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idem subjected to any such responsibility; and
in no part of that instr >meu( is any such power
conferred on either branch of the Legislature.
The justice of these conclusions will be il
lustrated and confirmed by a brief analysis of
the powers of the Senate, and a comparison of
their recent proceedings with those powers.
The high functions assigned by the constitu
tion to the Senate, are in their nature either Le
gislative. Executive, or Judicial. It is only
in the exercise of its Judicial powers, when
siftingas a Court for the Trial ofl inpeachments,
that the Senate is expressly authorized nod ne
cessarily required to consider and decide upon
the conduct of »he President, or any other pub
lic officer. Indirectly, however, as has alrea
dy been suggested, it may frequently be called
on to perform that office. Cases may occur
in the course of its Legislative or Executive
proceedings, in which it may be indispensible
to the proper exercise of its powers, that it
should inquire into, and de ide upon, the con
duct of the President or other public officers;
and in everv such ?ase, its constitutional right
to do so is cheerfully conceded. But to au
thorize the Senate to en'er on such a task in
its Legislative or Executive capacity, the in
qniiy must actually grow out of and tend to
some Legislative or Executive action; and the
decision, when expressed, must take the form
of some appropriate Legislative or Executive
act.
The resolution in question was introduced,
discussed, and passed, not as a joint, but as a
separate resolution. It asserts no Legislative
power; proposes no Legislative action; and
neither posseses the form nor any of the attri
butes of a Legislative measure. It does not
appear to have been entertained or passed,
with any view or expectation of its issuing in
a law or joint resolution, or in the repeal of
any law or joint resolution, or in any other Le
gislative action.
Whilst wanting both the form and substance
of a Legislative measure, it is equally manifest,
that the resolution was not justified by any of
the Executive powers conferred on the Senate.
These powers relate exclusively to the con
sideration of treaties and nominations to offif < SJ
and they are exercised in secret sess’bn, and
with closed doors. This resolution does not
apply to any treaty or nomination, and was pas
sed in a public session.
Nor does this proceeding in any way belong
to that class of incidental resolutions which re
late to the officers of the Senate, to their
chamber, and other appurtenances, or to sub
jects or order, and other matters of the like
nature —in all which either House may law
fully proceed, without any co operation with
nature —in nil which either House may lawful
ly proceed, without any co-operation with the
other, or with the President.
On (be contrary, the whole phraseology and
sense oflbe resolution seem to be judicial. Ils
essence, true character, and only practical ef
fect, a,e !<• be found in the conduct which it
ch rg s upon the President, and in the judg
in’- . 1 ahich ii pronounces on that conduct.
Tim resolution, therefore, though discussed
uml nlopted by the ‘einiem tis Legislative
cap icitv, is, m its offic >, and in nil its charac
tcn-tics, essential!' judi• i.il.
Tt at the Senate possesses a high Judicial
puw- r, and that instances may occur in which
the Pre.-ident of the Uni'ed Suites will be
urm liable to it, is undeniable. But under the
previsions of the cnnsutntion.it would seem
to be (qu ill Y plain that neither the President
imr any other officer can he rightfully subject
ed to the operation of the Judi<*t il power of the
Senate, except in the cases and under the forms
pr s. ribed by the • onslitut on.
Tin* constiiinon de< kirns ihat “tho Presi
dent, “Vice President, and all the civil officers
■“of Hu United Slates, Uiall tn removed from
4 . slice on impeachment f r and conviction, of
4 \rt I on, bribery, or other high crimes and
u*i d uo i<iotß ,T —that the House of Repn scn
la ives “shall It tvo the so t* power of imp* ach
cieni” —that (he Senate “shall have tho sole
pn w. r u» iry all impeachments'’—that ‘when
si ting for 'hat purpose, they shai! be on oath
“or • ffirniaii<»u” iha when the President ol
“the United Suites i< tried, the Chief Justice
“s'lall or, side”—hat no person shall be con
“vi< led wi h t the concurrence of twothirds
“•>f the members present’’—and that “judg
‘•incut <m ,l| n >t extend further than to remov
“ai fro ith c, and disqualification to hold
“uud<*tj'“ a.j office of honor, trust, or profit,
“» ndor th* L lined States.”
t he les dution above quoted, charges in
sub-fam th at in eci tain proceedings relating
to t.ie public revenue, the President has usur
ped authority and power not conferred upon
him hi the citnstibiuon and laws, and that in
doing so he violated both. Any such act con
stitu'es a tiigti eriinc -"lie of the highest, in
deed, which the President can commit —a
<*n;n< which justly exposes him to impeach
ment by the ilouse of Representatives, and
upon due convrcimn, to removal from office,
and tn the complete and immutable dtsfran
chtsv'Mtnt pres- tibed by the Constitution.
