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group, unfettered and unmoved, de Chastehr stalked after them. Once, ere he stooped be neath the lew browed portal, he paused, placed both hands on his heart, bowed lowly and then pointed upw'ards, as be chanted once again the words Penspz a moi—-Noble Deme—Pensez a moi. As he vanished From her presence, she waved her hand impatiently tn be left alone and ah night long she traversed and re-travers ed the floor of her chamber in paroxysms of the fiercest despair. The warrant was brought to her—silently, sternly, she traced her signa ture beneath it? —not a sign «.f sympathy was on her pallid features, not a tremor shook her frame; she was passionless, majestic, and un moved. The secretary left the chamber on his fatal errand—and Mary was again a wo man. Prostrate upon her couch she lay, sob bing and weeping as though her very sou! was bursting from her bosom, defying all consola tion, spurning every offer at remedy. “ ’Tis done !” she would say—“ ’Tjs done !—I have preserved my fame, and murdered mine only friend.” The morning dawned slowly—and the heavy bells of all the churches clanged the death peal of Chastelar. The tramp ol the cavalry de filing from the palace gates struck on her heart as though each hoof dashed on her bosom. An hour passed away—the minute bells still toiling—the roar of a culverin swept heavily downwards from the castle, and all was over! —Fie had died as he had lived, undaunted—as he had lived, devoted !—“Mary, divine Mary,” were his latest words—“ I love tn death, as T have loved in life—thee and thee only.” The axe drank his blood, and the Queen of Scot land had not n truer servant left behind, than he, whom for a moment’s frenzy she was com pelled to slay—yet was his last wish satisfied, for though tl*e Queen might not relent, the wo man did forgive, and, in many a mournful hour j did Mary think on Chastelar. Peter Single’s escape from Jtfatrimony. M'e are all subject to disappointments, says my aunt with a sigh—true, we are, I answer ed: but you surely don’t pretend to call mine a disappointment? Mhat else you blockhead? Mhy an escape, aunt; a wonderful, a miracu lous and delightful escape. Why those are strange* words, Peter. No more strange than true, my good aunt —and every day’s observa tion makes it more so. How so. Merely peeping aunt —Peeping? Aye, peeping aunt looking into the secrets of their hearts—the secrets and houses of those who are married, and I am taught then the true blessings of liberty. ’Tis a gift of heaven, bestowed on man by his divine Creator—and all animated beings free from the thraldom of slavery, sing together for joy—-for whv-—because thev are free. Mhy Peter you seem inspired. lam aunt, when speaking of liberty. Then you don’t regard the loss of Dollv. Not a fig— did you ever hear the reason of our separation, > nun’? No. Well I will tell if to you—’tis an , excellent joke I assure you—we were on our way to church for the awful crime ofmatrimo j nv—trudging along the path leading to the j H< |y Pile, quite loving and affectionate, when ! all of a sudden Dolly looks up in my face and Cries, Peter Peter—What Dolly, says I— Pe ter save she, who j« to make the fire after we , are married? You. of course, Dollv I replied ! that you must he aware is a female’s place - —her duty. Mr. Single, I toil you it is unman-j neilv, ungentlemnnlike, audit is unhusband-• like too, to say I must make the fire—and do I vou think I will get up on a cold frosty morn- ■ ing, while vou are sleeping in bod, am make ', your fire, Sir? Why Dolly, my dear this is ■ strange conduct —and 1 went on to tell her, j 'hat 1 would prepare the wood over night, and : have every thing ready for her—and Dolly, vou know mv business will call me out early. . I don’t know, nor I don’t care, Mr. Single, mule the fire I will not. Yon won’t make the fire, Madam? No Sir! Then Dolly, hang | tn* l if 1 have you. Then Mr. Single, hang me if I care. \nd so you parted. Yes, or. the spot and I have rejoiced at the event ever since; I sign myself with groat pleasure. PETER SINGLE. The Cvnju mating Dutchman. We know n-ot where the following story came from, but, ns it gives n droll picture of a methodical and persevering Dutchman, it may not prove uneutertnining. 'l'wo English gentlemen once stepped into n coffee house in Paris, where thev observed a tall odd looking man, who appeared not to be n native, sitting at one of the tables, ai d look ing around with the most stone-like gravity of countenance upon every object. Soon after the two Englishmen entered, one of them told tho other that a celebrated dwarf had ar rived at Pans. At this the grave looking per sonage above mentioned oppened bis mouth and spake—“l arrive,” said he. “thou arriv es!, he arrives, we arrive, you arrive, thev ar rive.” I'he Englishman, whose remark seemed to have suggested this mysterious speech, stepped up to the stranger and asked. ' Did you speak to me. Sit?” “I speak,” re-‘ plied tlit- stranger, “thou speakest, he speaks, we apeak, you speak, they speak!” “How is this!” said the Englishman, “do vou mean to insult me?” The other replied, I insult, thou insuhest, he insults, we insult, you insult, they insult.” “This is too much, said the Englishman; I will have satisfaction—if you have any spirit with your rudeness, come along wuh me.” To this defiance the imperturable stranger replied, “1 come, thou comer-1, he comes, we come, vou come, thev come.” and (h< reupon he arose with great coni tress, aid followed liis challanger. In those days, when c-cry gentleman wore a swrrd, duels were si c ddy despatched. Thev went into a neighboring alley, and the Englishman, un sheathing hi? weapon, said to his antagonist, “N"W. Sir. you must fight me.’’ “I light.” replied the other, drawing his sword, “thou : ghtesi. he Agios, fight”—here fie made a thrust —“you figl t, they tight”—and here he itsarmed bi* adversary,—“Well, s:t:d ’he Englishman, “you have the best of it, and I hope you are satisfied. “I am satisfied,’ said the original, sheathing his sword, “thou art satisfied, he is satigfiied, we are satisfied, you are satisfied, they are satisfiid.” “I am glad every body is satisfied,” said the English man, “but pray leave off quizzing me in this strange manner, and tell me what is your ob ject, if you have any, in doing so.” The ; grave gentleman now for the first time, be came intelligible. “lama Dutchman,” said he “and am learning your language. I find it very difficult to remember the necularities of ’he verbs, and my tutor has advised me, in order to fix them in my mind, to conjugate e very English verb that I hear spoken. This I have made it a rule to do: I don’t like to have my plan broken in upon while they are in operation, or I would have told you of this before.” The Englishman laughed heartily at this explanation, and invited the conjugat ing Dutchman to dine with them. “I would dine,” replied he, “thou wilt dine, he will dine, we will dine, you will dine, they will dme. we will all dine together.” This they ac cordingly did, & it was difficult to say wheth er the Dutchman ate or conjugated with most perseverance.” aaxu rieves’ditoeb speech. ; Our Guest and Fellow-citizen, Wm. C. ! Rives: Alike distinguished for his firm, con-• sistent, and unwavering exertions, to protect ! the Government of the United States from the i ravages of Nullification, and to rescue it from ; the gull of Consolidation the interpreter of' the Constitution and its powers as construed; by tne Republicans of’9B, (he immortal Jes-j ferson and Madison. Let him be fairly tried ; by the People. Mr. Lives arose and addressed the compa ny in substance as follows ; Gentlemen : I should be either more or less than a man, if I were not moved, deeply moved by the manifestation of effeetionate kindness and regard, with which you have greeted my return among you, on the present occasion. You, are all, gentlemen, my countrymen, and neighbors—the companions or patrons of my early years—the eye-witnesses and near ob-1 servers of my conduct in all the relations of’ life, public and private. With a knowledge of' my character and principles thus acquired, yon have generously stepped forward, at a moment! when a sentence of political ostracism has been i passed upon me by others, to assure me of! your undimini-died confidence, to cheer me ' with your approbation and regard, to welcome; mo back to your society, and to the common-■ ion of kindred pursuits and kindred feelings. This .s a testimony, on which I can repose with , consoling and triumphant c >nsnonsnes<, amid ■ all the denunciations and revilings to which I ’ have been so unsparingly subjected. I shall ! cher;sh i», gentlemen, with grateful recollec- I tion, and transmit it to my children as the! most unimpeachable monument of that mheri- | ta <re of character and public esteem which I i de«ire, above all earthly possessions, to leave : to them. < The great public question, in which the part borne by me, has called forth this kind and flat tering expression of feeling from vou in mv behalf, is one of the mo«t momentous charac ter which was ever submitted for the consid- I eration of a free people, wisely jealous of their I r : ghts and liberties. It involves, in fact, the > whole question of free Government. The is sue it presents is nothing less than this—Shall the people of these United States, in the true spirit of their institutions, govern themselves by their own agents freely chosen a> d respon sible to them, animated with common sympa thies and common interests, and amenable at all times, to the control of public opinion; or. renouncing the precious inheritance conferred j upon by the valor and wisdom of (heir ances ' tors, tamely submit to be ruled and lorded over, i . by a sordid and selfish aristocracy, in the form | J <>f ft great moneyed corporation, without res ' ponsibilitv. without sympathy, without cheek ’of any sort, legal or moral? The Bank of the : I . States has abundantly shewn bv its con i duct, that, though nominally established for commercial purposes, its ruling passion (in ’ , conformity to the example of al! great money- I ■ cd associations, of which historv has recorded i ; the existence.) is that of political domination, i To secure