such a government would be too
feeble long to maintain its separate independ
ent existence, and would finally become an
nexed to, or be a dependent colony of, some
more powerful State.
Should arty foreign government attempt to
possess it as a colony, or otherwise to incorpo
rate it with itself, the principle avowed by
President Monroe in 1824, and reaffirmed in
my first annual message, that no foreign Power
shall, with our consent, be permitted to plant
or establish any new colony or dominion on
any part ot the North American continent,
must be maintained. In maintaining this prin
ciple, and in resisting its invasion bv anv
foreign Power, avc might be involved in other
Avars more expensive and more difficult than
that in Avhich avc arc uoav engaged.
The provinces of Nervy Mexico and the Cali
fornias arc contiguous to the territories of the
United States, and if brought under the gov
ernment of our laws, their resources—mineral,
agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial —
Avould soon be developed.
Upper California is bounded on the north
by our Oregon possessions ; and if held by the
United States, Avould bo settled by a hardy,
enterprising, and intelligent portion of our
population. The bay of San Francisco, and
other harbors along the Californian coast,
would afford shelter for our navy, for our nu
merous whale ships, and other merchant Ares
sels employed in the Pacific ocean, and Avould
in a short period become the marts of an ex
tensive and profitable commerce Avith China,
and other countries of the East.
These advantages in Avhich the Avhole com
mercial Avorld Avould participate, Avould at once
be secured to the United States by the cession
of this territory; Avhile it is certain that as
long as it remains a part of the Mexican do
minions, they can be enjoyed neither by Mex
ico herself nor by any other nation.
New Mexico is a frontier province, and has
never been of any considerable A r alue to Mex
ico. From its locality, it is naturally connected
Avith our western settlements. The territorial
imits of the State of Texas, too, as defined by
her laAA’s, before her admission into our Union,
embrace all that portion of Noav Mexico lying
east of the llio Grande, Avhile Mexico still
claims to hold this territory as a part of her
dominions. The adjustment of this question
of boundry is important.
There is another consideration which in
duced the .belief that the Mcnican government
might even desire to place this province under
the protection of the government of the Uni
ted States. Numerous bands of fierce and
warlike savages Avander over it, and upon its
borders. Mexico has been, and must continue
to be, too feeble to restrain them from com- i
mitting depredations, robberies, and murders, 1
not only upon the inhabitants of New Mexico
itself, but upon those of the other northern
States of Mexico. It Avould be a blessing to j
all these northern States to ha\’e their citizens |
protected against them by the power of the j
United States. At this moment, many Mexi
cans, principally females and children, are in
captivity among them. If New Mexico Avere
held and gOA’erned by the United States, avo
•raid effectually pr went those tribes from com
mitting such outrages, and compel them to re
lease these. captrves, and restore them to their
families and friends.
In proposing to acquire Xcav Mexico and the j
Californias, it was known that but an incon- ;
sidei’able pert on of the Mexican people Avould j
be transferred with them, the country embrac
ed within these provinces being chiefly an
uninhabited region.
These Avere the leading considerations which i
induced me to' authorize the terms of peace
which were proposed to Mexico. They were j
rejected; and, negotiations being at an end,
hostilities were renewed. An ft sault Avas
made by our gallant army upon the strongly
fortified places near the gates of the city of
Mexico, and upon the city itself; and after
several days of severe conflict, the Mexican ;
forces, vastly superior*in number to our oavu,
were driven from the city, and it Avas occupied
by our troops.
Immediately after information was received
of the unfavorable result of the negotiations,
believing that his continued presence Avith the
army could be productive of no good, I de
termined to recall our commissioner. A des
patch to this effect Avas transmitted to him on
the sixth of October last. The Mexican gov- j
eminent Avill be informed of his recall; and
that, in the existing state of things, I shall |
not deem it proper to make any further OAmr- j
tures of peace, but shall be at all times ready
to receive and consider any proposition Avhich ,
may be made by Mexico
Since the liberal proposition of the United j
States Avas authorized to be made in April last,
large expenditures have been incurred, and the
precious blood of many of our patriotic felloAV- :
citizens has been shed in the prosecution of
the Avar. This consideration, and the obsti
nate perseverance of Mexico in protracting
the war, must influence the terms of peace,
Avhich it may be deemed proper hereafter to
accept.
