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A prisoner being brought up, the following dialogue passed between him and the magis trate. “How do you live?” “Pie'ty well? sir, generally a little beef and pudding at dinner!” “I mean, air. how do you get your bread ?” “I beg your worship’s pardon; sometimes at the baker’s and sometimes at the chandler's shop.” “You may be as witty as you please, sir; but 1 mean simply to ask von how you do ?” “Tolerable well, I thank you, sir. I hope your worship is well also.”— Loudon paper. i NEGRO CASUIST. “A hat! lord bless your silly head, that’s ' not a hat.” POLICE OFFICE. Tn the afternoon a couple of blacks, named ) John and Joe Adams were brought upjone of 1 whom had a hat in his possession suspected • to have been stolen. Mag —Joe where did you get this hat 2 Pris.—Git’em. Gosh ! where you tink I got ’em. Mag Answer me, snowball, where did you get this hat ! p r > s —Gosh ! I bought ’em. Mag.— Who did von b>v it of? Pris.— Ronght’em up in Providence. — Where v«>w link * h y’om- Mag.—[Pointing o the other prisoner ] Is that fellow a relative of ymir’s. Pris —Gosh, guess lie is—he’s half bred d»-r. Mag. What makes him half brother. Pris—H ow de debbil do I know. Spose I I know ebery ting. Mag. Why do you say he is half brother then. p rH ._Kase he be, what de debbil—tmk I stand here and tell a lie. Mag.— T-ll me sir, why is he your half brother. p ria . Kase he aunt’s sister marry my mother. [Loud laughter ] Mag.—Because his aunt married your mo ther, eh ? Prig.—Gosh ! I never said so. What de debbil yon want to quizz me so tor. Mag.—You rascal, you. You stole the bat. Pris. I sav I didn’t ’teal the bat—and any man that says I did is a Mug.—Take care, sir. Pris. —1 say I bought the has. Mag.—Who did you buy it of. Pris. --I bought it of Jo Smith down in Wafer street. You just now said you bought it in Provi dence, you rogue. Pris.—-[« uh surprise] Goll v-a-t ion---1 nev er said so. He was committed. [Sun. March of Intellect.-—Every generation grows wiser and wiser. —A scene in a country kitchen. Old IV oman Husband, what are the aoi! and productions of Michigan? Boy. Tar and turpentine, ma’m. O. IF. H old your tongue, von blockhead; I wanted to see if your ‘ather knew. Thrice to Thine. V Frenchman, whose wife was aboui io present him with the fond appellative of “father.’’ returned to await the h»ppy moment, and with some friends 'o drink a long life and a noble. to the first born. The punch bow) sra'tored its inviting fumes most prodigally around the company and anxiety was inanit’e tidbv all. when in ran Belly Light foot : Joy. Joy, Sir! 1 give you joy! Vat is he. Belly, vat is ho? A fine buy. sir! Health to the young Marquis? exclaimed one, and biimners wnriLruxurJ - BIHIy, you must drink von vise to the jung M arq'ig. Beiiy raised the glass to her lips, when in rushed the nurse Joy, my, Sir, 1 give von joy ! Vat—vat—is de matter? A fine girl, sir! Betty, s udtho Frenchman, looking stern, Vat for you say no true ? O, said the nurse, a boy first, and a girl as- C r« nrds, Vat two—vnn boy—you fdlel I wo sir, added the dame, and helping her s ‘to a glass was swinging it oil* when in pop ped another. Sacre ! exclaimed the Frenchman, vat more joy ? ‘Another fr.e boy, sir ’ Vat, de r/tflftfe /—von boy—von gill—von cneron, tree time ! Y • s, sir. .Mon P:rw? Unwind tho poor Frenchman, pr.ro,-, t will re cr do. I must go home and put a stop to this ! Sunday Guest. An F.d'b’r somewhere in Indiana, offers “a bain I isl ur for the best original tale.” To us, this seems a verv tempting premmtn. I' i* seldom that any thing in that line will bring from 10 to 12 dollars, which i< the pri e that some of <»ur friends are asking for new flour m this market. (Ls*An Eatfrrn paper sav«. that any nun who would chta' a t r»n»i*r (bv borrowing hi pap* r) «ill r.>b i hen roost, whip his grand mo ther, or steal an Irishman’s last p,g. The New York Atlas m speaking nfthe La dies dresses, of the present fashion, suvs th. v are like the Hinchman’s rope, a " Icctle too short at both. tends.'' .1 Snorter.