The resolution, then, was io substance an
impv i' hinent of (he President j and in its pas
amounts to a dechtratmu by a majority
of tl • >« nnte, that be i; guilty « f »n impeach
üb'tc iff- •ice. As such, it is spread upon the
journals of the Venule —published to the na
tioii ami to the world—made par* of our en
cl n t.g in hives—and incorporated n the l.is
twr t 1 e age. The punishment of removal
from • Hi e and future disqualification, doe*
•m • - true, follow this division; nor would
it t ave fuMvwed the like decision, if the regu
lar fi rins of proceeding had been p .rsued. be
csssv the requisite number did not concur in
the r- suit. But the oi jal influence of a so
lemn declaration, by a ui.ij »ritv of the Senate,
that the ac< used is g-nliv of the off uce charg
ed upon him, t.i- l»e« n ns > fl".dually secured,
as if the like declaration had turn made upon
ai> impeachment expressed in ths same terms
Ind rd, a greater practical effect has been
gain* d, because the vote* given for 'he re«o
lutiuu, -«i anffictent to am Sorina a
judgment of guilty on an impeachment; were
numerous enough to carry that resol uiion.
That the resolution does not expressly at
ledge that the assumption of power and au
thority, which it condemn, was intentional and
corrupt, is no answer to the preceding view of
its character and effect. The act thus con
demned, necessarily implies volition and de
sign in the individual to whom it is imputed,
and being unlawful in its character, the legal
conclusion is, that it was prompted by improp
er motives, and committed with an unlawful
intent. The charge is not of a mistake in the!
exercise of supposed powers, but of the as
sumption of powers not conferred by the con
stitution and laws, but in derogation of both,
and nothing is suggested to excuse or palliate ;
the turpitude of the act. In the abscene of
any such excuse, or palliation, (here is only
room for one in r errence; and that is, that, the
intent was unlawful and corrupt. Besides,
the resolution not only contain no mitigating
suggestion, but on the contrary, it holdsup the
act complained of, as justly obnoxious to cen
sure and reprobation; and this as distinctly
stamps it with impurity of motive, as if the
strongest epithets had been used.
The President of the United States, there
fore, has been, by a majority of his constituti
onal triers, accused and found guilty of an
impeachable offence: but in no part of this pro
ceeding have the directions of the constitution
been observed.
The impeachment, instead of being prefer
red and prosecuted by the House of Repre
sentatives; originated in the Senate, and was
prosecuted without the aid or concurrence of
the other House. The oath or affirmation
prescribed by the constitution, was not taken
by the Senators; the Chief Justice did no*
preside; no notice of the charge was p; ven j o
the acused and no opportunity afforded hj m lo
respond to the accusation, tq, mect hig accus .
ers face to face, to crop's examine the witness
es, to procure coi’ jteracting testimony, or to
be heard in tos defence. The safe grounds
and fo'mahties which the constitution has
p 3nne.:ted with the power of impeachment,
were doubtless supposed by the framers of
that instrument, to he essential to the protec
tion of the public servant, to the attainment of
justice, and to the order, impartiality, and dig
nity of the procedure. These safe guards
and formalities were not only practically dis
regarded, in the commencement and conduct
of these proceedings, but in their result, I find
myself convicted by less than two-thirds of
the members present, of an impeachable of
fence.
In vain may it be alledged in defence of
this proceeding, that the form of the resolution I
is not that of an impeachment, or of a judg- {
men! thereupon, that the punishment prescrib
ed in the constitution does not follow its adop
tion, or that in this case, no impeachment is
to be excepted from the House of Represcnfa
uves. It is because it did not assume tne form
of an impeachment, that it is the more palpably
repugnant to the constitution, for it is through
that form only that the President is judicially
responsible to the Senate; and though neither
removal from office nor future di-quallification
ensues, yet it is not to be presumed, that the
‘ramers of the constitution considered either or
both ofthoao results, as constituting the whole
of the punishment they prescribed. The judg
ment of guilty by the highest tribunal in the
Union; the stigma it would inflict on the of
fender, his family and fame; and the perpetual
record on the journal, handing down to future
generalions the story of his disgrace, were
doubtless regarded by th“m as the bitterest
por'ions, if not tne very essence of that pun
ishment. So far, therefore, as some of its
most meterial pans are concerned, the passage,
recording, and promulgation of the resolution,
are an attempt to bring them on the President,
in a manner unauthorized hv <he constitution.
