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‘ 1 ■ ‘*— Ect Southern Men Read and Reflect. That great, just and far-seeing man, John C. Calhoun, proposed, in 1860 , a scheme by which the equilibrium of free and slave States should be preserved. — This originated in his intense desire to protect his section against the wild torrent of fanaticism, which, proceeding to the North, seemed destined to sweep away the restraints of the Constitution and the rights of the South or, failing in that to destroy the Union itself- We do not pro pose to give Calhoun’s argument. Our object is to exhibit, Mr. Douglas’ in reply. Wc qilote from Mr. Douglas’ speech. See A pp. Con. Gfabc, 1850, vol. part l, page-STI. ‘‘l have already had occasion to remark that at the time of the adoption of the Constitution there were twelve (slave States) and six of them have since abol ished slavery. This fact shows that tlic came of freedom has steadily and firmly j advanced, white slaver// has receded in the sani” ratio. ]Ve look forward with confi dence to the tinie when Delaware, Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky and Mirsouri, and prebably North Carolina and Tennessee, mill adopt one gradual system of emanci pation, under the operation of which those States must, in the progress of time, be Free.” “Then, sir, the position of the Senator from South Carolina is entirely impractic able. It is also inadmissible, if practicable. It would revolutionize the fundamental principles of the government. It would de stroy the great principle of popular equality ( not popular sovereignty) which must nec- I Ciwi l y from the basis of all institutions.— j It would hr a retrograde movement in an ,tqe, of progress that would astonish the world,” so amend the Constitution as to preserve an equilibrium between the slave and free States.) — App. Con. Globe 1850, vol. 12, part 1, page 871. Can the man wh® uttered such senti ments, be a friend to the institution of slavery? €% astonishing that the South -should have, once, been so devotedly the friend of such a man. We c.fhnot account for it but in one of these ways: First, what Mr. Douglas said was lost sight of in the great cry of Union in 1850. Second, the (unpopularity of Mr. Calhoun under the •charges so persistently and unjustly made that he was an enemy of the Union: — Third, that the South was blinded to the true sentiments of Douglas by his many vague generalities of expression which seemed t® present him to the country, if a:ot a friend to the institution of slavery, as one who would at least defend the con stitutional rights of the people of the South. The eyes of the people of our section are becoming unsealel. Mr. Douglas is tso longer the oeiled prophet ofKhorassan. TThc great issues of the day are exposing him in his political deformity, and proving (that his pretended friendship existed only (under the garb of glaring ‘and deceitful -profession. To admit any argument, for the equilibrium of the free and slave States would, in Mr. Douglas’ opinion, “be a re trograde nnvnnvit that would astonish the world !” “A retrograde movement!!” — Why ? Because it would be, in his opin ion, so manifestly wrong! Why wrong? Because slavery is unj us’, barbarous and .cruel. Is that a fair inference from his .language ? Is it not ? llow else would -she world be astonished at the movement? It is no trivial thing that can astonish the -world. In morals, or politics, it must be graed negation, and when it is retrograde it must be a horrid departure from the progress ofhumanitarianism, or civilization. Such, in Mr. Douglas’ opinion, would be the admission a shoe. State for every free State into the Union. Such a plan as that would astonish the world, and work indignant madness in Mr. Douglas’ Ai&fTslavery bosom. Southern men, will .you become his wilful followers in this (track of hostility to your rights ? to your power? to your honor ? to your safety? You must answer these questions with •those little emblems of power —your tickets —at the polls.— Augusta True Democrat. Letter from Secretary Cobb. [From the Columbus Times.) Washington City, July 14th, 1860 Gentlemen : I sincerely wish it was in my power to respond at once to your kind and flattering request to address my fcllow (eitizens of Columbus and vicinity. Jt would afford me gaueh pleasur-t i meet them at this time. I regard the present contest as one vising far above the ordina ry party struggles, through which we have heretofore passed, It involve the future destiny of the South. It is a question of right, justice and equality on the one hand and wrong and degredation on the other. Tt is the triumph of constitutional princi ples in the election of Breckinridge and Dane, or the declaration of war upon the Constitution and the rights of the South by the election of Lincoln & Hamlin. This is the issue that has to be met, and our people should look the danger full in the face, and govern their actions accordingly. The part wliidi the supporters of Douglas and Johnson at the South take in the con test, is only important in view of the strength it gives the Black Bepublicans of the North, by weakening the only party and the only candidates who can, by any possibility, defeat this treasonable, abolition organization. Surely, the recent course of Mr. Douglas, and the present position of his frieuds at the North, present no claim to Southern gratitude or Southern confidence that should induce, on their part, a support of his claims to the Presi dency at such a sacrifice of their rights and interests. His withdrawal from the contest would at once ensure the success of Breckinridge and the triumph of con stitutional principles, whilst his continu ance in the field gives aid and encourage ment to the enemies of democracy and the of the south. T T ntlcr these cir cumstances —apart from the manifold ob jections to the political doctrines which Mr. Douglas and his faction seek to force upon us—it seems clear beyond dispute or question, that there should be a united and earnest effort on the part of the South 15 snpport of the only candidates who are aifctitled to her confidence, and at the same -time 4'ave the slightest prospect of elec- To urge and press upon my fellow-citi zens of Georgia these considerations, in favor of the election of Breckinridge and Lane—to unite my counsels with theirs, to ward off the dangers which treaten our present peace and future prosperity to con tribute my efforts to the work of preserv ing the constitution from the ruthless as saults of its open and secret enemies—to join my voico-with those who proclaim to the country the firm, fixed and unalterable phpose of the South to maintain her “ equality in the Union,” and to recognize as worthy of her loyalty and support no government that does not guarantee that to my mind afield of duty upon which I would gladly enter.— My heart is in the contest, and you may rest assured that I deeply regret my ina bility at once to enter ttye panvass, and that, too, upon the soil of my native State. I am, very truly, yours, &c., Howell Cobh. To Messrs. John A- Janes, Gbas. J. Wil liams, R. E„ Dixoq and A- R. Lamar, Triumph OP ART- —An artist pf Phila delphia has succeeded in making a hand some portrait of Lincoln. W. T. GOLDSMITH, Editor & Proprietor. CABTa&rmiLS, <i&, 9 A'fHL -35$$, FOR PRESIDENT, JOHN C, BRECKINRIDGE, OF KI^TITKY. FOR VIC E-PRESIDENT, JOSEPH LANE, OF OREGON. Mnnamitic Electors. For The Slate At Large. lion. c. j. McDonald, of Cobb. “ 11. R. JACKSON, of Chatham. ALTERNATES : Hon. A. 11. COLQUITT, of Baker. 