— An Editor in the West mm-I aures six feet three and a half inches, and car- • rie« a cane in dimension about as large as ih« , club of Hercules. Lnhcnr tn keen ah’ e rn v »nr breast (hi» little ' •park of celestial fire called conscience. UNION MEETING, Ed-noah? Cherokee County, On the third day of June, 1834, the mem bers of the Union party met, in public; and. on motion of Howell Cobb, Esq. who ofK red the following resolutions, adopted them without a dissenting voice. JOHN BREWSTER. Chairman. } Samuel C. Candler, Secretary. We, members of the Union party; citizens [ of the county of Cherokee, in the exercise of: our rights as republicans and freemen, having 1 met for tho purpose of expressing our opinion i respectiin the nature of our governments, Fe- ! deral and State; tho binding obligation and pro-! per understanding of tho Constitution of the I United S'ates, and the inherent rights and; sovereignty of the individual States, Do resolve, Sa much has been written and [ said upon the subjects we propose contempia-i ting, that it cannot be expected that we, the j pioneers of an imperfectly organized part of: the State of Georgia, can from an original I source or from the mass upon the public mind,' concoct or arrange an expression of opinion that will present the contested points in a new light or point of view; even could we succeed in that, the politicians of the present times are so tenacious of opinions first embraced and expressed that we cannot expect to make a *i«io!e convert; not b-it there i« validating enough, bin we speak oi honest converts, if it is not a violate n of terms :>> spook of political honest if. Engaged with the things that employ the at tention of itb* fir-t settlers of all now countries, we, pet haps, would act most wisely to leave the exammati'iß' and settlement ofhigh consti tutional questions to those possessing more 1 ability and w< ose minds hive been trained io such investigation; however, as it becomes every freeman to- streak of those important things, it becomes him properly to understand them, that he may speak correctly Stripping this investigation of the terms of art used for the purpose of inflaming the passions, and the cant reproach that serves but to embarrass the attention, we proceed to the examination. In the settlement of constitutional questions, the safe and correct way we conceive to be to annahze the terms used m the constitution bv tiie principles of common sense. The framers of tho constitution were not an artfill but lion est, artless collection of men; the terms they used to convey their ideas were no: used as terms of art but as every body understood them. To arrive at correct conclusions upon con stitiitional differences, it is trios! cons mant to propriety, to keep in view tno si’wition ofihe country m the formation of its political chaiac ter. the expressions of the public mind, found in ’he S’ae papers ofihe day, and bv the rules ialready mentioned. to examine the constitu tiori itself. He. who without party purposes to accomph-h, goes thus in the pursuit of truth, cannot fail to find it. All acquainted w.th the history nf the coun try, know, that previous io the Declaration of Independence, the opposition made bv the co Tonies to ’ho exactions of the mother country I extended no farther, and were not designed to [extend farther, than opposition to each partic I ular act ofoppression; no general, settled, hos [ tile plan of resistance to British authority was | set Op or contended for. The acts ofoppres sum being continued without any prospect of abatement, oh the part nf the oppressed cnhi nies, and ’he impossibility of redress, of the oppressed colony, being obvious to herself mid j all the rest, all made the oppress <>ns a com mon cause, and each act nf <>|>j.re«rh>n its own. On the I 9 h of April. 1775, the fir t bkod was shed that was shed during the war of the re volution, in the colony «»f M isS tchilsetfg* the cfTe~ ; T "oTnie B?redding of that blood was tip. sana l in Georgia as it was in Massarhusefts, and the determination to redress it, was a strong in Georgia as it was in Mas achusetts So entirely futile were the hopes oi'individual redress bv the colonies, that . n the 4’h of Sep tember. 1774, a continen’al Congress, renro seating eleven of .fie ■ 010 ues met ai P ilade!