Our arms having been everywhere Aricto
rious, having subjected to our military occu
pation a large portion of the enemy’s country,
including his capital, and negotiations for
peace haA r lng failed, the important questions
arise, In what manner the war ought to be
prosecuted? and Avhat should he our future
policy ? I cannot doubt that avg should secure
and render available the conquests which avo
have alreadv made ; and that, Avith this view,
we should hold and occupy, by our naval and
miliary forces, all the ports, towns, cities, and
provinces uoav in our occupation, or Avhich
may hereafter fall into our possession; that avc
should press forward our military operations .
and levy such military contributions on the
enemy as may, as far as practicable, defray the
future expenses of the Avar-
Had the government of Mexico acceded to
tho equitable and liberal terms proposed, that
mode of adjustment Avould have been prefer
red. Mexico having declined to do this, and
failed to offer any other terras Avhich could be
accepted by the United States, the national
honor, no less than the public interest, re
quires that the war should be prosecuted Avith
increased energy and power until a just and
satisfactory peace can be obtained. In the
meantime, as Mexico refuses all indemnity,
we should' adopt measures to indemnify our
selves, by appropriating permanently a portion
of her territory. Early after the commence
ment of the Avar, New Mexico and the Califor
nias Avere taken possession of by our forces.
Our military and naval commanders Avere or
dered to conquer and hold them, subject to be
disposed of by a treaty of peace.
These provinces are uoav in our undisputed
occupation, and have been so for many months,
all resistance on the part of Mexico having
ceased 1 - within their limits. lam satisfied that
they should never be surrendered to Mexico.
Should Congress concur with me in this opin
ion, and that they should be retained by the
United States as indemnity, I can percei\*e no
good reason why the civil jurisdiction and laAvs
of the United States should not at once be
extended over them. To wait for a treaty of
peace, tuch as we are willing, to make, by
which our relations towards them would not
i De cnangea, cannot be good policy; whilst om
i own interest, and that of the people inhabit
itiog them, require that; a stable, responsible
and free government tinder our authority
should, as soon as possible, be established over
them. Should Congress, therefore, determine
to hold these provinces permanently, and that
they shall hereafter be considered as constitu
ent parts of our country, the early establish
ment of territorial governments over them
will bo important for the more perfect protec
tion of persons and property; and I recom
mend that such territorial governments be es
tablished. It will promote peace and tranquil
lity among the inhabitants, by allaying all ap
prehension that they may still entertain of be
ing again subjected to the jurisdiction of Mex
ico. I invite the early and favorable consider
ation of Congress to this important subject.
Besides New Mexico and the Californios,
there are other Mexican provinces which have
: been reduced to our posses non by conquest. —
Ihesc other Mexican provinces are now gov
erned by our military and naval commanders,
under the general authority which is confer
red upon a conqueror by the laws of war. —
They should continue to be held ; a a means of
co?rcing Mexico to accede to just terms of
peace. Civil as well as military officers are
required to conduct such a government. Ad
equate conpensatlons to be drawn by contribu
tions levied on the enemy should be fixed by
law for such officers as may be thus employed.
What further provision may become necessary,
and what final disposition it may be proper to
make of them, must depend on the future
progress of the war, and the course which
Mexico may think proper hereafter to pursue, j
With the views I entertain, I cannot favor
the policy which has been suggested, either to
withdraw our army altogether, or to retire to
a designated line, and simply hold and defend
it. To withdraw our array altogether from
the conquest they have made by deeds of I
unparalelled bravery, and at the expense of
so much blood and treasure, in a just war on
our part, and one which, by the act of the en
emy, we could not honorably have avoided,
would be to degrade the nation iu its own es
timation and in that of the world.
To retire to a line, and simply hold and de
fend it, would not terminate the war. On. the
contrary it would encourage Mexico to perse- j
fore, and tend to protract it indefinitely. It is
not to be expected that Mexico, after refusing
to establish such a line as a permanent bound
ary, When our victorious army are in posses- I
sion of her capital, and in the heart of her ;
country, would permit us to hold it without
resistance. That she would continue the war,
and in the most harrassing and annoying forms,
there can be no doubt. A border warfare of
the most savage character, extending over a
long line, would be unceasingly waged. It
would require a large army to be kept con
stantly in the field, stationed at posts and gar
risons along such a line, to protect and defend
it. The enemy, relieved from the pres
sure of onr arms on his coasts and in the pop
ulous parts of the interior, would direct his
attention to this line, and, selecting an isola- .
ted post for attack would concentrate ids
forces upon it. This would be a condition of
affairs which the Mexicans, pursuing their fa
vorite system of guerrilla warfare, would pro
bably prefer to any other. Were xve to a?su ne
a defensive attitude on such a 1 ne, all the
advantages of such a state of war would be
on the side of the enemy. We could levy no
contributions upon him, or in any other way
make him feel the pressure of the war, but i
must remain inactive and await his approach,
bring in constant uncertainty at what point
ou the 1 ue, or at what time, he might make
an assault. Ue may assemble and organize
an overwhelming force in the interior, on his
twu side of the line, a id, concealing his pur
pose, make a sudden assault upon some one of j
oui- posts so distant final any other as to pre
vent the possibility-of timely succor or rein
s .teem nits; and in this way our gallant army
would be exposed to the danger of being cut
olfin detail, or if, by their unequalled bravery
an 1 prowess everywhere exhibite 1 during t us
war, they should repulse the enemy, their
; numbers, stationed at any one point, may be
too small to pursue Ivim. If the enemy be re
pulsed in one attack, he would have nothing
to do but to retreat to his own side of the line,
and, being in no' fear of a pursuing army, may
rrinforce himself at leisure, for another attack
ou the same or some other post. He may, too.