11 Wm. II DABNEY, of Gordon. For The Districts: Ist, PETER CONE, of Bulloch. 2d. W. M. SLAUGHTER, of Dougherty. 2d. O. C. GIBSON, of Spaulding. 4th. HUGH BUCHANAN, of Coweta. sth. LEWIS TOILIN', of Cass. (sth. HARDY ST RICK LAND, of Forsyth 7th. Wm. F. LOFTON, of Jasper. Bth. W. M. McINTOSH, of Elbert. ALTERNATES: Ist. Y. J. ANDERSON, of Laurens. 2d. C. A. EVANS, of Stewart. 3d. J. 31. SMITH, of Upson. 4th. (r. A. BULL, of Troup. sth. W. K. MOORE, of Whitfield. 6th. C. 11. SUTTON, of Habersham. 7th. It. L. W AJt'JTI EX, of Washington. Bth. W. S. VASON, of Richmond. The Platform. 1. That the government of a Territory, organised ly an act of Congress, is provisional and tempora ry, and during its existence all citizens of the ll nited States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without, their rights, ei ther of person or property, being destroyed or injur ed by Congressional or Territorial legislation. 2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government in all its departments, to protect the rights of per sons and property, in the Territories and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate population form a State constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being const! mil ted by their admission ‘into the federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recog nizes thy institution e s slavery. Decision of the Supreme Court. ‘•The Territory being a part of the United State? the Government anil the citizen both enter it under the authority of the Constitution, with their respec tive rights defined and marked out; anti the Feder al Government can exercise no power over his person or propeety beyond what that instrncment confers, nor lawfully deny any right which it has reserved. * ® * ® * “Tlie powers over person and property of which we speak, are not only not granted to Congress, hut are in express terms denied, and they are for bidden to exercise them. And this prohibition is not confined to the States, but tiic words arc gener al, and extend to the whole territory over which the constitution gives it power to legislate, includ ing those purl lona of it remaining under terrritorial government, as well as that covered by States. It is total absence of power everywhere within the dominion of the United States, and places the citi zens of a Territory, so far as those rights are con cerned. on the same footing with citizens of the States, and guards them as firmly and plainly a gainst any inroads which the General Government might attempt under the plea of implied or inci dental powers. And if Congress itself cannot do this—if it is beyond the powers conferred on the Federal Government—it will be admitted, we pre sume, that it could not authorize a territorial gov ernment to exercise them. It could confer no pow er on any local government, established by its au thority, to violate the provisions of the Constitu tion. •* a a ■# s -s ■* And the Government, in express terms, is pledg ed to protect it in all future time, if the slave es capes from his owner. This is done in plain words —too plain to be misunderstood. And no word can be found in the Constitution which gives on gross a greater power over slave property, or which cutitles property of that kind to less protection than property of any other description. The only power conferred is the power coupled with the duty of guarding and protecting the owner in his righls.” Mr. Breckinridge’s Views On Unfriendly Legislation. “The fact that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can constitutionally exclude from, of confiscate in a Territory, private property having been judieally determined by the highest court in the Uniicd State, I confess that t did not anticipate the doctrine of unjetrndly territorial legislation in regard to African Slaves. It has no warrant from the Constitution, if we recognize the highest judical interpretation of that instriiiueut.-FYuii7.-/or{ Speech 1S 59. On Protection to Slavery. So that in regard to every description of prop erty. including ,States, recognized and regarded by the Constitution, it is the duty of the courts of the country to protect and guard it whenever the ques tion idbronghtjbcfore them. * * * But should the tim” ever arrive when a decision of a competent court on a question of private right is likely to fall for want of adequate remedies, to execute it, those remedies, executive and legislative if need be, shall lie offered, or government >* tt fail ure —and from this conclusion I see no escape for any just mind that uphold the authorities of the country Franl.-fort .Speech, 185<J. * 0 t> flf * Si * * * Tito territorial Governments are subordinate and temporary, and not sovereign; lienee they cannot destroy or impair the rights of person* or proportj. While they continue to he Territories they are under the control of Congress ; but the Constitution nowhere confers on any branch ..{ t! (i.,c,in.mii me po wt*T to il fscriui in - ate against the rights of the States or the property of their citizens in the Territories. It follows that the citizens of all the States may enter the Territo ries of the Union with their property—of whatever kind—aid enjoy it during the Territorial condition without let or hindcrenee, either by Congress or by the subordinate Territorial Government. These principles flow directly from the absence of sovereignty in the Territorial governments, and from the equality of the States. Indeed, they are essential to that equality which is and ever has been the vital principle of constitutional Union.— Thoy have been settled legislatively—settled judi cially—and are sustained by right reason. They rnston the rock of the Constitution—they will pre serve the Union. * 0 * * * * The Constitution and the Union reposes on the equality of the States, which lies like a broad foundation underneath our whole political structure. As 1 construe them, the resolutions simply assert this equality. They demand nothing for any State or section that is not cheerfully acceded to the rest. * * s* * * The Constitution and the equality of tho States ! These aro symbols of everlasting Union. Let these be the rallying cries of the people.'— Letter of Acceptance. * * * * This Govcrnmant is a confederation of equal States, and tho moment that applied to A'lates, or to property of citizens of the States, you discriminate between ono Mate and an other, or between one description of property and another, that moment you change tho character of the Government; that moment you destroy the equality of the States and tho citizens, that momont you degrade one portion of the Confederacy and it becomes a union, not of equal and sovereign States, but a uninu of some States and some prov inces.