- phia. The Earl of Chatham,’ the imrn rial Put, in telling the story of the suffering coin nies; warning the British ministry of the inioo hey of their acts, tu answer to Mr. Grenvii| >, savs: “M •> are told .’hnt rica is obslinatf .Imerica is in open rebellion Sir. I rejme that . hnerica has resist, d; three millions ( >f people so dead to all the teelin >s of liberty, as i voluntarily to s limit to be slaves would have jbeen fit instruments to make slaves of ail the ’ rest ” I hese facts convince us of tins, that from »ho v<n v first step, whether designed or no', towards the formation of the present United States Government, it in .v bo seen that in I.NB»N was success, and that without it no . could he d ine. i’he people of the res I pecuvp olnnirs did not claim or contend for pr/r/fcuMr and tespectrve rights. They were not know n at home or abroad, but as one peo- \ \ple, having one llfilional imni- and the same ;c< rnm. n right*. IHE PEOPLE OF IHE i< 01.0 \IES. m the aggregate, ure -pokenof, i <- ON |. p .OP? E. and their national name used as di'ttngttishing this one people conven rd i congress, not for the punmseof redress, mg the grievances of any pnr'icular colon v, but for the purpose of considering and adopt ing some plan of operation* for the benefit of il.e whole people. It wts not necessary to for get nr rub out the geographical lines that I marked the limits of the respective colonies, tl at ttie people of them might act together; r | was reasonable to suppose, however, that had •■'icn a measure been necessarv, to such a pur- i nose, it would have been done. I’he people ot the colonies, then, from their very tir-t ac tum, acted as ONE. PEOPLE. The causes that mndv it necessary for a continental congress to convene, not having been removed, and the oppressions of which I the colonies comp! lined having been contm- ’ tted; rather increased than diminished. On the 9ffi o r June, 1776 Ricbaid Tin ryToe, n‘ deputy m ■ « j .tn congress, i.o.n Vir ginia, made a motion, not for Virginia, but i declare AMERICA free and independeu Here is ’he strongest possible fecdguiliou o the people of all the colonies being O N !? PEOPLE. Doesnot tins matter embrace al the colonies, and of course the people ? W cannot suppose a thing so absurd as that thi motmn was to affect Virginia only ! Placed a - Lee then was. he ad n<» right to speak for Virginia alone, and hu did not so speak; but he spoke for a nation— for AMERICA for one people. The people of the colony oi New York, were as rn ich Americans, and as such, included iii the motion, as the people ol j Virginia, and the effect of the motion upon Georgia was identical with lhe rest. This motion produced the Declaration of Indepen dence, which followed it twenty-six days after. The Declaration of Independence, the off spring of Mr. Lee’s motion, by which the co lonies became States, is the link in our political history, connecting that part of it, when colo nies, with its subsequent part. The Declara tion of Independence tn tv be looked upon as an announcement to the world of the birth of a N \TION. With whatever local distinctions might exist amongst the people of this new nation, foreign nationshad nothing to do; they were to consider whether as a nation contain ing “three millions of people,” they would re cognize tin- new nation. Although the De claration of Indepetiderme speaks the voice of til*.-* united colonies, the acts complained of were confined t > particular colonies, and in some of them no particular act of oppression had been committed; to be sure, the general' oppression had been felt, to a greater or less extent, by all but all had not particular char ges of complaint. Some of the colonies were but infants unable to speak the bold language of (he Declaration of Independence and una ble to support it had they spoken it, alone', m <l *edj more was declared and insisted upon than the stoniest of them could have enforce ! had they been inclined to attempt it, alone. Two causes, then combined, to amalgamate the people of the respective colonies, io which amalgamation they have always remained, to wit: common injury and colonial weakness. It will be important to remember this amalgama tion, as forming the most prominent feature in our national character, it was to oppose a for eign common enemy, and not for anv domes tic purpose. The coolest as continued and ended, by the colonies, does not show in any, the most minor point, that anv thing of a local or domestic sort was contended f* r, but that a national name and character was she object in ; vie v; tins was wh it was gained .and what wo no.v enjoy, a name amongst the nations of the earth; this station enulles us to nothing more than is ackn r.vledged and enjoved bv other nations. We may know th it the British do