itsi If against opposition in the pur-1 j suit of its schemes, it seeks to command the! j public councils, and by an influence, both ex ; ternal and internal, to control and sujiersede ! ; the action of the Government. Nor is it diffi j cult to conceive, that an institution, like the | Bank of the I mted States, wielding an im ! mense capital, penetrating with its branches cverv portion o f ’he I mon, connecting itself by the fearful extent of its operations (amount- I ing annually to between three and four hundred ; millions ot dollars,) with the business and con cerns nfevery individual in the commur.itv—it • is not difficult to conceive, 1 say, that such an : institution, it unchecked tn its career, should | be able to make itself virtually the juasfer of the country. Should it unhappily triumph in the daring struggle it is now maintaining uith ‘ ’he constituted author.ties of the nation, the forms of the Constitution may still remain, but, ; as a system of popular Government, its sub stance and vitality will lo gone forever. We shall be hencefurward, in fact, the vassals and slaves of a heartless moneyed power, whoso despotic sway will only be rendered the more intolerab'e l>v the bitter mockery of ihe still ! subsisting forms and semblance ot lice Gny ; ernment. Let tt not be supposed, gentlemen, that the , object of this struggle <»n the pari of the Bank, is a mere restoration ol the public deposited to its keeping. Its aim is far higher and deeper <—n»<hing ’ess ihnn the renewal of its charter, ! nnd the perpetuation of its power. I foresaw, from the commencement of ihe controversy, and declared in rnv place in the Senate, that' these two great questions were indissolubly j connected—inseparable parts of the same sys tem I’. *'■ :mnoss!h?i ’c roncoivo ’hat the restoration of the depositor for the brief space' of two years, could be so urgently sought, or i that it could be expected to afford any valua-; tile relief from the pecuniary pressure produc ed by the winding up of the Bank, unless it were regarded as the certain means and imme diate precursor of a renewal of its charter. M hat was opinion then, is now fact; prediction has been converted into history. The Chair man of the Committee on Finance, in the Sen ate, has, as we have seer., given notice, that by direction and Authority of the committee, he would, on trie 16th inst. (the day before yes terday,) bring forward a measure, deemed by them the only one of effectual relief for the distresses of the country, to wit: a measure “for the restoration oft he deposites and the re chartering of the Rank;” thus associating the two (as they now stand by their own natures,) in indissoluble connection. The chairman of the committee exposes, at the same time, with a frankness, for which, in these times, he merits no small praise, the whole plan of operations on which the friends of the measure rely for success. With a view to “unite different opinions,” as he informs us, the Bank is proposed to be rechartered “for a snort period,” as if? in pointof principle, the consti utton would not be as much violated by a reeharter for a single day, as for twenty years, and as il, too, a reeharter for four or five years (the term probably pioposed,) would not cer tainly put t‘. in the power ot the Bank to secure hereafter an indefinite extension of its existence, fie then tells us, that, “considering the pres ent state of opinion within the walls of Con gress, and with the Chief Executive Magis trate, the measure is to be submitted to the People in a more direct and emphatic manner than ts usuai m ordinary cases;’’ expressing, at the same time, his belief, that “in orderlo relieve ihcmselret from the distress under which they labor, if the question were now put. to the People, notlessthan three-fourths of them would give an affirmative response.’’ We are, then, finally told, that, “while the present state of embarrassment and distress shall continue,” (as continue it must, according to the commit tee, till the Bank is rechartcred,) “an adjourn ment ol Congress is a thing not to be thou- T ht of.” Mhat, gentlemen, is the obvious interpreta tion, the English of all this? The dis tresses of the People being relied on as the co gent instrument of persuasion, the Bank is to go on to aggravate, by cverv means in its pow er, the pecuniary distress of the country. Un der the duress of this pressure the People will, it is expected, “in order to relieve” their pock ets, compromise their principles, and call upon their Representatives for a recha«'ter of the Bank. W liile these extorted instructions of the People are pouring in, the Senate is to lay siege to the House of Representatives, and prevent an adjournment of Congress; and this grand ojieration is to terminate only with a surrender, at discretion, ol the People and their Representatives, to the coercion of the Bank. Here is a bold and frank avowal, at leabt, of both the end and the mean of the great strug gle which is now convulsing the country. That end is openly proclaimed to be, a reeharter of the Bunk, and the means relied on for success, is the new species of