—Late Speech in Kg. The Opposition Platform. “The Constitution —the Union and the Enforce ment of tho Laws.” as anybody, Freesoilers /forth or Submlstlonists South, may please to construe thery. Hoe. John Bell's Views. is opposed to the slpve trado in the District of Columbia!! “Would be content to abolish slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia”! J “With rogard to tho Constitutional power of Con gress over this subject, I would say that the < nly doubt I have of the existence of tho power oither to suppress the slave trade or to abolish slavery in this District, is inspired by the respect I have for the opinions of so many distinguished and eminent moii, both in and out of Congress, who hold that Congress has no such power, Reading the Con stitution for myself, I believe that Congress has all the power over the subject in this district which the States hare within their respective, jurisdictions. ” Congressional Globe, vol. 22, p. 1668.— John Hell's Speech.’ Again : But. however'great my r.cspeet may be for the opinions of otherA on the question of power, there j are some, considerations, of such high account as in J my judgement, to make it desirable that, unless by common consent the project of abolition shall be wholly given up and abandoned, the remnant of slavery existing in the District should be abolished at once ; at tho present moment, however, tho ex cited state of public sentiment in tho (South, grow ing out of territorial questions, may seem to forbid sneh a course.” — lbid. And again : “I would be glad to see all cause of disturbance and contention in tho District wholly removed ; j but let me say that this can never be done by the abolition of slavery, unless it be accompanied by some adequate provision for the removal or the effective control of the slaves after they shall he emancipated. With this quallification, and in or der to test the determination of the North in re gard to any further and continued aggression upon Southern property, / would isk coxtknt to skk slavuky ix tiik nisTitiFT Anoi.ism:i> to-hay.” — Ibid. On the abolition of the slave trade in the District lie said : •‘With regard to the proposition to suppress the slave trade ill tho District, as already stated, / had made up my mind that it aught to be done, on sov cral good grounds.”— lbid. —•—♦- —— Extract From Douglas’ Freeport Speech. Lincoln’s question. Can tlic people of the United States Territory, in any lawful way.’against the wishes of any citi zens of the United States; exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Con stitution ? Douglas’ answer. “The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is, can the people o'” a Territory, in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln lias heard mo answer a hundred times from every stump in Illi nois, that in my opinion, the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to a State Constitution ! Mr. Lincoln knew that Iliad answered that question over and over again. Ho heard me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over tho State in 1854, and in 1855. and in 1856, awl he has no excuse for pre tending to be in doubt as to my position on that question. It matters not what the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to tiie abstract question, whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory ‘ under the constitution ; the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, unless it is suppo; ted by local po lice regulations. Those police regulations can only lie established by local legislation, and if the peo ple are opposed to slavery, they will elect represen tatives to that body who will by unfriendly legis lation, effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If on the contrary, they aro for it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter wliat the decision of the Supreme Court may be on the abstract question, still the right of tile people to make a slavo territory or a free terri tory, is perfeot and complete under the Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satis factory on that point.” Douglas an Emancipationist. “Ihavcalredy had occasion to remark that at the time of the adoption of the Constitution tbere were twelve (slavo States) and six of them have since abolished slavery. This fart shows that the cause of frkkdou has steadily and jirmly advanced while slavery has receded in the same ratio. Iff look forward with coxpidkxck >o the TiitK when Deleware. Virginia, Maryland. Kentucky and Mis souri, and probably North Carolina and Tennessee will adapt one gradual system of EMANCIPATION, under the operation of which those States must, in the progress of time, become free.”—Douglas’ Speech of 1850. The “Explanation.” Oar respected neighbor of the Standard responds to the inquiries in our last issue, and gives a reason wliy lie “ considers ” Douglas and Jolinsou the regular .Demo cratic nominees. lie emphasizes “consid ers” to show doubtless that lie distrusts tlic soundness of tlic reason given. This is well. It is the force of truth and is some evidence that a glimmering per cap tion of it survives the wreck, which squat ter sovereignty has made of his Democra cy. But to the “reason.” “The regular convention proceeded to nominate Douglas for President and Fitz patrick for Vice President. The seceders convention nominated Breckinridge Si Lane This is our rear,on, Doctor, for considering Douglas the regular nominee for President. 7/e was nominated by the * regular Demo cratic Convention.” A nomination made by a regular Con vention is, therefore, necessarily “regular.” Is that so Judge ? And will you assert the proposition in that form ? If that is not true, then your “explanation” must he explained. Suppose a bare majority had been left in the convention at the Theatre, and a sim ple majority of those left had made the nomination, would that be regular and ob ligatory upon the party ? Your “reason” says yes. Will you reaffirm it ? Again, suppose that a simple majority of those left should be of the Van Burenwing and finding they had the power should re adopt the Buffalo Platform and nominate Hale, Chase, Wilson oVMartin Van Buren, (all old Democrats) would tho nomination be “regular,” and demand your support because of its “regularity?” Your “rea son” answers j'cs, will you reaffirm it ? If not your “explanation” must be explained. Your reason makes the regularity of a nomination depend exclusively upon the regularity of the convention. Now sup pose the convention in making the nomina- j tion should violate all the party usages, j should recklessly by the mere power of a majority, depart from the rules adopted by itself for its own government, in short sup pose irregularity from beginning to end should characterise its proceedings, be en lisa of the ‘foul domination’ of an unscrupulous nd packed majority, would the regularity of tho Convention, make its proceedings regular, And would your party allegiance compel you to support the nomi nees because of the regularity of their nomi nation ? Your “reason” makes your allegiance due to party for its “regularity” and not for its principles. A most dangerous and mischievous policy may be inaugurated, our dearest rights assailed, the constitution of the country violated, tho country -itself endangered, but if done by a regular Dem ocratic Convention, your “reason” compels your aid in the accomplishment of those ends. Will you not concur with us that your “reason” needs to he patched a little ? It seems a regular convention makes a regular