main includes England. Ireland, Scotland and W des, hut wlnit has it to d > with other nations? A oat have other na'ions to do with that? Fo reign nations may know that th« United States is composed of twentv-four parts, that these p uis are known bv different names, but what do thev gain by this knowledge, or lose bv it, ■>r how d<»es it affc tihem? Certainly nothing. They know nothing of us but as one nation, and that nation as one of lhe sovereign powers of the earth. The internal division and government ofanv ind every country is a matter that relates ex clusively to itself; foreign powers having no thing to do with things of that sort. The in dividual Stites ofihe Union had their exist ence, as individual governments (m.marrlual) before the formation of the Union, whilst t' ev were colonies, a >d maintained that existence, (now republican) whatever appearance they make to the work!, from hef’g united. The Declaration of Independent says, “these co- I mies are and of right ought to he free and ndependent States,” this language is to be understood as spoken the country, and by cadi of the < ninnies, for itself to the others. The mother coufllrv is informed hat the colo nies are no longer depond.-nl upon her for sup. port, n<* longer look to her for protection, a d are determined no longer to Im ofn dient to her. Each colony informs the rubers, that in changing her colonial relationship she i* to he aneqii if with, mi a dependent upon h r asso ciates. Ear’ll <»f the Spues (g saver-i:n and independent ofihe <uh rs, and oi itie anole muled —sovereignly in iy be said to be “the power of d nng every thing, bv a State, that is not m 'rally impossible;” whom her owij limits; every Stale of lhe Union posseses this power, <>r rather his aermm liuiou of powers, uudi minisli- d; ■ m-v not .mly possess it e power now t»si must ahvays d > «>•; ihev cautiot be cart.til ed that supposing a gteafer powei which can not be—State .sovereignty, like national sove reignty is indivisible. !• >r t >e purposes of the General Govern merit, howev -r, th • several States, permit Hie exer i»e «»f power*, bv the United States’ Go vernment, within them* Ives; which iri-iv pro -1 t»er v Im termed, for the sake of di*nn<-irun, ‘‘ h 'internal government of :h- United St.re--.” The • i x«-rr!se of these powers bv the United I Slates’ Government does not at all interfere or nbndge State sovereignty. The States h ive not agreed, not to exeicise any of the powers • hat e.i h m•» fi d necessary for her own af fairs, but have tn ,n in the most unc<m'.rolled state, and may exercise them wit out limit or supervision. Tie powers - tie Slates have, d'- not relate to foreign nations, but relate to tn*ir own governm -nts —We look upon this as a correct of State sovereignty- roe constitution 13 the frame work lor the General Government—it ascertains its dimen sions and noims out its model. The Consti t i'mn is an en-im?raitan «rs thos«« fund i ne.-itai rules laid down by the States for the n<;<- >rn- 1 plisfitnent ot their muted wish as t<> their rela tionshtp to foreign nations, these fun trnent.il 1 powers and their incidents are those ;>o-v r tie Sta : »-s have not. I’tie power* in.i-lenta to and an- ng h<»m these, that are tuudain -o tal, must be understood as included, cr the : novernrdont created by lhe Constitution couldi tuver have moved one s.ep. The cdnstitu mn has no spirit, nut is, it has no other mean ,g than the common sense undersinndmg, its • rms convey; by ibis rule is to be isccr.amed uen its provisions or powers aro violated; i! he constitution was unders ood in this wiv ad every violation would be readily percetv d, learned men wo ild not r uiole di mselves so much, and bewilder ih< ir followers so much; ndcod, if half the learning that seems tube iitisuccessfully employed to find out the mean ing of lhe constitution, be necessary to th it purpose, the Irimers ol die coustiiuiioa de -erve renown lor the unfaihomable d 'p iia which thev placed their meaning and (heir work itself possesses more the qualities of a iJeijihic oracle iniiri a plain American consti tution.. L'he government created by toe con stitution cannot go beyond the hmits marked for it, if it sbouldj tlyeact would Oe without authority, against authority, and therefore no act at all. We arc not to unders.and the con stitution-as beginning and originating ihe pre sent government of ihe United