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absurd ; he would nave rut me down with hie crutch:—he nad amassed three thousand a year. Under such circumstances—conscious of his infatuation, I ceased to waver: the end j sanctified the means; arid I wrote him an ano- ' nymotts letter. Sire, of course, would make a point ofhav- ' in<x children—and then where were my expec-' tations ? Fvadne, mv sister, had never been a mother: i the coIone! was the only Plmtn in the universe; &, positive as I was—Evadne being the link —I naturally had expectations. To say nothing of being nine years mv se nior, he was a wreck—a fiery wreck, full of combustibles, burning gradually to the water’s edge. The sun of his happiness, would, as I felt, set for ever, the moment he married such a creature as Moggs—innately vulgar—repul sive—double chinned—tumid—protuberant— Social festivity was everv thing to Colonel Plinth : but who would dine with him. if his ci devant cook were to carve ?—Evadne’s adopt ed— Larry the trumpeter’s l-’.e!—l couldn’t. Therefore, under a sense of overwhelming duty to Colonel Plinth, I wrote him an anony mous letter. Every precaution was taken ; the hand was disguised—the paper such as I had never used; and, to crown all, I dropped the important doc ument in a distant and very out-of-the way post-office. Conscious of perfect security—animated bv the cause I had espoused, I played away upon him, from my masked battery, with prodigious vehemence. Reserve was out of the ques tion; in an anonymous letter, the writer, of. course, speaks out : —this is its great advan tage. I took a rap'd review of his achieve ments — I recalled the accomplished Evadne io his mind’s eye—l contrasted her with his present intended : —Larry the trumpeter figur ed in. and lhe forcible expression as to Caesar’s wile was not forgotten. 1 rebuked—l argued —1 ridiculed I scorned : I appealed to his pridi—l mentioned his person. I bude him consult a cheval glass, and ask himself if the reflection were that of a would-be bridegroom. 1 told uiin how old he was —what the Indian army would think—in short, the letter carried umm the face of it the perfect conviction of a thirty-two pounder. Here and there 1 was lit erally ferocious. I dined alone that day, and was taking rnv wme in the complacent consciousness of having done all m my power, when Colonel Plinth knocked. Os course I knew his knock : it was always violent; but on this occasion rather •less so than usual. 1 felt Hurried :he ascend ed, mv accurate ear detected a strange footstep on fiie stair. Hastily pouring out and gulph ing down a bumper, 1 contrived to rally before my friend entered. Commonly his countenance was tuibid— billowy—rufous—the red sea in a storm; now it was stony —pale—implacable: lie was ■ evidently while hot with wrath. His eye—l usually lur-d as that ofa Cyclops at the forge j was cold—clear—icy; his look froze me— j 1 had seen him thus before—in tho breach at Seringapatam. His snlute was alarmingly courteous; be bog'jed leave to introduce a friend Baron Ca ooz, a noble S wede in the Prussian service. Ne> r before had I belli Id sii’h a marline! : wlicie could Plmtn have picked him up? The Baron, in very good English, express ed las concern at making so valuable an ac quaintance as that of Major Mucus-in under. sa<') t iiifolici’anscircumstances,. Cohmel Plinth , had been insulted : but as ! had so long been ■ bi-- most valued friend—as we bad fought and ! bled on the same field-—.b th >se arms (his , i rht Ai'iliiw left) which had been, so aticnl • mked together, Wi re nH'ininermg, sine by skp, ’ in the sanmgavc—as I was bis broiher-iu law’ Colonel Plinth would accept of the amplest ! possible apology; with any other mm than | Major M-u’cassin, Colonel Plinth would have J gone to i X'rcnuties a’ once. I was petrified dm-ng this Sneed,; but at it- i conclusion some seit of an inquiry staggered from mv lips. Baron Cuhooz did not understand. I declared myself to be in the same predica ment : would ho be so good as to explain ? Io reply, the Baron hinted that I must be roiin tuns of having written Colonel Plinth a Idler. !