nomination. We arc then narrow ed down to the inquiry, what constitutes a regular convention ? Is it to be composed of Delegates from every State in the Un ion, and must those delegates be in atten dance ? If so, neither the convention which nominate 1 Mr. Douglas, nor that which nominated Mr. Breckinridge was regular. Twenty-five States were represented in tho ono, twenty-two in the other. If not all the States then how many must be rep. resented to make it regular ? One, two, three, a dozen or a majority ? Wc desire our esteemed cotemporary to inform us. Ifitdoes not depend upon the number of States represented, then does it depend upon the regularity of the appointment of the delegates ? If that is the criterion by which the regularity of the convention is to be determined, then the convention which nominated Mr. Breckinridge is the only regular convention, because that was composed exclusively of delegates regular ly appointed by the State Democratic or ganizations. While that which nominated Mr. Douglas was composed in part of del egates appointed not only without the au thority but in direct contravention of the State organizations, and some of them raw recruits, who all their life long had wared against the party and its principles. Does it depend, upon the regularity of the call ? If so which was the convention called ? A Democratic Convention was called to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President. It was called tomcet at Charleston ; it failed to accomplish the purpose for which it assembled; it adjour ned to meet in Baltimore. Did it adjourn to meet in the Theatre or in the Institute Hall ? Was it regular in one and irregular in the other ? If so why? The convention which nominated Breckinridge was presided over by the President elected at Charleston, the other chose anew President. The former, there fore, preserved the original organization. Each nominated candidates for President and Vice-President in the accomplishment of the object of tlic call, and in accordance with the purpose for which the delegates were appointed. In this respect, there fore, neither convention has advantage of the other. We are of opinion therefore that you will have to seek anew reason, Judge, for your advocacy of Douglas. The one as signed wont hold water. A nomination to he regular must he in accordance with party usage. When you assert that Judge Douglas was nominated according to the usages of the party, wc shall be prepared to meet you. You say you supported 31 r. Buchanan, upon the same platform on which 3lr. Douglas is now running ? Did you construe it as 3lr. Buchanan then did, or as Douglas now does ? Wc cheerfully respond to your inquiry. Neither Judge Douglas nor Mr. Breckin ridge was nominated in accordance with party usage. The one has no advantage of the other in that respect, hut every’ Dem ocrat is left perfectly free, as lie always must be left if wc would preserve the puri ty and moral intogri'y of the party, to de termine his choice between the candidates exclusively on principle. Stephen A. Douglas—A Beautiful record —A fit Man for Southern votes ! ’The charge has been frequently made j by Democrats that during the pendency of the Lceompton Bill Stephen A. Douglas intended, by his opposition to that hill, to break up the party and carry its northern wing over to the Black Republican camp. llis strange and unaccountable opposition to a measure, endorsed by the administra tion, after he had advised the Convention that originated the Lceompton Constitu tion to submit the slavery clause alone to tho people of Kansas, cannot be under stood upon any other hypothesis. But we arc not left to conjecture alone, as to the motive that prompted his base desertion of his party and the good of his country. Developments made since that time, taken in conjunction with hia manocuvcriugs du ring the struggle over that Bill in Congress, show beyond’ the shadow of a doubt that it originated in subserviency of principle to policy and the surrender of our rights to retain his seat through Black Republican influence, in the 11. S. Senate. He was untrue to his honor—to the party of which he was a recognized leader —to the Con stitution of his country, in order to make sure his election in the Black Republican State of Illinois—in order that even that vile party could find, in him. a fit repre sentative man against the “slave-power.” Wc do not, in this article, purpose to speculate simply, but will bring to light some facts not generally known to the peo ple by which we will prove that Stephen A. Douglas, at that time, meditated the overthrow of tlic Democratic party, the organization of a “Douglas party,” sec tional in its objects, and entirely satisfac tory to the feelings of the Black Republi cans. The glittering prize of the Presi dency could only be secured by bending to the wave of fanaticism and the way was closed did lie not succeed in retaining’ his position in the U. 8. Senate. This ! was the prize and the poliey was inaugura ! ted and faithfully pursued. During the pendency of the Lceompton ! Bill we hear of 31 r. Douglas in close fel lowship wrtli the Black Republicans of that Congress, and so marked was his hssq-i ciationwith those worthies that they claim ed him as one of their number. All his ■ consultations were outside of the Demo- j cratic party and were secretly and ly conducted with those men —including] Horace Grcely of the N. Y. Tribune. In ! proof of this, at that very time, the follow-J ing dispatch to the Tribune from Wash ington city, contained the astounding an nouncement that: “ The Jicjutblican Senators laid a consul tation last night with Senator Douglas, at his house, which, was satisfactory to both parties ! !” A gentleman writing to a member of Congress upon this very point gives tiie following : Sill: Your favor of January 2 is re ceived and oontonts noted. In reply, I would say. that whilo in Washington lust week, I was informed, by a prominent anti responsible Democrat, who luid the means of knowing, that Senator Wilson, and other prominent Republicans in ami out of Congress, during and after the discus sion of the Lceompton constitution in Congress, were frequently in private po litical consultation at the house of Judge Douglas; and I do know, that afterwards the New York Tribune, did favor tho elec tion of Judge Douglas to tho U. S. Sen ate ; and that extracts from that Journal, so favoring him, wore copied in several of tho Democratic papers in the State of Illi nois during the campaign of IBfjß. I am prepared to give tho name of the gentleman from whom I. received the in formation, when it can have any practical good effect.” G. W. RANEY. So enthusiastic were his recent satte lites that the notorious, black-hearted ab olitionist, Anson Burlingame i* won over and eulogizes him thus : “I think it the first duty of Republicans to extinguish the doughfaces, but I hold it also their duty to bear testimony as to the manner in which the Douglas men — and they will pardon me forgiving them the name of their gallant and gifted lead er—to bear testimony to the manner in which they have borne themselves. They have kept the faith.” * * * * * * * * * “I say it is due to them that we should say that they have borne the brunt of the battle, and that they, whether from New York, Pensylvania, or Illinois, have kept the whiteness of their souls, and have made a record which was lain in light; and if my voice can have any weight with the young men of the country where those men dwell, I should say to them, ‘Stand by these mer. in all your young enthusiasm. Stand by them without distinction of party.’ ” Even the i7e Wilson and Seward con gratulated the Senator upon his noble fight against the South—and the former said, “Douglas is all right and will be with us !” With whom? The great black Republican party—to which he had lent all the ener gies of his body and mind in order to dc featra measure adopted by a democratic ad ministration in favor of the South ! An other gentleman says; SrRi nof.ikld, Illinois, * December 2()th, 1859. I&EAR Sir : During the pendency of the Lc%mpton hill in the House of Represen tatives, in the spring of 1858, I saw sever al letters from 3lr, Grcely to Republicans in this State, commending the course of 3lr. Douglas in his opposition to the nefa rious and wicked scheme of forcing a pro slavcry constitution down the throats of an outraged people. [The very expression used by Douglas in his late Albany speech —so applauded by Douglas organs. En.] In one of those letters, directed to 3lr. John O. Johnson, then writing in my of fice, (that of superintendent of public in struction,) 3L\ Greelv expressed it as his decided opinion that both from motives of policy and as a matter of strict justice to 31r. Douglas himself, the Republicans of Illinois ought to unite with the friends of 3lr. Douglas in returning him to the Senate. * * ****** * W. 11. POWELL. I The Cincinnati Enquirer, the Douglas organ for Ohio, contained the following in formation, which shows that in the strug gle with Lincoln, Douglas had the co-opo ration of the Black Republicans and that his election was due. mainly, tosuch influ ence : “Lincoln's Opinion of Douglas’ CHANCE AT CHARLESTON, —William 11. Gill, the editor of the Leavenworth (Kan sas) Ilorald, lately travelled in Illinois with Abraham Lincoln, Douglas* competi tor for the Senate. 3lr. Gill says: “ ‘We inquired of him what he thought of 31 r. Douglas’ chances at Charleston.— “Well,” he replied, “were it not for cer tain matters that I know transpired, which 1 regarded at one time among the impossi bilities, I would say he jstood no possible chance I refer,” said he, “to the fact that, in the Illinois contest with myself, he had the sympathy and support of Gree ly, of Burlingame and Wilson of 3lassachu setts, and other leading Republicans. To show more fully the feelings of Mr. Douglas in regard to the South; the Lc . compton nicasurc and the Democratic par ty, wc here give what a correspondent of the Chicago Journal wrote to that paper in reference to the trying scenes of the Lceompton struggle. To lend force to the truth of the facts detailed, we will state that, the letter wasycad in the House of Representatives 18th March last, and the member producing the letter said that the author was “a gentleman well known in the city of Washington, a respectable, responsible and reliable man, and if Judge Douglas desires his name I am authorized to give it.” The name was never demanded and the facts have not to this day, been de nted by Mr. Douglas. 3Yca.sk the friends of Mr. Douglas, South, to read and pon der the facts here produced. If they have any spirit that can kindle patriotism in their bosoms, surely this will arouse it, and j bring them to see the vile character of : him they esteem so true to southern in- I tenets- The letter is as follows : “This train of thought carries me back to the beginning of the Thirty-fifth Con gress, when 3lr. Douglas broke from the line of policy marked out by 3lr. Buchan an for tlic Democracy and opposed the Le- : compton constitution. He was under the j lav,-socially and politically with the Dem- j oerafs.. The remarkable expressions he j used to make about his record, what he j hath 1 done in the pa r ty to stop the progress j of (la very and to advance freedom, and I what lie purposed doing in the future to j destroy the intentions of the slave power, j wifrnever be erased from my memory, as I th iy cannot be from the minds of hundreds of'jthers who heard the same things. •’■'He said that when lie started out in his opjtisition to Lceompton lie was merely lurking fight on a single measure, and not the party ; but a blow at Lccomp t'mlwas a blow at slavery, and he soon fotjd the whole slave power arrayed against •i jLiikcji pack of wolves. In making the against this power, he remarked that 1 he was enabled to stand off and view the j.niJ with whom he had been acting ; that i ll&’ttvas ashamed he had ever been caught j |lKuch company ; that they were a set of j mi Vinci plod demagogues, bent upon per- ; j pet kating slavery; ami by the exorcise of j j th| unequal and unfair power, to control the Government or break up the Union ; | an that he intended to prevent their doing i cit ,-:r. His denunciations of the fire-eat ers tore at times very severe, and couch ed II language fit noither- for- tho parlor nor die newspaper. j ‘file insisted that lie would never he dri’ en from the party, but would remain ip i until he exposed tho Administration andJJie disunionists; and when he went out. iw would go of his own accord. He was n the habit of remarking that it was polh 7 for him to remain in the party, in orthi to hold certain of tho rank and file, so tj Aif he went over from the Democra cy th any other party, he would be able to take the crowd along with him ; and when he ; ot them all over, he would cut down the : i>idgos and sink the bouts. “< m ono ooeaslon, I waited upon him to ascertain if the report was true that he and But anan had had an interview for tho purj >so of settling their disputo. I said to h’ “tt that, as the correspondent of a lead ing Republican organ, I- had represented him ikirly, audtliQ rQpqrt if true, tended to e< “itpromise my position, and I thought, thcr (litre, that I was entitled to a fair an swer t.Q a fair question. “! i,shed him to stvy to me frankly if then * was any truth in the report. Put ting Tm hand on bach shoulder, and look- ing me square in the face, he said : ‘I au- | thorizc you to say that there is not a word of truth in the report.’ Adding, that there | never would be any union between him and Buchanan, unless the latter saw fit to come to him and stand by his side on the plat- I form of popular sovereignty. “In the interview he repeated many things that he had said before, to convince j me and others that he was earnestly and honestly on the side of the North, against the slave power, and should be found fight ing in the ranks of the great northern par tv in 1860. In this interview he also used ! expression which a distinguished liepubll- , can member of the Thirty Fifth Congress 1 informed me he used to him in a conver sation he held with him at the commence- ! mentof the Leeompton struggle, to ascer- j tain his views concerning his (DotJOLAS’s) j future intentions. After talking awhile with Doglas, I inquired of him if he knew where his present course (meaning his op position to Leeompton) would lead him; Douglas replied, with emphasis, ‘I do. and I have checked all my baggage and have taken a through ticket.’ “In using this expression to me, as he did several times, he conveyed to my mind, as I think he intended to do, that he was j going from the Democratic party, over, | bag and baggage, to the Republicans, a great northern party, as he used to call it. All who conversed with him at that time, and during the Leeompton struggle, who related their interviews with him to me, received the same impressions from his conversations that I did, and the number was not only large, growing out of my po sition here, but they embraced some of the leading Senators and Representatives in Congress, representatives of leading Re publican journals of the country, as well as i many of the most distinguished citizens of the different States. So throughly impressed were some of the leading and most sagacious members of Congress, that Mr. Douglas was ‘all right’ that they not only deemed it wise policy for the Republicans of the State of Illinois to take ‘hands off,’ and allow Mr. Douglas to be returned to the Senate, but they urg ed such action as a matter of justice, and even went so far as to censure the Repub licans of Illinois for not following such ad vice, and in many instances, charged them with being false to their principles and sentiments, and sometimes, in the heat of discussion, made use of opprobious epithets, j “Mr. Douglas’ plan for destroying the Missouri line, and thereby opening the j way for the march of freedom beyond the I limits forever prohibited by the existence lof that line, and the opening up of free ! States in territory which it was conceded belonged to the Slave States, and its march westward, embracing the whole line of the l’aeific, from the British possessions to Mexico, struck me as the most magnifi cent scheme ever conceived by the human mind. This character of conversation, so frequently employed by Mr. Dougks with those with whom he talked, made the deep est impression upon their minds, enlisted them in his behalf, and changed, in almost every instance, their opinion of the man. While it is not surprising that the men who wore in the daily bal.it of hearing Mr. Douglas give expression to his senti ments, should have given the advice they did to the Illinois Republicans, it is sur prising that they should now deny it.— More remarkable is the fact that none of the interviews I ever had with Judge Douglas on the subject of nis political po sition, were confidential. On the contra ry, I always talked with him as a member of the press, he being fully aware of my position. “But I am making this letter longer than I intended, and may have occasion to revert to the subject again soon. “II.” Now what do our Douglas friends think of their man? Can such a man claim their support ? But recent events show that Mr. Doug las still is tlic favored champion, in some quarters, with the Republicans, and that they are debating, seriously, whether it would not he the best policy—as it is more practicable as lie has a party South —to drop Lincoln and take him up. 11 is late Albany speech and the positions therein assumed have convinced them that, for their present purposes, Douglas is the man—-for he is as bitterly opposed to the formation of New-Slave States as Lincoln, and his plan far more plausible. In Ab olition New England Douglas shows his hatred to the South by saying “he prefered their clams” to our “niggers.” Can we trust such a man—who, as the candidate of a professed National party takes the small est opportunity offered to ridicule our in stitutions ? But even the leaders of the Black Re publicans applaud Mr. Douglas at this time —showing conclusively his affiliation, ■in sentiment, with them. Wo give the j following extracts taken from a late No. of j New York Ilerald : ! Wiierk the Douglas Party - wtll j Bring Up.—At a recant meeting at Cam j bridge, Massachusetts, Hon. Anson Bur ! lingame declared that there were but two | parties in the country which could last, * and he hailed every Douglas flag as an as sistance to the republicans. Ho ridiculed the “old men’s party,” and said that the Southern wing sympathized with the re publicans, while the Northern wing be longed to the ranks of the Breckinridge army, lie regretted that Douglas had not travelled all the way to republicanism.’ Douguastsm and Black Ukpurlt canism.—The Albany professes to have discovered, by reading the signs of the times and looking at the cause and effect of certain events, which way the cat is about to jump. It says: “The republicans not only engineered and helped to pay tor the Douglas recep tion on Friday night, but he was honored | with a complimentary visit on Saturday | from (ov. Morgan, Thurlow Weed and ! other leading republicans. We learn from j a leaky “soft” that Mr. Weed promised to ! iqako Judge Dougins Secretary of State, i provided ho would keep up the tight against the sectionals. Judge I). promis ed to take the offer into consideration and report progress at an early day.” Is Douglas sound ? Arc the people of the South willing to leap in the dark to support a man who would barter a way their rights to reach tho Presidency.'’ We hope not. Is John Bell Crazy ? This is a question heading an editorial article in the National American, of At lanta. We answer, yes! John Bell is crazy-, and his deluded followers are “as mad as march Hares.” Any man is “cra zy” who at this dark hoqr of pef il will sac rifice his country’s good in the vain hope, of elovatinghiiqself to the Presidency. A vain hope wo pronounce it, and one that stamps, if nothing else would, the poor pos sessor with Ignacy —or xcorsc ! ’ ’ *Vvvf > >• Insurrectionary, We learn that on last week in the up- ; ! per part of this county three negroes, be longing respectively to Dr. Chaney, Mr. Sledge and another gentleman, whose f name we do not know, were overheard ; i concerting a plan to rise and destroy the whites in that settlement. One ot them j j was afterwards whipped by his master and , | confessed the truth and on Tuesday the : neighbors met and brought the negroes before them, and they corroborated the ! statements of the other. Mr. Sledge’s boy ! whose name is Green, and is a notoriously | bad character, divulged the whole plot, 1 which seems to have been about this:— i | They had determined to instigate an in ’ surrectiou between now and Christmas, I and had approached several negroes on the | subject some of whom consented to join r them and others refused. Their first point of attack was to have been on a meeting soon to be held at a Baptist Church on Armuchce creek. The people were on the eve of hanging the boy Green, who seems to have been the ring-loader, but they let him off upon condition that he should be sent out of the | State. There is no evidence that white ’ men arc implicated, though such is doubt j less the case, as thereare several suepicious individuals prowling about in the county. The people cannot be too vigilant in watch ing such fellows. They might find proof to justify them in making an example of one or more of them that would be a whole some lesson to the rest. —Horne Conner. Breckinridge in lowa. —A lartreaml enthusiastic meeting of the national dem ocrats of the city of Dubuque. lowa, was held on Saturday evening duly 7th, at the Court house, for the ratification of (lie nomination of