To shield him and other officers who are lia
ble to impeachment, from consequences so
momentous, except when really merited bv
offi, ial delinquencies, the constitution has
most carefully guarded the whole process of
impeachment. A majority of tho House of
Representatives, most think the officer guilty,
before he can be charged. Two-thirds of (he
Senate must pronounce him guilty or he is
deemed to be innocent. Forty-six Senators
appt ?r by the journal to have been present
when th*» vote on the resolution was taken.—
If, after all ’be solemnities of an impeachment,
thirty of those Senators had voted that the
President w.’« gu.'lly* yd would be have been
..cquainted: but byt.'re mode of proceeding a-;
dop-.ed in the present a lasting record of
conviction has been eotered up by the votes of
twenty-six Senators, without an impeachment
or trial; whilst the constitution expressly de
clares that to the entry of such a judgment,
an accusation by the House of Representa
tives, a trial by the Senate, and a concurrence
of two-thr a in 'he vote of guilty, shall be in
dispensable pre requisites.
Whether or not an impeachment was to be
expected from the House of Representatives,
was a point on which the Senate had no consti- |
tuuonal right to speculate, and in respect toi
which, even had it possessed the spirit of pro
phechy, its anticipations would have furnished
no just grounds for this procedure. Admitting
that there was reason to believe that a violation
of the constitution and laws had been actually
comitted bv the President, still it was the duty
of the Senate, as his sole constituional judges,
to wait for an impeachment until the other
House should think proper to prefer it. The
members of me Senate could have no right to
infer that no impeachment was intended. On
the contrar*’, every legal and rational presump
tion on their part ought to have been, that if
there was good reason to believe him guilty of
an irrmeavhable offence, the House of Repre
sentatives would its constitutional du
ty, by arraigning the offender before the jus
•jee of his country. The contrary presump
uon w ould involve an implication derogatory
• o the integrity and honor of ‘he R »prescn’a
tt»r« of the PennJe. B’V c *’?no 5 <j the 9U«pi-
cion thus implied were actually entertained,
and for good cause, how can if justify the as
sumption by the Senate of powers not confer
red by the constitution?
It is only necessary to look at the condition
in which the Senate and the President have
been placed by this proceeding, to perceive its
utter incompatibility with the ptovisions and
(he spirit of the constitution, and with the
plainest dictates of humanity aud justice.
If the House of Representatives shall be of
opinion that there is just ground for the cen
sure pronounced upon the President, then will
it be the solemn duty of that House to prefer
the proper accusation, and to cause him to be
brought to trial by the constitutional tribunal.
But in what condition would lie find that tri
bunal? A majority of its members have al
ready considered the case, and have not only
formed but expressed a deliberate judgment
upon its merits. It is the policy of our benign
systems of jurisprudence, to secure, in all cri
minal proceedings, and even in the most trivial
litigations, a fair, unprejudiced, and impartial
trial, Jlnd surely it cannot be less important,
that such a trial should be secured to the high
est officer of the Government.
The constitution makes the House of Rep
resentatives the excluseve judges, in the first
instance, of the question, whether the Presi
dent has committed an impeachable offence.
A majority of the Senate, whose interference
with this preliminary question, has, for the
best of all reasons, been studiously excluded,
anticipate the action of the House of Repre
sentatives, assume not only the function which
belongs exclusively to that body, but convert
themselves into accusers, witnesses, counsel,
an ‘l judges, and prejudge the whole case.—
Thus presenting the appalling spectacle, in a
free state, of judges going through a labored
preparation for an impartial hearing and decis
ion, by a previous ex parte investigation and
sentence against the supposed offender.