•’. aring that Phndi’s suspicious had been aro'isrd, and that this was a ruse to trap me 1 into a confessi-m —-icmeinhermg mv precau tions —-and feeling sure that nothing could, bv ata possibility, be brought home to me. unless i • ■iu<<! irii’or to inv>rlf—l denied the impu tation point thank! Indeed, what else could I du .' ( <>iom I Plinth uttered an exclamation of bitter ontempt. and hobbled towards the door. Bar >u < ;mooz band* d me his card:—no thing t'lr'lmr could he done :—he hoped the fru nd whom 1 might honour on the occasion ; would <e» him as earl* ms possible, iu order to expedite the necessary arrangements. I made a last effort. Advancing towards the door where Plinth stood, I begged to pro test that I was nnstified—that lie inu-t be la bouring under n mistake. “ A mistake ’ ’shouted he in that tremendous tone, which for h moment bad once appalled the tiger hearted Tippoo—“ A mistake. Major Mocassin! 'There’s no mistake, sirrah ! Will you deny vonr o«n hand writing So saving hr threw the letter in in*v face and Wired, followed bv Cahooz— I n another moment the veil was torn asun der. Having never before nitempft d»n ano nvmons Idter and acting under the infl>ience of confirmed habit, I bad concluded the fatal • p stle, w iff out disguise, in mi customary terms :—'• Lwj, rrcr. John Mocassin ! “ Yest r rdav a» his own reside'.<e n Wim r»u!e St., bv so cal licence, Colonel Plinth. K ( . I*. to R« beeca Louisa Moggs, a native oi a.sul m,i ;ni. Ihe Gallant Colonel went through the ceremony w»;b hi* only r nsmin arm in a sling,—having a few hours before exchanged shots—both of which took effect— with Major Mocassin.” MR. SWSEcTI ( House of Representatives. Friday, March 21; 1831. ! THE PUBLIC DEPOSITES. The House resumed the consideration of ; the resolutions reported from the Committee of Ways and Menns, together with the amend ment offered by Mr. W.lde, declaring that the reasons of the .Secretary of the Treasury for removing the deposites from the United States Bank are unsatisfactory and iiisuffi j cient. i JV.lr. Gilmer, of Georgia, addressed the) House. The subject, Ise said, was one of ; more interest than any which had been dis cussed since the origin of the Government and he therefore wished io express the views which would govern his vote. His own situ ation relation to the subject was peculiar; for he should not vote on the qu'estiou of the re moval of the deposites on the same grounds which others had taken. He begged leave, tn the outset, to protest against the manner in which the subject had been discussed. When’ the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Mc- Duffie) proposed bis resolution declaring that the deposites ought to be restored, what, ques tion did we discuss? Not the question of res toration; for most of tho arguments which we heard related to the conduct of the President ofthe United States in removing the Secreta ry, and appointing another. The consequence was, that public feeling was misled and excited, and we were led to consider that the question was to be determined, not on its merits, but on our like or dislike of the President of the Lnited States The question of th< power ol appointment was connected, in fact, with the I removal ol the deposites; yet it had no possi ble connexion witli the question whether the public interests required their restoration to the Bank. The public interests alone should determine (hat question. When the power of removal from office was before (he first Congress, it was solemnly argued and decided. Were we now better prepared than they were to come to a proper decision ofthe question? Without saying that their deter mination was right, he would say that there never was a time when the state of public feel ing was so little favorable to a proper deter mination as the present time. Another ques tion had been made here, whether the public money, after having been deposited by law, can bo removed without the authority of law.’ Here he entered his dissent to the doctrine ad vanced in favor ol this prop isition. From the manner in which the question had been discus sed, the people were misled as to the real question before us. What was the true ques tion? It was whether Congress can sell the right to control the public money. In order to ascertain whotlier the position which had! been assumed both by the majority and the! minority o( the committee, was correct, it would be necessary for him to go into a some what extended argument. We created a body • corporate and gave it certain rights and prni-l leges, in order to carry into effect the purposes ' of the government. To effect these purposes' both public and private rights were granted to tho bank by law. Ihe public rights were 1 conferred with a view to effect public, objects, i such as the safe keeping and easy transporta ! tionof public funds. The government, he contended, had no right to change and modify I these tights for the purpose of effecting the! objects which were intended by law. One of the consequences which he must deduce from tins position, was, that the public , O'.-.”.- J- r —. 1 benefit ol the Bank, as tor that us tho Gov-■ ernment, and that Congress could not sell their control over it or transfer it. An infer ence had been drawn, that one of the benefits which were conferred on the Bank arose from tin* keeping of the public money. But this , inference was had. without regarding what he laid down as incontrovertible—that lhe money could not lie deposited with that view. Het who c intended that this right was con erred upon the Bank by virtue oi a contra t made 1 between them and Congress, contended for: that which Congress had no power vested m them by th? Consiituiion to confer. Hear < gtied that this conclusion did not necessarily j follow from the act of 1816, incorporating the , ! Bank. This mli.rrence, however, had not only been drawn from the clause in the charter which conferred exclusive privileges on the! Bank, but it was .also inferred that the Bank was entitled tube the depository ofthe public money, in consequence of the bonus o; one indlion and a hall winch they had p i.d. He contend’ d that this bonus was pa.d lor that : only which the B ink had the right to pur chase, or the Government the rig it to confer; and looking to the fact, that there were many ! large c ipualists now to be found who were willing to pay six, seven, or ten times the a- '< \ mount paid by the Bank, for similar exclusive : privileges, and without any clause confirming the right of the (iove nmcnt depositing lhe i public money, it was evident the terms upon 'which they held these privileges wire too : cheap. There wits another argument winch he confessed he heard with much surprise, bv i winch it was attempted to excite public feeling j in their favor —'.hat was. talking of tho sacred I right of chartered privileges, and the Hou-e had been warned h«<w they should n.fringe t upon the.-e sacred rights. This made n ne cessary to inquire into ihe origin nf chartered societies, and there was no part, perilaps, of lhe histurv of human society, *o interesting to trace. W hen origin illy gramed, the People . hud no lights, they were considered in a stale of slavery to Use ( hurch and the Feudal Nu bility; charters were then devised by the Crown, to enlarge those powers which had been taken from the People by the feudal »ys- | tent, so prevalent in Europe in the earlier 1 ages To'.!.;'" io eccsecucuce, the most : liberal consequence had been given, arid so-i 'ce'v had derived from them more benefit! than from any other ihf’>g whatever. Upon ' the original settlement us this conn try, the colonies hid obtain’d them, t> secure to themselves tie enjoy nent of such privileges as they conferred. But at the re volution by which our independence was es-j tabfished, they ceased tu be of value. Every j man became free, and that which was before: so valued, became regarded as exclusive mo- , nopolies, which it was for the Merest of so ciety to abolish, as they took fr<>m, inste ’d of adding to the rights vested naturally in everv member of society. Having disposed of the argument by which the right ofthe Bank to the deposites was maintained as arising from ■ contract, he wished to call lhe attention of the House to what was the principal argument advanced to justify the exercise of the right of removal by the Secretary of the Treasury. lie wotdd not apply hirnself to the sufficiency or insufficien. y of the reasons given by him; for he cared not whether they were or not; his argument being to establish the power of the House over the public money. It had been said that the Secretary might interfere, in case.