cross t’ae line b .tween our posts, make rapid
incursions into the country which we hold,
murder the inhabitans,commit depredations on
them and then retreat to the interior before a
sufficient force can be concentrated to pur
sue him. Such would probably be the har
rassing character of a mere defensive war on
our part. If our forces, when attacked, or
threatened with attack, be permitted to cross
the line, drive back the enemy, and conquer
him, this would be again to invade the enemy’s |
country, after having lost all the advantage 3
of the conquests we have already made, by
having voluntarily abandoned them. To hold
such a line successfully and in security, it is
far from being certain that it would not re
quire as large an army as would be necessary to
hold all the conquests we have already made,
and to continue the prosecution of the war in
the heart of the enemy’s country. It is also
far from being certain that the expenses of the
war would be diminished by such a policy.
I am persuaded that the best means of vin
dicating the national honor and interest, and
of bringing the war to an honorable close, will
be to prosecute it with increased energy and
power in the vital parts of the enemy’s coun
try.
In my annual message to Congress of De
cember last, I declared that “the war has
not been waged with a view to conquest; but
having been commenced by Mexico, it has
been carried into the enemy’s country, and
will be vigorously prosecuted there, with a
view to obtain an honorable peace, and there
by secure ample indemnity for the expenses
of the war, as well as to our much-injured j
citizens, who hold large pecuniary demands
against Mexico.” Such, in my judgment, I
continues to be our true policy—indeed, the
only policy which will probably secure a per- |
manent peace.
It has never been contemplated by me, as
an object of the war, to make a permanent
conquest of the republic of Mexico, or to an- |
nihiJate her separate existence as an indepen
dent nation. On the contrary, it has ever
been my desire that she should maintain her
nationality, [and, under a good government,
adapted to her condition, be a free, indepen
dent, and prosperous republic. The United
States were the first among the nations to re
cognize her independence, and have always
desired to be on terms of amity and good
neighborhood With her. This she would not
suffer. By her own conduct we have been
compelled to engage in the present war. In
its prosecution, we seek not her overthrow as
a nation; but, in vindicating our national
honor, we seek to obtain redress for the
■wrongs she has done us, and indemnity for
our just demands against her. he demand
an honorable peace; and that peace must bring
with it indemnity for the past, and security
for the future. Hitherto Mexico has refused
all accommodation by which such a peace
could be obtained.
Whilst our armies have advanced from vic
tory to victory, from the commencement of
the war, it has always been with, the olive
branch of peace in their hands; and it has
been in the power of Mexico, at every step, to
arrest hostilities by accepting it.
One great obstacle to the attainment of
peace has, undoubtedly, arisen from the
fact, that Mexico has been so long held: in
’ B £bjeclion by one faction or military
• after another, and such has been the condiUon
! of insecurity m which their successive gov
ernments have been placed, that each has
boon aeterred from making peace, lest, f or
this very cause, a rival faction might expel it
, , from power. Such was the fate of President
| Herrera s administration in 1815, for bein
disposed even to listen to the overtures of the
L nitcd fct ties to prevent the war, as is fully
confirmed by an official correspondence which
took place in the month of August last, be
tween him and his government, a copy 0 f
which is herewith communicated- “For this
cause alone, the revolution which displaced
him from power was set on foot” by General
Pa ales. Such may be the cond tlon of fi ,
security of the present government.
There can be no doubt that the peaceable
and well-disposed inhabitants of Mexico are
convinced that it Is the tru i interest of their
country' to conclude an honorable peace with
the United States; but the apprehension of
becoming the victims of some military faeticu
or usurper may have prevented them from
manifesting their feelings by any public act
; The removal of any such apprehension would
| probably cause them to speak their senti
j ments freely, anl to adopt the measures ac
cessary for the restoration of peace. With a
People distracted and divided by contending
f ictions, and a government subject to constant
changes, by successive revolutions, the con
j tinned sncies ei of onr arms may fail to secure
a satisfactory peace. In such event, it may
become prop r for our commanding generals
, * n the field to give encouragement and assu-
I lances of protection to the triends of peace in
Mexico in the establishment and maintenance
of a f ee republican government of th -ir ova
choice, able and willing to conclude a peace
vhirii would be just to them, and secure to t s
the indemnity we demand. This may become
| the only inode of obtaining such "a peace.
Should such be the result, the war which
Mexico has forced upon us would thus be con
verted into an enduring blessing to herself.