forftzre, by the infliction of pecuniary distress, operating first on the People, and through them on their Represen tatives. Il 1 have not greatly misunderstood my coun trymen, this scheme of operations is founded on a total misconception of their character. Every new oppression of the Bank, will but confirm them in their resolution to put down the oppressor. Every additional instance of embarrassment and distress produced by it, will be but an argument the more against the existence of an institution, capable of inflicting such wanton and gratuitous mischief on the country. It has been justly said by nn elo . quent and philosophical writer, that “men are often hardened by their very pains, and the mind, stregthened even by the torments of the body, rises with a strong defiance against its oppressor.” So will it be with the free and enlightened people of this country, in regard to ’the oppressions of the Bank. They WiU hurl I hack defiance in the teeth of the oppressor. I Instead ofihe siihniKmve and “affirmative res i pnnse” which has been anticipated, thev will J answer in the proud spirit of freemen: “We I know too well the blessings of liberty, to per ! rnit any paltry consideration of money tn weigh against them. Me know too well how much, ! both of blood and treasure the establishment t ,»f our institutions cost our gallant ancestors, not tn be ready and willing to bear the small sacrifice, (insignrficant, indeed, compared with that they manfully encountered,) which may now be thrown upon us in their maintenance , and defence. We shall glory in tho opportu !’ nit y, it the Bank so will it, of showing ourde- I votion to those institutions, bv meeting, not only with fortitude, but with disdain, all the i distresses it can inflict upon us, in tho utmost extremity of its vengeance; and, far from in " dulging the unworthy thought of deprecating its wrath, by instructing our representatives to i yield to its demand of a reeharter, we will en- ■ join it upon them to redouble their opposition, , and not io relax in their efforts, till this uncon stitutional and sordid tyranny has been finally ■ put down.” Th* arguments with which it has been at tcmpt< d to alicf.atc the people from the sup port of their government in this vital struggle, have no less underrated their intelligence and sagacity, than the scheme of operat ons relied on to overcome their principle*, has underrated ,the>r patriotism and virtue. They have been told (bat the President has united in hts own hands tho power of the aworj and of the purse —that, by the Constitution, he holds the one, and by his own arbitrary and lawless act, he has grasped the other—that the separation of these two powers is a fundamental maxim of ’free government, and that their union in the ' same hands forms an unmitigated despotism. Now, gentlemen, in th" first place, the enlight ened people rfth:* cour’ry knov.- full '’-•"!!, that ide maxim so pompously and frequently cited, with regard to the fundamental importance of a separation nf the powers of the purse and the sword, is a maxim of monarchies, and is con consequently wholly inapplicable to our repub lican institutions. In monarchical svstems, the power of the sword, to wit, that of raising armies, equipping fleets, making war, &c., be ing in the hands of an hereditary Chief Magis trate, holding bis power independently of the people, it is indispensable to the preservation ol the public liberties, that the power of the purse should be separated from it, and placed in other hands. But, in our free, republican system, this reason for a separation ofthe pow ers of the purse and the sword has no applica tion whatever, and they are both lodged, where only they can be safely lodged, in the hands of the representatives of the people. Our Con stitution, therefore, does not recognise, but expressly repudiates this monarchial max im; for, the fundamental principle of Ameri can liberty, as you have so well declared by the sentiment embodied in your first toast, is, the union of the sword and purse in the hands of the. people. But yet, under color of an an tiquated maxim, borrowed from the English and other European monarchies, and entirely inapplicable to our free institutions, attempts have been made to alarm the jealousies of the people with regard to the security of their lib erties in this respect. The President, gentlemen, holds neither the power ofthe purse, nor that of the sword. They arc. both, as you have justly and properly said, in the hands of (he people by their repre sentatives. The circumstance ofthe President being by the Constitution commander of the Army and Navy, when raised, and ofthe mili tia, when called forth, does not give him the power of the sword; but it ia the power ofrai.?