- where the safety of the public mo ney was . om e ned, and (hat this was the only case which could him. But he could not consider this retson applicable; for if the safety ofthe pubic money only was to be thought 01, (hat sabty might be attained as well by keeping tin public money where r was collected, in he shape us revenue at lhe custom houses. Such a reason, when as sumed as the only me, reminded him of those ' sages who were lod< ng into a deep well for! truth, which was tc be found on the surface ofthe earth. Hecontended that the public' moneys were lodged by the Government for other purposes lhar that of safety ; that they 1 might be used through the Bank, to fill up the! vacum which was created by their collection, : and thus be used tc advance the prosperity oi the whole people. Looking, then, to the' question wheiher tie deposites should be re stored to the Bank es the United States, it be came necessary to ascertain what the conduct of the Bunk had been, to satisfy us what n i would be. He considered, accordu g to the adage, banks had no soul; their end was to. make profit, and their conduct was actuated by this motive Butallhuugh he would not go intfTthe charges against the Ba .k of the United States, it was suficient to say, tbai , upon the exp.ration uftheir charter—a renew-; al of it was of more immediate importance; than any profit they cculd have by discounts.' Such had been proved tube the motive and I conduct o( the directors of this institution. j V, as not the first application to Congress for : renewal of the charter made shortly bi-fore ! the Presidential election? Why, tie asked, j did they select that time for their application?! AVas it not evidently under the exuectation, ! that as their renewal would be acceded to bv ’ Congress, they could 7cr. r trie President from 1 tho exercise of his fonsttiutionil veto or' make him immediatclyresponsible for that act > to t e e -pie? This vas evi lent, when such an apph-ation wt< notnecessary at tha time! for their operations, it was done io control I the government. Instead f- urtailmg mime-! d-aiely after the veto, hey < ommenced exterv ! ding their issues from 45 to 70 millions. ; W iat wis this mcreasi fbr? Evide >tly under ■ the belief that they cotld i .!! .cnee public o-' pinion m their favor. But the hank «n- mis taken in this, for public opmion was n >t o lie so influenctd,howevertavors might bo con ferred on the individial, the bunk, as the event proved had beemmstaken iu toe suppo .xiiion that public opintm was to b bougm up their cur a Iments cunmeneed, from whicn Congress were satishe-j thav (| lo Bank had, in any way, contributed to pre<>| Ce j or n H . purpose of effecting a renew al o; their ch trier, wliat ought to be their course? Ought they I to restore the deposited, ami -hus them! additional power to be used for that purpose?! Surely not. Those only wno considered that the interests of the country would be advanc ed by renewing the char er, mijhi adopt au.'ii a course without blame; but others, who did not agree with them, were bound by every sense us duty tu keep fr<>m H all furltn r pow er to do evil. Mr. G. referred to the - laumts in the Constitution giving the money power to Congress; from which he contended that a they bad no specific power given to mcorpor ate a Bank, they were not uui.ionz' d to do so, by any doctrine off. iicrm uon <«r exp. diene;, and that this was urigbt appertaining to the scv. ra) Slates, wfmh they hud uot yield, d. and therefore shou'd not be exercised by thej General Govi-rnmmt. He knew it was waid, ( tha’ tt was impossible for the G«ver .meni to | tjet along without tie aid ofa National Bank , But for one, !.»