There is no more settled axiom in that gov
ernment whence we derived the model of this
part of our constitution than, that “the Lords
cannot impeach anv to themselves, nor join in
the accusation, because they are judges.” In
dependently of the general reasons on which
this rule is founded, its propriety and impor
tance are greatly increased by the nature of
the impeaching power. The power of arraign
ing the high officers of Government, before a
tribunal whose sentence may expel them Irom
their seats and brand them as infamous, is em
inently a popular remedy—a remedy designed
to be employed for the protection of private
right and public liberty, against the abuses of
injustice and the encroachments of arbitrary
power. But the framers of the constitution
were also undoubtedly aware, that this formi
dable instrument had been, and might be abus
ed: and that from its very nature, an impeach
ment for high crimes and misdemeanors, what
ever might be its result, would in must cases
be accompanied by so much of dishonor and
reproach, solicitude and suffering, as to make
the power of preferring it, one of the highest
solemnity and importance, It was due to both
these considerations, that the impeaching pow
er should be lodged in the hands of those who
from the mode oftheir election and the tenure
of their offices, would most accurately exuress
the popular will, and at the same time be most
directly and speedilv amenable to the Pcoule.
The theory of these wise and benignant inten
tions ts, in the present case, effectually de
seated by the. proceedings of the Senate The
members of that body represent, not the Peo
ple, but the Senate; and though ihev are un
doubtedly responsible to the States, yet, from
their extended 'erm of service, the effect of that
responsibility, during the period of that term,
must very much depend upon their own im
pressions of its obligatory force. When a
body, thus constituted expresses, before hand,
its opinion in a particular cnse, and thus indi
rectly invites a prosecution, it not only as
sumes a power intended lor wise reasons to be
confined to others, but it shields the latter
from that exclusive and personal responsibili
ty under which it was intended to be exercis
ed, and reverses the whole scheme of this part
of the constitution.
Such would be some of the objections to
this procedure, even if it were admitted that
there is just ground fur imputing to the Presi
dent the offences charged in the resolution.—
But if, on the other hand, the House of Rep
resentatives shall be of opinion that there is no
reason for charging them upon han, and shall
therefore deem n improper to prefer an im
peachment, then will the violation of privilege
as it respects that H<>use, of justice as it re
gards the President, and of the constitution,
as it rela'e- to both, be only the more conspi
cuous and impressive.
The constitutional mode of procedure on an
impeachment has not only been wholly disre
garded, bui some of the first principles of na
tural right and enlightened jurisprudence,
haCc been violated in the very form ot the re
solution I* carefully abstains irom averring
in which of “the late, proceedings in relation to
“to the pub»’.’<* revenue, the President has as
“sumed upon h’mselt .luthority and power not
“conferred by the constitutution and laws.”—
It rareful'y abstains i' l '™ specifying what laws
or what parts of the constitution have be* n
violated. Why was u>t the certainty ot the
offece—“the nature and raust? ot tne accusa
tion”—set out in the manner required in the
constitution, before even the humblest indi
vidual, for he smallest crime, can be exposed
to condemnation? Such a specification was
due to the accused, that he might direct hi
defence Io the real points ot attack; io the
People, tnat they might c learly understand
what particulars heir iri-ltiunons nad been
i violated; and to the truth and certainty of <» r
public annals. As the record now stands,
I whilst the resolution plainly charges upon the
President at least one act of usurpation m
“the late Executive proceedings in relation io
the public revenue,” and is no trained that
those Senateors who believed that one mu n
act, and only one, had been commuted, could
assent to it; its language is yet broad enough
to include several Such acts; and so it may
have been regarded by some of those who
voted for it. But though the accusation is
thus comprehensive in the censures it implies,
there is no such certainty of time, place, or
circumstance, as to exhibit the particular con
clusion of fact or law which induced anv one
Senator to vote for it. And i» may well have
happened, that whilst one Senator believed
that some particular act embraced in the reso
lution, was an arbitrary and unconstitutional
assumption of power, others of the majority
may have deemed (hat very act both consti
tutional aud expedient, or if not expedient
still within the pale of the constitution. And
thus a ma jorily of the Senators may have been
enabled to concur, in a vage and undefined
accusation, that the President, in the course
of “the late Executive proceedings in relation
to the public revenue,” had violated the con
stitution and laws; whilst if a separate vote
had been taken in respect to each particular
act, included within the general terms, the
accusers of the President might, on any such
vote, have been found in the minority.
(Concluded in our next.)