Hon. John C. Breckinridge and General Joseph Lane for the offices of President and Vice President of the Uni ted States. Special Notices. MAN HO O D, now lost, now hestohed, ,Just jn/it/ishrd in a sealed Jmivelopc, A LECTURE on tub nature, treat ME XT - AND RADICAL CURE OF SPERMA TORRHOEA. or Semina! Weakness, Sexual Debili ty, Nervousness am! Involuntary Emmissions pro ducing Tin potency, Consumption anil Mental and Physical Debility. ’ Bv ROBERT J. CUL,VfiRWELL, M, D., The important fact that the awful consequences of self-abuse may he effectually removed without internal medicines or the dangerous applications of caustics, instruments, medical bougies, and other empirical devises, is here clearly demonstrated, and the entirely new and highly successful treat ment, as adopted by the celebrated author fully ex plained. by means, of which every one is enabled to cure himself perfectly, and at the least possible I cost, thereby avoiding all the advertise 1 nostrums of the day. * This lecture will prove a boon to thou sands and thousands. Bent under seal to any address, post paid, on the receipt of two postage stamps, bv addressing Dr. CII. J. C. KLIXE. M. I)., ISO First avenue, New York. Post Box 45515. april El, ISGo—ly. WIST Airs BALSAM of WILD CHERRY. Conr/Jin, Ciddn, Cromchitiu, Anthnui, Croup. ’Whoop in'/ Coin/h, Quaai/, and the numerous as well as dangerous diseases of the Tnroat, Ch-i-nt and Lung*, prevail, in onr changeable climate, at ail seasons of the year : few are fortunate enough to escape their baneful influence. How important then to have at hand a certain antidote to all these complaints.— Experience proves that this exists in Wi*tar* Ci i Inn in to an extent not found in any other remedy: however severe the suffering, the application of this oothing, healing and wonderful Balsam at once vanquishes tho disesse and restores the sufferer to wonted health. (; EOit(; IA TE S TIM ON Y. Certificate of Mr. E. Mauscnet, a well known and highly respectable citizen of Macon, Ga. Macon, Ga., March 13, ISfiO. Messrs S. AT. Fowie & Cos., Goutb-men :— Believing in the great virtue of your renewed Balsam of AVild Cherry, I cheerfully comply with the request of our traveling agent in adding my testimony to the many which you have alrdady received. I have boon acquintcd with this medicine for many years, and have always heard it spoken ofin the highest terms. A brother-in-law who at one tune was much reduced with a severe and obstinate cough, was restored by it, after other rem edies failed. I have also used it for myself and children for obstinate and <■ohlu, with an uni form and happy result, and therefore recommended it confidently as the hint lu>kj medicine within niv knowledge. Yours respectfully. E. MAUSSEXET. From Rev. JESSE M. AVODD.D. D. Rome, Ga. April I. ISOO. Roar Sirs .-—This certifies thst four years ago I suffered with a distressing ( niii/h. RuriSg the win ter and sqrinn 7f 185(5, 1 used Dr. AVistar's Balsam of Wild Cherry, with considerable advantage. 1 consider it a valuable remedy for Congas and Colds J. M. WOOD. Caution to piirlihitnciui. The only genuine AVis tar's Balsam hasHhc written signature at “I Butts’’ and the printed one of the Proprietors on the outer wrapper ; all others are vile and worthless. Prepared by SETH AV. EOWI.F A CO., Boston, and for sale by KRAMER. LET. VXD & .TONES, Cautuksvu.i.i:. .r. I). CARPENTER. Ca*Vvii.i.i:. SAMUEL A". Si I EATS. Kingston. And by nearly all Druggists. May 1). ‘OO-1 in THE FOLLOWING is a sample of the numer ous letters constantly receiving for llostetter's Stomach Ritters : Caxanpaci a. Jrt.v loth, 1850. Mussas. llosTUTitun Smith. Pittsburg Pa : Gents : —As we are strangers. 1 herewith enclose you twenty-eight dollars for four dozen Hostetler's Stomach Bitters, which please forward via Michigan Southern Railroad. Toledo, Ohio, and Clayton Sta tion. I have purchased several dozen bottles at Toledo this Summer, but the sale is so much on the increase that 1 wish to open a direct trade with you. 1 was induced to try your Bitters by ray physician, for the Liver Complaint and received such material aid that I recommended it t-> others and liiiao sold about two dozen per week for some time. I have all kinds of Medicine in my store, but there is none that I can cheerfully and truthfully recommend as your Bitters, for I know they have helped me beyond my expectation. Yours resp-eelfnllv. PHILO AVILSOX. ASK ANY OMI WHO HAS KVKR fSKtI DU. MeI.AXES CELEBRATED LIVER PILLS. ruv.i'Aitr.ii in-, ki.kmints a aims. YsS-Wluit they think of them ! Ninety-nine in u UwiilwT will Ssll v-.u Oicy nr-e-t+te hest- Bills for liver complaint, siek headache and dys icpsin that they havoevoi us,-i- Read tho following from one of our most respectable citizens: Xkw A’ouk. August 3, 1852. Ido horebv certify that 1 have been suffering, from a pain in mv side and breast for a long time, and after frying many remedies come to the eon- - elusion that my liver was effected. i immediately commenced using Dr. M'Lancs celebrated Liver ! Pills, prepared by Fleming A Bros, of Pittsburg. 1 ami the few that I have taken have already given I me more relief than all the other medicines 1 have i taken put together. I went to a clairvoyant to I consult hint; after examining mo carefully, ho ad- j vised me to continue tho use of Dr. M’l.ane's Pills: ! that tliev would effectually cure mo. AV. AV. PHILIPS. No. 2 Columbia place. | y ff- Purchasers will he careful to ask for Dr. M- | j I.AXES CELEBRATED LIVER PI LLS,manufac tured by FLEMING BROS, ol Pt rrsiu m:, Pa. : All other Vermifuges in comparison are worthless. Dr. M’Lane's genuine A T ormifuge, also his celebra ted Liver Pills, can now lie had at all respectable drug stores. Anar ijenuinc without the sii/nature of FLEMING BROS. ‘ A CARD TO TIMS SI’VTKKINU. Tho llov. Wuxi am Cosanovn, while laboring as a missionary in J apian, Tyas cured of Consumption, when all other means had failed, by a recipe ob tained from a learned physician residing in the groat city of Jed do. This rooipo has cured groat great numbers who were suffering from Consmup ■ tion, Bronchitis, Sore Throat, Coughs, and Colds, j and tho dbilitv and nervous depression caused by ! these disorders. j Desirous of benelUing others, 1 will send this j roooipo, which I havo brought homo with me, to all who need it, free of charge. Address Rev. Wm CosnttovK, 230 Biltio-strcet, Brooklyn, N. Y. Brick Masonry. —t would respectfully nform tho oltiians of Cass and surrounding country j that lam proparej to da any kind of work usual . done with hrick, and in a neats ud durable manner , Ad Iross m > at artcrsville, a | Jan. 1853 ’WHITFIELD. _ so raj muMwis OF r I II E SOUTH & SOUTHWEST. WE. THE UNDERSIGNED, MERCHANTS OF THE CITY OV CHARLESTON, S. C. r encouraged by the increased patronage received last Spring, and by the assurances that have reach ed us from all sections of the South and Southwest, that Our Goods have compared advantageously, and competed successfully, with those bought iti New York, and other Nort iern cities, and believing: that being found faithful to the pledges made in our former Card, we will receive still greater pat ronage. have prepare ourselves fyr a. largely in creased Full business. I Our Importers and Jobbers of Foreign Merchan dize have till been represented in Hie markets of 1 Europe, this Spring and Summer, either by a meni- I ber of their respective linns, or by Agents fully j competent to select goods for the Southern trade.