• mint say, that those wmo ue hexed that the St>te Banks could not Oi- • charge the varies d ties required for the fix <»l < ffices, < r supply the community w it!i a safe • irculatmg medium must be di-pos<d • • uuubl the stability of the Government under wui< n thev lived, 'i he. argument was, (i>ut the .State Banks were incapable of doing tin-, that their notes must be considered equivalent iv specie. This, he thought, it was perfectly in iheir . power to do, by the same means which had ; raised into credit the notes circulated by the United States Bank- 'lhe g^' iU argument upon which the charter for ’}>? L nited States Bank wa- advocated, /hat it would re i store the currency; tl*at it would have Ute es -1 feet of making the Jtate Banks pay then ■ notes in specie. Vv hil t now, what did they see in practice bv the Link? VA hy, that when thev received the notes of the State Banks/ i instead of demanding secie from them, thev re-issued it, so as to mkr the currency of the ! country one of paperilone; and this being the practice ofthe 8. Batik, had upon 'the State banks precsely the same effect, ■ which was to rend r thin less solvent than I they otherwise would five been, it was said, however, that ‘'it vasidle, perfectly ideal, j and visionary to expect that the doles of the ; Sir ßank* co > d maintiin as sa’e and gen j es.-J circulation as those of the pre-ent bank of ihe U. SbsteS? II t Would assert, however, that this was pos ::bte f and’h it the effect of encouraging tie Stale ba..ks would be, to m ikf’hem a saiur currency than (hat ofthe ! United States hank was at present. For they ( would tnoie effectually compete with one a j nether, and thus each circulating in its own j State or neighborhood, they would be lhe more likely to be called on to pay iu specie, and mus therefore be always prepared with specie for this purpose. It was asked how the exchange could be carried on without a Bank, between one part iof the country and another. How were ex changes how carried on between New York ! ind Liverpool: li was through an interchange of products. No two countries carried on a trade in which one was constantly drawing from the other. If this Government would do its duly as well as the Slate Governments do theirs, all would be right. This Government ! has the power to coin money and to regulate i the value thereof. Gold was produced and ' coined in abundance in this Country. But this Government, instead of retaining it in the country, suffers it to be transported out of the ( country, bv neglecting to fix and regulate its value in a proper maimer. But Mr. G. look ed to consequences of vastly more impor tance. The question was at (he foundation oi itidividaul interests, and of free Govern-; meat. He believed that he who contributed! to the recharter ofthe Bank of the U. States,' is ruck a deadly blow at the liberties of the! .■ country. Ihe original ques'ion between the! ■ federal and anti-federal parties comes no; Is it' ! proper to strengthen this Government, by' j connecting with it a Bank of thirty-five mil lions capital? The Bank of the United States : had it m its power to come into the market in i every part of the country, and controlling the ’ issues of the State Banks, to fix the price of I ihe whole product of the comitrv. Bv estab lishing this Bank, we give to twenty five men the power to control the whole prom-rty ofthe Union, & they must use their power for the ben efit of ti.e Stockholders. But we not only mike , i he Value of all property dependent on he use of’ . the authority winch we grant the bank, ofthe U. States, but we take from the State auth'nitie*' the power to resist the usurpations ofthe Cnv , ormnent. There were but two means by winch j the State could resist , he first ( . rev thi’ton. ano. tne s -conJ hy tfi e P( , wet . (>fthu S’ des to x< rcise autlmri within th- ir resp ■<•- tire limits. How arc the States to use either jof the-c means m opnos.tiou to i| ie Federal How can they organize anvre :-i-teuce? All 'tie moneyed pouor is through . the j\ui;onal Bank, depe.ident on Government | and it was ihe interest ofthe Bank to st r ngth ion <be hands of the Government. A National , Bank, therefore, took from the People bo h the honor an l t; e inducement io resist op } [ireß iion. Ho called on ins State right friends !to look well at this subject, it was idle to -ay Hl.at we were under an obligation, by restoring '•lie deposites, to pwl it in tho power of’the i Bank to force a recharter. 