—Painful, and even melancholy
as it oftentimes may be, how frequently does
the mind have to turn back uuon the scenes
that are gone. How often are the thoughts
drawn, insensibly as it were, from the dark
ness of the future to the twilight of the past—
to scenes that but faintly glimmer through the
cold and sombrous laps of days and months
and years! a pleasing melancholv comes over
the full soul, as the green spots on the desert
of life come up before the eye of the imagina
tion, and ties as strong as those of “first love”
binds us unconsciously to scenes where once
centered all our joys. Such nre the re
miniscences of childhood and youth; such are
the forms pictured upon the sunny surface of
t ie past—when the heart beat jealously—when
every path was strewed with flowers—-when
all above was cloudless skv—and when all n
■ round us was sunshine! If ever man enjoys
happiness, it is in the springtime of life, when
his hope first begins to bud and blossom. To
his illusive eve the future appears bright as
the visions of an elysian dream. But soon
the frost of disappointment comes, old age
“steals along w.th silent tread”—andj all but
the recollerton of enjoyment perishes.
Still memory like every thing else connect
ed With our worldly enjoyment, has its pleas
ures and its pains—its joys and sorrows.—
Ihe latter too often hold a melancholy pre
dominance.
Memory’s page is the record of events
which have marked our chequered course of
life. Itisthat “simple, unvarnished tale of
truth,” which reminds of the joys or sorrows
that are passed—
— ■■(lf hopo deceived—
Os laded dreams of bliss;
Ofjoys we vainly had believed
Were tn a world ho drear as this.”
It tells os when pleasure “led its captive at
her car,” and when youthful hope, “the music
of the mind,” turned to all its charms. The
tenor of our past life may have been almost
unvarying, vet moments of sadness have some
times interrupted its evenness, and the mem
ory seizes upon us like a dizziness upon the
brain. Some object around which our hopes
clustered, may have vanished when almost
within our grasp. We felt the keenness of
.disappointment, and even now the remem
brace brings sadness to the soul. We may
have seen the grave close over those whom
we loved, and that grave seemed the sepul
i rhre of our hopes! It is human nature—it is
| venual weakness.
Contentment.— Few men seem to be entire
ly happy in the situation in which they are
placed- The poor man imagines that if he
possessed riches he should be contented and
happy The rich, in the midst of his posses
sions is often weary of a world that has no new
ex< itement to offer; fretted by ten thousand
claims on his generosity, embittered by in
gratitude, and si kened by the heartless flat
tery of contending heirs. The uneducated
man envies the idol of literary fame; everv
thing seems bright and golden in his path, and
he does not know how often the darling of
popular favor mourns for the peaceful spirit of
the unambitious, and the untroubled faith of
the ignorant; how often he despises the friend
ship which he sees but of temporary impor
tance —and bow in very heart-sicknes he sinks
from the publicity which the world will heap
upon mm, and the rancorous animosity it is
sure io bring in its train. Content is the
whole of wisdom, the amount of all philoso
phy. Every class of mankind lias an equal
share of happiness, and if we do not believe, it
is a m"re distinct knowledge of our troubles
than anv others. We believe that if we would
change places with the wealthy and celebrated,
we should avoid restlessness and languor; but
we deceive ourselves. Mortals cannot es
cape mingled destiny. For wise purposes
there is a drop of bitterness al the fountain—
it mixes wilh all the waters of life, whether we
drink from an earthen or a golden cup, we
cannot escape our portion.
Adversity.— The truly wise man will neith
er rashly brave nor meanly (weaklv) shrink
before difficulties or dangers. To be appal
led or ptmlyzed thereby is a proof of weak
ness. Impediments to the straightforward
pur-ui's of man are absolutely nece.-sary to
his welfare. What would be the bound of
pride and folly, if misfortune and suffering no
longer warned us of the error of our ways?