After finding her teorn and distracted by fac
tions, and ruled by military usurpers, we
should then leave her with a republican gov
ernment, in the enjoyment of real indepen
dence, and domestic peace and prosperity,
performing all her relative duties in the great
family of nations, and promoting her own
happiness by wise laws and their faithful exe
cution.
I If, after affording this encouragement and
protection, and after all the persevering and
•incere efforts we have made, from the mo
ment Mexico commenced the war, and prior
to that time, adjust our differences with her,
we shall Ultimately fail, then we shall have
exhausted all honorable means in pursuit of
peace, and must continue to occupy her coun
try with our troops, taking the full measure
of indemnity into our own hands, and must
enforce the terms which our honor demands.
To act otherwise, in the existing state of
th ugs in Mexico, and to withdraw our army
without a peace, would not only leave all the
wrongs of which we complain unredressed, but
would be the signal for new and fierce civil
dissensions and new revolutions—all alike
hostile to peaceful relations with the U. S.
Besides, the eis danger, if our troops were
withdrawn before a peace was concluded, that
the Mexican people, wearied with succesive
revolutions, and deprived of protection for
i heir persons and property, might at length he
inclined to yield to foreign influences, and to
cast themselves into the arms of same Euro
pean monarch for protection from the anarchy
and sufferings which would ensue. This, for
our own safety, and in purer; am e of our estab
lished policy, we should be com elled to resist.
We could never consent that Mexico shf tt’d
be thus converted into a monarchy governed
bya foreign, prince.
Mexico is our near neighbor, an 1 lier boun
(’« ies ax ; coterminus with our own, through
the whole extent across the North American
continent, from ocean to ocean. Both politi
cally and commercially, we have the deepest
interest in her regcncia ion and prosperity.
Indeed, it is impossible that, with any just
regard to our own safety, we can ever be
come indifferent to her fate.
It may be that the Mexican government and
people have misconstrued or misunderstood
our forbearance, and our objeits, in desiring to
conclude an amicable adjustment of he exist
ing d fferemes between the two c inntiie .
They may have supposed that we would sub
mit to terms degrading to the nation; or they
may have drawn false inferences from the sup
posed divisou of opinion in the United States
on the subject of the war, and may have
calculated to gain much by protracting it;
and, indeed, that we might ultimately abandon
it altogeher, without insisting ou any iu lem
nity, territorial or otherwise. Whatever may
bo the false impressions under which they
have acted, the adoption and o ccution of the
energetic policy proposed must soon unde
ceive them.
In. the futute prisecution of the war, the
enemy must be made to feel its pressure more
than they have heretofore done. At its com
mon e.ncnt, it was deemed proper to conduct it
*it a spirit of forbearance and liberality. With
; this end in view, early mearures were adopted
to conciliate, as far as a state of war would
permit, the mass of the Mexican population;
to convince them that the war was waged not
againtt the peaceful inhabitants of Mexico, but
against their faithless government, which had
commenced hostilities; to remove from their
minds the false impressions which their de
vsigning and interested rulers had artfully at
tempted to make, that the war on our part was
one of concmest; that it was a war against their
religion and their churches, which were to be
desecrated and overthrown; and that their
rights of person and private property would
be violated. To remove these la 8 : irapicisions
our commanders in the field were direi tod
scrupulously to respect their religion, their
churches, and their church property, which
were in no manner to be violated; they were
{ directed also to respect the rights of persons
| and property of all who should not take up
! arms against us.
Assurances of this effect were given to the
j Mexican people by Major General Taylor, in a
proclamation issued in pursuance of instruc
tions from the Secretary of War, in the month
; of June, 1816, and again by Major General
Scott, who acted upon his own convictions of
the propriet y of issuing it in a proclamation of
the eleventh of May, 1847.
In this spirit of liberality and conciliatior,
and with a view to prevent the body of the
Mexican population from taking up arms
against us, was the war conducted on our part.
Provisions and other supplies furnished to our
army by Mexican citizens were paid for at fair
and liberal prices agreed upon by the parties.
After the lapse of a few months, it became ap~
parent that these assurances, and this mild
treatment, had failed to produce the desired
effect upon the Mexican population. While
the war had been conducted on our part ac
cording to the most humane and liberal princi
ples observed by civilized nations, it was wa
ged in a far different spirit on the part of Mexi
co. Not appreciating our forbearance, the
Mexican peonle generally became hostiL' t 3 tl e
United States, and availed themselves of every
opportunity to commit the most savage ex
cesses upon our troops. Large numbers of the
population took up aims, and, engaging i
o-uerilla warfare, robbed and murdered ra tn ®
most cn»el manner individu; 1 soldiers, or sma
parties, whom accident or other causes nu
separated from the main body of our arm ,
bands of guerrilleros and robbers mfestei
roads, harassed, our trains, and whenever is
was in their power, cut oil our supplies.