-. I They have bought for cosh, or its equivalent, and : their selections will form fill! and attractive nocks l for the inspection of interior merchant. Onr facil j itiew for obtaining Domestic Goods direct from.tho | manufactories, are nnsurpussod by the merchants of any city in the Union. AA r e, therefore confidently invite von to insnect our FALL STOCKS OF FOREIGN AND DO i MESTIC GOODS, feeling assured that all who ntay do so, without prejudice, will make their purchases !in this market. Our Stocks will be complete carl v ■in August, when we will be pleased to receive tlm | visits of our old and new mercantile frrernfs. DRY GOODS. ! GILLILAND, HOAVELL & CO.; JOHNSTON, 1 CKKAVS .t CO.: CHAMBERLAIN. MILLER -A CO.: JOHN G. MILNOIt <t CO.: NAYLER,SMITH i & CO.; HYATT. McBURXEY & CO.; CRANE, BOYLSTON <t CO.: J. S. A L. BOWIE it- CO - McKenzie a co.: here is ox ,e- LEIDING, HARDWARE. ; HYDE, GREGG a- DAY: WILLIAMS & PRrcl-I’ j COURTNEY, TENNANT A CO.: J. E. ADGEIt A. ; co. ROOTS AM) SHOES. D. F. FLEMING it- CO.: R. A. PRINGLE A CO; j FORCE J; MITCHELL: E- Ti. STODDARD A CO; ! DUNHAM TAFT A CO.; 11-IS EL TINE A AVAL- I TON, C I.OT HUNG. ! PIERSON, SHITII A CO.: COHEN AVrLLIS A CO.: WALDRON. EGGLESTON ,f- CO.: ERWIN BATES A CO.: MATT HI ESSEX, O’IIARA A CO, GROCERIES. GEO: AV. AVILLIAMS A CO. CROCKERY AM> GRASS WARE. AVEBU A SAGE; BROWN A PALMA. DRUGS AXI) MEDICINES. IIAA’ILAND. STEVENSON A CO.: NELSON CARTER: JOHN ASHIIURST A CO.: RUFF A DOAVIE. SIRKS AND FANCY GOODS. BOWEN, FOSTER A CO.: J. A AV'. KNOX; DEWING. THAYER A CO.: ALBERT J.FVG NICK: MARSHALL. BURGE A CO. HATS, CAPS S. STRAW GOODS. HORSEY. AUTEN A CO.: F. 1). FANNING A CO.; D R- WILLIAMS A CO. SADDLES& SADDLERY HARD W A R E. NASTIE. CALHOUN A CO.: JENNINGS, TOMLINSON A CO. CARPETS, Oil. C EOT MS & WIN DOW CURTAINS. LAMBERT A HOWELL; JAMES G. BAILIE IMPORTERS DEALERS IN WINES, LIQUORS, SUGARS. CIIAFEE. CROFT A CHAFEE: BENXEKER A GLOVER. DEALER IN PAPER & ENVEL OPES. JOSEPH WALKER. Aug. JO—IL PROF- L. MILLER’S “ lI.VIR JNYIGORATOR. AN Kl-TECTIVE, SAKK AND KCONOMICAI. COMt’nf S|l,. For Restoring Grey Hair to it.-- original color,, without dyeing, and preventing the Hair from turning gray. For Preventing Baldness, and curing it. j when there is the least particle of vitality or reeu ! Iterative energy remaining. For Removing SetuT an ! Dandruff, ami all | cutaneous affections of the Scalp. For Beautifying the Hair, imparting to it an unequalled gloss and brilliancy, making it soft | and silky in its texture and causing it to curl rcadi ily. Thogreat celebrity and the increasing demand for this unequalled preparation, convince tile proprie tor that one trial is only necessary to satisfy a dis cerning public of its superior qualities over any oth er preparation at present in use. It cleanses tho head and scalp from /loiuiriiff mid utiu-r attuucm m. dineiiKi-e, causes the hair to grow luxuriantly, and gives it a rich, soft, glossy and lie.xible appearance, and also where the hair is loosening and thinning, it will give strength and vigor to the roots, and re store the growth to those parts which have become j bald, causing it to yield nfi-enh eoetrjtnj of huir, j There are hundreds ol 1 ladies and gentlemen iu I New York who have had their hair restored t>v th • j use ofthis Invig uator, when all other preparations I had failed. L. M. has in his posscs.-ion left, rs in : numerable testifying 1 1 tho above sac ts, from per | sons of the highest respectability. It wiljeffcetn.tbv ; prevent the h iirfiu.ii timiiir/ i/ria/ until the latest , period of life : and in eases where the hair has a’- | ready changed its color, the use of the Invigorator i will wi ll certainty Venture it to itn m-ii/iui,/ hue, i giving it a dark: glossy appearance. As uperfutno for the toilet and a hair restorative it is par.icularly recommended, having au agreeable fragrance: and the great facilities it affords in diirsiio/ the huir. which when moist with the Invigorator etui he dressed in any required form so as t> preserve its place, whether plain or in c urls—henc e the great de mand for it by (lie ladies as a ninndurd toilet urti . etc which none ought to he without, as the price places it within the reach of all. being ONLY TWENTY-FIVE CENTS per bottle, to be had at all respectable druggists’ and perfumers. L. MILLER would call the attention of Barents and Guardians to the use of his Invigorator. in ca ses wbcredhe childrens’ liair inclines to he weak. 1 The use of it lays the foundation for a ifijodlirud o/~ I hair, as i removes any impnri ies that may have- I become connected with the scalp, the removal of which is necessary both for the health of the child, i and the future appearance of its hair. C.wtion.—None genuine without the fne simile* - LOUIS M ILLKB being on the outer wrapper: al so. L. MILLER'S HAIR INVIGORATOR. blown | in the glass. [ Wholesale Depot. 5(5, Dev Bt. and sold by all tlia j principal Druggists throughout the world. | Liberal discount to purchasers by the quantity. I also desire to present to the American Pnplieniy New and Improved Instantaneous. LIQUID HAIR-DYE. which after years of scientific* experimenting l \ have brought to perfection. It fives Black or Brown instantly without injury to the flair or j Skin, warranted the host* article ol the kind in exist i cnee. PRICK, OXLY 50 CKXTS. DEPOT, .50, HEY ST., N. Y. ; August. 10th. 1800, wly. DIARRHOEA ! CRAMPS ! CHOLERA 1 LIFE DROPS. This medicine has been -rim nkvku KAtt.txu TRIED. TESTED and j REMEDY. PROVED by ten YUAV.S ----! experience tt> l>o the only CERTAIN SAFE and; ’ RELIABLE remedy l'or all BOWEL DERANGE-. , MENUS. DIARRU.F.A. RISEN VERY. CRAMPS. PAINS. CHOLERA, CHOLIC, <fv.. new before j the public. One or two doses of -0 drops, will* ! euro the most severe cramps in the stomach in 2IR ; minutes. A single dose often cures the Riorrh;ea : and never constipates the bowels. One dose will satisfy any one of its merits. Price only 25 Ccuts.. Sold in Cartersville by KRAMER. T.KLAND and JONES. Address orders to S, I>. TRALL. No. l-> Brostl | way New York. Aug. 1(1—ly. Schedule of the W. & A. Ilailvoart Up Day Passenger leaves Atlanta 10.20 a m.. “ “ “ arrives at Cart. 01-07. p in. “ “ “ leaves “ 01,32 “ “ *• •* arrives nt Chat. 7.00 “ Up Night •• leaves Atllnnta 7.50 “ “ •* “ arrives at Cart. 10.51 ■* “ “ Arrives at Chat. 5.00, a m. Down Day “• leaves Chalta. 3.25 “ | “ “ “ arrives at Cart. 10 25 •• “ “ arrives at Allan I.4ft, p m. Down Night “ leaves Chat la. 3.00 •* “ “ “ arrives at Chat. 8.50 “ 1 “ “ “ arrives at Allan 11.4 j “ J. IV. LEWIS, Superintendent. Town Property | FOll SALK. I riARE subscriber having determined L to move west, offers for sale ; llis Rcsltlriiet, IB situated near tho Methodist E. Church; also his STORK IIOUSK AND LOT, Hear Jones A-Greenwood's carriage shop, which lie j tfow occupies as a tin shop. To one desirous ol i carrying on the Tiuning Business this is a good 10, , eatiou. I will give a bargaki on almost any terms to a good solvent purchaser, and FOR CASH I Will I sell at a sacrifice. .TAMES AV. STRANGE, Cartersville, May 21, 1800.—w3m