'l’fie position was j I erroneous. They had not tho power to give i or sell to the. Bank tin, .'Xclusiv • control of ific ; ; public money. e culled on i| ie m as advo-I 1 ca'es of the conmittriotial right of the Sia tf ->, now to speak out, or to hold (lioir peace 'o - ever. Ibis nilk of Andrew Jacksori as a usur per, had draws <iff fie utten ion of ihe People iiom the 'rue q » sum before them. The real q es<ion tor t|r People m decide was, will you maintain he right of h ■ Bank to 'he People’s ' mo ;ev—will you agree tha you have sold to. ihe Bank iho control over the pub ic money? ! !' is ~<iid tins is not a q losiioti of rechar er mg for, and upon ihe decision of the ques'ion ! of restor.iiton depended die decision of ihe, question who'her the Bank shall be recharter-; ; ed or not. From the Stand ird of Union. “THEKE IS MAGIC IN A NAME ’* Says some writer; who, I do not remember —in r is it material since experience lias stamped upon the assertion the impress of; truth, and rendered it familiar to all. The I history of Nullifi aii'’.n fully proves, tha' ' ‘ there is magic in a name;” and .'t has also I proved that he who framed the adage (list “old birds cannot be caught with chaff,” was inis- ' taken in his conception of human sagicity, or that men have wofully degenerated since his duv. Is proof required? if is at hand—yea, pr >of as strong as holy writ.” E,. , v ..b-. .i»f me '-a.gns of the times,” [ must remember how the serpent nullifual<onA first wound its m-idions wav into the Eden of; I Smith < arohna. How under different pre- , I texts, disguises, and names, n was, step by. -<e(> introdu- ed to the am|uain’am e of the rit-' I izioix ot that '•’tate. Fr.,t, meetings were I.<-ld to adopt measureM tor a peaceable d< liv . ’•ram e from the Tariff; firm, but peaceable, f , monstraii’-es wa- rm - ummended. Next, <» |{;valiatory impost upon the prod letjons ot H i ui s . 'Ah». dei lured r.ecessary and consli utional -Again, the people were told that if! ihey would merely refuse compliance with the req u-ition- of the Revenue Laws, a reduction I of ihe Tariff (all that was then claimed) would ! certainly be made. “Slate Rights,” the re .sez c*>d rigtits of ifie state, was all that John! Catiline Calhoun and his skirt men contended 1 i tor—and who would not aid them to protect l the reserved rignls of the slate, by peaces. 1, j constituiional means? The idea ofa collision between the governments was scouted as pre posterous —it was not intended—forcible re sistance to ihe authorities ofthe Union was; not mehiafed. A bare resolution not to obey, ihe I >ws, confined to the breasts of tho citi zeos, wa- repre-ented to possess such poten cy, -u- h magical mfli nee. that f»y some an-! swer, un-’Xplainable, peaceful uperat-on, the liiiug was done—the wmk ot deliverance from I the j' irtff .It once accomplished The term ,drtllif since to portentous,‘was not; then uttered—the people were not yet pre pare-! ror its introduction. Its appearance would h ive caused suspicion, and its frightful d forrni;y would have excited horror. ° j Deceived by arguments so specious, and , allured by hopes so flattering, rnanv persons . thought that to remain longer subject »o griev j ances which might be so easily removed, ! would i)(» strange fatnoity or want of patriot ism. Thus converts were made—and thus j step by step many well meaning persons wero i seduced into measures, the final consequen | res of which they did not perceive, until it be ! came too late for honorable retreat. Thero was nothing presented at first calculated to excite suspicion of any intention to changu our form of government. On the contrary, these propositions were accompanied by loiid professions of attachment to the Union of tho States. Having succeeded in rendering tho public mind susceptible to such impressions as suited them, H became time for the cobal more fully tc dcvelopo their designs, and to ‘fstrike while i the iron was hot,” Existing evils were not I onlv magnified to colosal dimensions, but oth* . ers were fabricated for the crisis. The abusa 'of authority by (he agents of g?vermnent, ■ were changed as radical defects in the govern* ment itself, [t was represented as no longer a Republican, but a Despotic system—and . ’hough framed by the concentrated wisdom j and patriotism of our revolutionary ancestors, ' it was described as a monument us their folly 1 and imbecility. ; Indeed, some spirits, mote hardy, or less guarded th.in the rest, ventured to breathe in whispers, that its dissolution was preferable to its continuance. Encouraged by the discov ery of appetites depraved enough’to feast upon their poison, these