Without adversity, our faculties could not be
til v elicited or drawn forth. It is the all
contending therewith which realizes the
greatness of character, and winch forms
enper>or principles of man. If we were fully
alive to our own interest, wo should neither
wish nor desire universal prosperity—hut pa*
tiently resign ourselves to be check by mis*
fortune and guided by distress. These are the
reins by which Piovtdence governs every in
dividual. Providence both does and will con-'
trol and direct mankind. There is an univer
sal energy which never sleeps, which, without
the necessity of thinking or deliberating, con*
tinually impelling every thing to good (itself is
good.) However clever a man may appear, ho
cannot resist this influence, however wise he
think his plans, however good his INTEN
TIONS, they, will be scrutiniz’ d by a power*
superior to thought, and controlled by a prin
ciple higher than opinion. No man ought to
be surprised that he cannot realize his wishes,
that his projects do noi answer? but we ought
to learn thereby, either that we are attempting
to realize something which if sucessful, would
not be to our ultimate advantage; or that wo
are endeavoring to accomplish the same by
improper means So far as the designs of'
man are consistent with superior Wisdom,
they will succeed, but no further.
Poetry and Eloquence.— P dry is the na
tural fruit of solitude and meditation—elo
quence, of intercourse with the world. The
persons who have most feeling of their own, if
intellectual culture have given them a lan
guage tn which to express it, have the highest
faculty of poetry —those who best understand
the feelings of others are the most eloquent.—-
The persons, and the nations, who commonly
excel in poetry, are those whose character and
tastes render them least dependent for their
happiness upon the applause, or sympathy, or
the concurrence of the world in general.—.
Those to whom that applause, that sympathy,
’bat concurrence are most necessary, gener
ally excel most in eloquence. And. hence,
perhaps the French who are the least poetical
of all great and refined nations, are amongst
the most eloquent; the French, also, being the
most sociable, the vainest, and the least self
dependent.—Monthly Repos.
RECORDER IND SPY
11. COBS & MT. 11. GATIIRICIIT, Editors.
AURARXA,‘Beo. IVZA'S’ 10.1834.
We are authorised to say that » meeting
of flic IMOV AMI STATE IS WHIMS PARTY
of Lumpkin County, will be held at Dah»
lohnega, on the Ist Tuesday in June next*
The President’s Protest.
We commence the publication of the Presidents
Protest against the resolution of the Senate, charg
ing him with assuming power to himself, not dele
gated, either by the laws or Constitution, and re
commend our readers to a careful perusal of the
same. The proceedings of the Senate in the pas
sage of the resolution above referred to, was un
questionably, corum r.on judice, anil in its results
can have no other effect, than an increase of ex.
citoment in our country. The Senators who voted
for the passage of the resolution, have as all olher
individuals, the right to express their opinions in
respect to public measures and public men; but
when they do so, let it hr* done in their individual
capacity, and not in their official capacity, unless
the case comes before them in the manner prescri
bed by the constitution. They now complain that
the President is travelling out of his duty, in at
tempting to file his protest, for doing rhe very act
which they have done; with this exception,that the
protest is mild an ‘argumentative, whereas the re
solution contains a direct charge of assumption of
power, from which we mav legitimately infer, wil
ful usurpation. We are constrained to the belief,
that the moving objects of this resolution was. first,
to render the Administration unpopular, aud se
condly, to add numbeis to the bank party. The
people should look to this matter and decide for
themselves, whether they send their members to
Congress with authority to expend the time and
money of the people, in pouring forth abuse upon
other departments of governmenr. We think it
but sheer justice to the President, that his protest
should be entered upon the same record which
contains (he accusation, ur let the resolution be ex
punged from the Journal, and the President with
draw his protest.
FOR THF. RECORDER AND SPY.
Pursuant to adjournment a meeting of the
Citizens of Lumpkin county, was held at Tah
launeca, on Tuesday the 6th inst. to take into
consideration the report of n Committee pre
viously appointed, to enquire into the condition,
ol the Farmers Rank of Chattahoochee, as far,
as practicable, and the propriety of recom
mending to the community, a free circulation,
of its Bills; Isaac R. Walker, Esq. Chairman,.,
and H. B. Shaw, Secretary.
The Committee presented the following
Preamble and Resolutions, which were adopt
ed without a dissenting voice.
Whereas, the Farmers Bank of Chattahoo
chee, did, in the days of her greatest prosper
ity, establish a Branch Bank in the county of
Habersham, and did accommodate many citi
zens of the up country to a considerable ex
tent, and did thereby evince a disposition to
accommodate this section of the State; and
whereas the said Bank has been struggling
against great difficulties and is about as we are
informed positively to surmount them, and *0
believe said Institution to be perfectly solvent,
as reported bv us present and late Cashier,
and that it will very shortly redeem all its Btll«;
and wbercaa we know it to bo greatly to tba