- '■ ing - the Army and Navy, of calling forth (he! militia, of declaring the war in which they are • to be used, and of directing for U)hat objects 1 they may be employed; it is these powers which j form the power of the sword, and every one of j them has been expressly confided by the Con stitution to Congress, the immediate represen tative of the people. As commmder-in-chiof, the President is bu! an instrument ofthe pow ers of Congress. So, m regard to the power ofthe purse, whi di consists in that of raising l , money from the pockets of the people, and of! designating the objects for which the money : so raised is to be expended, this power is, in ; like manner, confided by the Constitution to! Congress, the immediate Representatives of ! the people, and has neither been claimed nor' exercised, in any wav whatever, by the Pre-d-' den’. Y»’dl il lie pretended that he has raised,! or attempted to raise, by his authori'y, a soli-' tary cent from the pockets of the people; mJ that he h is, by his authority, undertaken to | expend a solitary cent of the public money for] objects not authorized by Congress? And yet, if he has not, what ground is there forth" accusation that be has arbitrarily and lawlessly usurped the power of the public purse ? Can any color be found for such a charge in the circumstance that, under the Constitution and laws, the Executive Department being intrust ed with the collection, keeping, ami accoun’a bility of the public, moneys, the Presid -nt, as the responsible head of that department, and in execution of a power to that vffecj expressly granted by Congress, had thought it necessary and proper, that the tine.xpeml -d hnlam-e ofthe public moneys should be removed from one place of keeping, where (he trust had been shamelessly abused, to another, where such abuse was not apprehended ? I think, gen tlemen, you will answer with one voice, N<>. The people also have been told, that the President had broken into the public Treasury, seized the whole public revemie of the couii : try. These demine ini ions have been mad--. I as if, by the mere trai sf« r of the public depos ites from one set of Ranks to another, the public moneys have been taken out of that official aiitl responsible custody, which nlone constitutes the l'reasury~-nn I, as if they were now at the iinlirn ted disposition of the Presi ' dent, to be used by him for his private purpos es, or to be bestowed in largesses on his fa vorites, just as lie may think proper. Are j n.ot representations such as these an insult to ■the understandings of the people? Is it suppos ed that the citizens of this enlightened Repub lic are wholly ignorant of the laws and institu tions under which they live? The people know full well, gentlemen, that (he public moneys are now as much under the responsible guard of the public Treasury as they ever were that not a dollar has been, or can be, drawn out and expended for any purpose which has not been expressly authorized and sanctioned by their Representatives in Congress—and that the President cannot get a cent even of his own salary, without passing through all the precautionary forms and checks of a war rant drawn by the Secretary, countersign d by the Comptroller, recorded by the Register, and ordered to be paid by the Treagur- r, winch the law has prescribed. To sustain these charges against your patri otic Chief Magistrate, gentlemen, novellies of the most startling character have been advan ced in regard to (he administrative and con stitutional theory ofthe government, h has been contended, that the Treasury Depart ment is not an Executive Department—that the Secretary of the Treasury, though from ' the first organization of the government to the | present dav, he has, as the head of an Fxecti- ] twe Department, held a seat in the Cabinet of' the President, and his been, both hv the us- : ages of the Government and the provisions of law, placed in the same relations with Ihe j President as the other Secretaries or Heads of Departments are; yet, unlike them, he is! wholly independent of the President; in short, ’ that though (he power of removal and control' on the part of (he President, with regard (o all the Secretaries, was fully considered and set-1 tied in the most solemn manner, by the firm i Congress which assembled under the Consli-! tution, and has ever since remained undisput ed : yet that, & a!! subsequent Congress-' cs to the present day, mistook the principles of the Constitution in this respect, and .trial while by its theory, the President, as the Ex ecutive head, is responsible for the conduct ’ of all his Secretaries, he is to have no power - to control the conduct of those for whom he V is thus responsible! These novel and extra ordinary doctrines will be appreciated as they ought to be, by those whom it most concerns, ami to whom it rightfully belongs to appreci ate them. Ihe same enlightened and incor ruptible tribunal, too, will not fail to see, that in the actual position of the great question, they are now called on to decide, there can be no neutrals. A vital issue is joined between a daring and unconstitutional moneyed power, struggling for supremecy ofthe one hand, and between the delegated and responsible gov ! ernment of tho people seeking to vindicate and maintain the powers which have been commit ted to it in trust for the public good, on the other. It» such a contest, he who, by exag gerated or unfounded charges against the government, contributes to deorive it of the public confidence