workers of iniquity throw ing of] another mask, no longer contended for a reduction ofthe Farifi, but claimed an aban donment o« d e whole system. r J hev asserted, that the people of one state, assembled in con vention, might declare a general law ofCon gress uncon/fitutitmal, and resist its execu tion, that tats process was both peaceful, and constitutional I fist when thus “thrown upon her sovereignty,” the authority of the State was paramount to theconstitution and laws of the Untied Sta'es, which they said was a for ‘ Cign government, and to which they owed ■ neither duty, or allegiance. I Absurdities so palpable, startled many in telligent and patriotic citizens, who, plainly ' perceiving the direction to which they pointed, ! commenced a vigorous opposition to the dis organizers, and labored to arouse the people to a sense ol their danger. But it was too i late—a majority had confided (heir faith to ; the “holy keeping” of Calhoun and his skirt ; men, and they were taught to believe it easier ■ to p’isi-vcre in e>ror, than to retrace their : s’eps. They had surrender! d their indepen dence: soJdtl eir rich inheritance for worse : than Esau s mess of poiagr, an<l submitted " iiafiontlv t > the dictation of a Catiline, who I with r '-'de s auflaci’y bestrode & r<>de ihtpu. , onward to ruin an i disgrace. [ In obedience to the fl it of their “Lord par amount,” the state was “thrown upon her soy-* ercignty, and (lie revenue laws oflho Union dee-ared null V'ud, and of no force in the realm of “mageammous” South Carolina; while pains, penalties, nnd forhuturcs were provided for whoever sl.ouM attempt io execute them within her “s.oy»rr.g n ty.” All this, too, was de”fared peaceful, and constitutional, and done in defence of “State rights ” Mark, reader, Niiltifi -atiou now became the expressive (erm, • bm they refns’id to acknowledge if a legitimate import, and explained it to mean simple onpo- in the south, was nut opposed to the I anil? be i-Asplaveil in (heir (rue colors; the deception was now i<» be discovered. The Presidents procl itnat ion declined that the majesty of tho laws should he preserved inviolate; and that twenty three, “sovereigns” would not submit to the Jict-atinn ofa faction in one. Thus trumped, Cailionn and ln< vas.snfa found it was necessary either to l)a>d- nut, or prepare to sus tain iheir peaceful aitiinde. by force of arms, h w.is not until this alternative presented it self, (hat the mass of Carolinians distinctly understood tho extent ofthe imposition prac tici’d upon ilii ni —but their assent to acts by which the effect was produced, and many gen erous and gallant men preferred braving the d inger and peril ofthe conflict, than meanly to si.rntk, and stoop from Iheir high pretensions. - Stripped of every subterfuge—with every mask torn from its visage, Nullification new for tho lir-t time appeared in its native deformity, the means employed bv traitors to accomplish their treason. The roll ofthe drum in search of volunteers, reverberated from the mountains to lhe •‘■eaboard—f nrn'ina becamo a camp and but for the timely panic which seized up on her rulers, she would have been, one vast sepulchre. By ihe Compromise Bill, in which Clay re ceived and treated Calhoun as a prisoner who had s -rn ndemd at discretion. Carolina wa# tor that season providentially preserved from impendmg evil. How Calhoun and his skiTt men have employed themselves since that escape, history will record to their entcrnal in famy. Unable to accomplish their purpose of breaking up our happy Union: the object of scorn and detestation to the good and pat riots. of evety nation and people, like Cain they f... I the snugs o f self conviction ; and would fam find relief and indulge their propen •’i'i»*s ,<>r mischief by tyrannizing over tho pat riotic portion of iheir own state, who. in resis ting the mad career of Calhouns vassals, ’' rei ‘dy/’ontributed to preserve tho peace of the tnion—The “test oatn” was devised to make the t mon party of Carolina the liege men of John Catiline Calhoun—to expatriate them--or degrade them to the level of tluj colored population. Whether they will soli* mit to be so disposed of, or resist with tho spirit ot freemen, cannot be —They are descended fioin a glorious ancestry, wlip