anti support necessary so sustain it in so momentous a struggle, as ef fectually aids the bank and subserves its tri-' ttmjih, as he who should co:n<* forth openly' as the champion and advocate of the bank. -- Nor can the People of Virginia forget, that the firmness, moral courage, and constitution al principles of the present Chief Magistrate, have formed the great dyke, which has'protec ted the political doctrines so long cherished by her from the swelling tide of federal en croachment. Break down that dyke at the present moment, by causelessly and rashly un dermining the foundation of popular confi dence and affection on which il rests, and the « united currents which are now setting in from so many different points, will sweep from the public administration every vestige of the principles ano doctrines of Virginia. It mav be asserted, without fear of contradiction, that no President of the United States has ever done more for the ascendency of Virginia prin ciples, than tb.c present Chief Magistrate. I co-operated with you, gentlemen, and a !ar<m majority of our fellow citizens ofthe State,ln 'its election; and 1 may safely say, that qo one expectation entertained by any of us... at that time, hao been falsifi -d hy the course of his administration. You will all recollect, gen- J tiemen, that at that period, an unconstitutional - and corruji’ ng system of Interna! Improve r meats, under the patronage, of the Federal - Government, was rapidly extending its dan gerous lures and mischievous abuse over the country —that an unequal and oppressive sys tem of taxation, for (he protection and ad vancement of sectional interests, was steady increasing its burthens, to the almost entire annihilation of the freedom of industry—and that the Bank of the United States, w ith the favor it tnen enjoyed, seemed likelv to pernm uale for ever its triumph over the prostr.Ho constitution of the land. " These were the three groa f , and, as wo deemed them, pernicious and nnconstitnrional system of national policy, ngnmst which the efforts of Virginia h id been zealously nn I pcr seveitngly excited through a long course of Iran less uppo-ii ion. Iho y seemed, at that tune, to he so fixed in the ofl'-ctioris of a ma- • jorny of iho nation, and in ihe halms ofthe jmblic administration, that the present Chief Magistrate was e.il!<‘d to t’m h<-nd of ihe Gov. j einuien’, more, ;ierhaos, j.j ihe cotifideneo that hi' w mid r.'stram their abuses, than with j (lie hope of ins waging, as he has done, a war of iitieomprntmsin<r opposition n> them, on ' prmciplo. But tins h-- has- manfully done;.-.,' md, hy the cmira ?■<,■>, oxerti mos h:s consli- f tution.il power, <>r by ihn moral influence of his great and d -sm o-d pomd urty. he has raz ••d t-ach one ol these syst.’ins of gigantic enr i option to the Ground. Nothing can be mure conclusive than the testimony of one of the most zealous of his adversaries, and a leading membt-rof the adminisfrati m which he suc , cecded, on this point. That gentleman has told us on a recent occasion, that “If the pre sent Chit-.f Magistrate should go on in the course of innovation, (nr, as wb should call it, salm.uy reio'tn,) he had commenced, hard- , lyn vestige ol’tfie policy of the government, as it was o , !!,.> 4’h of March, 1329. would re main on the 4th of March, 1837” Now, gentle mo. tbn is preci sei v the mission which ' we, of Virginia, at least, intended by our votes, to confide to him; and if he ha« gone farther in its successful accomplishment than .1 we had ventured to hope, it surely furnishes no *’ m uter fur reproach or complaint with u«, how ever naturally it may do so to those who have been opposed alike to him, and to the policy and doctrines of Virginia. On wha» ground. >t prim-inle or honor is it, then, that Virginia is now t<> unite with those who have been her steadfast political adversaries, tn making war on an administration of her own choice, which has faithfully and triumphantly carried out her - doctrines, atid more than fulfilled her must -nngtiin i expects.lions? Before I close the remarks, gentlemen, which seemed called for on the present occa sion, I shall find in your kindness and partiali ty nn apology fur a single observation on ft subject relating to myself. When, on my re turn from the service of tny country in a for eign land, I was unexpectedly, and without any solicitation on my part, presented to the Legislature of my native State as a candidate for a seat in the Senate of the United States, - a gentleman, then a member, and perhaps the oldest member of the House of Delegates, * one who had known me from my bovhood, ] and who had been, and is still, I am proud tc» ’ sav, mv friend, through good and through evil, report, addressed me a letter requesting to know my opinions briefly on the leading politi cal topics ofthe day. In my reply, which wag written on my journey homeward, and was necessarily hurried, I answered in his own . laconic and significant language, that “I was 5 anti Tariff, nnti-Nullifiratioh, anti-Bank, and a firm and decided sujiporter of the policy of Gen. Jackson’eJ.adrninistration.” My letToi