States, for mat is not true, but as put ing more strength and vigor in a gov. rn nent already cream], but which was found inadequate to the purposes of its creation, whenever we 3 speak of lhe cre ation of the Constitution an I tfie present, go vernment, therefore it must be understood with this qualification. Fhe ecnsiitmion was made for the purposes oi' forming “a more perfect L mon; establish justice, enoire domestic tran quility, provide for the comm m defence, pro mote the general welfare and secure the bles sings ol fiber y.” Ims language pres ippo.ses the existence of provisions for these jmrposes, butthat they operate inue fedy, winch was the case, these provisions we find m the ar t cles of confedera.iun entered into bv the S ates on the 9m July, 1778 By the ninth article of confederation “lhe United Slates in Con gress assembled” are invested with all lhe at tributes of sovereignty, as to foreign m'ions It cannot he necessary to se ir’h further into our system of government to per etv/i, tint as to foreign nations we tv«‘ ONE PEO.PLE i and nation, and that the States are sovereign, i within ihemselves, as to lheir governments and affairs, and that the constitution points out the nmits within which ’he General G •vern ment most move, and protects il»e States from its encroachments. Iho passage of the unconstitutional law by Congress supposes the existence of more corruption than wo believe exists; a majority of Congress must bo corrupt, or tho law can not be passed. We will suppose that an un constitutional law is passed, flow is it ’■> Im enforced? It cannot be, unless every offi -er upon whom depends its enforcement, is per jured and corrupt! lor a/Z officers, Federal and yjtate are sworn tn “suppor and defend the constitution,” and this oath is not idmmister e I to them, as ministerial, but >s judicial of fleers. II >w can they ‘‘.support md detend the constitution,” unless thev are to jud when it is violated and r*q ores their suppor l and defence. They are to defend it from vi olation, and support it in us provisions: So that should a majority of congress be corrupt and pass an unconstitutional law, it in ist re main harmless, until the people, by a change of memb rs can blot the offspring of corrup tion from ’he s'a 1 ite bo'ok. Au unconsiit'i. tion.al law depending upon so much corruption lor its existencs, miy be reasonably placed a mongst very remote possibilities. Sh <uld it be presumed that Congress has passed an un- I’onsiiiutional law, we have but to < xamme the constitution and see whetho r from its funda mental or incidental porwers Congress has tim doubled authority; m this way a sudden, certnirt, universal, cofeet understanding is ar rived at. Should, however,. Congress pass an un. onstii'ilnmal law a State has not th power to control ils enforcement, t mt s.ijipo s. s it supervising, paramount power in a Stale, which is dcstrucirve of all power in the geoer al government—-each Mate, as suited her in wrest, would abrogauj the laws of eongres hal were offensive to her, and the Federal system Would soon be aan end No act is uncoils itutimia! unless if viul.ues some ot the fundamental or inculen'al jiriucip/es of th<’ c>his’ituiion. An act may Im .viihin the f>. rn of the cou«tiiutuin and us operalio is not he contemplated by the Consiuniton; this <ln.-s not make lim net uu <»ns'tmtion,il, it is bin a., “abuse of power,” it is a “fraud ipon ffi. ’■oustilution.” I here is n<> counectKHi be tween an un onstifutional a t and an impolitic one. An act may be constitutional and yer favor Home and bear hard upon some others ol he many in ernsts of the co n r>; thts wo d<l furnish o'ljeciiopH to ttn oper<<tions ami not to its < rmsiitiitionaluy. If congress has aiulu.ri ty to pass an act and passes it ami a Slate mil Idles the act, the nullifying Stare viol <reg that irr of the < mstitution giving the power. Some politicians rejecting fl ul rfi. aiion, in sist upon Ollier doctrines that appear to us still more strange, we m-.m serex-mm. .Seces- sum supposes •'« withdrawal a retirement of [one Stale from <he Union, whilst the oilier* ar left undiMiurbed m n;”thi* cami-H he so the Union was formed >y all, tor all, the Colo nie*, and each State form- an integral part of It; il a Slate, /jy any means, gets out of me L iiion, the U mm i- dissolved a* to all, wlm-h would prod i«-e not only a vi >fan hi of me co i *ii u'mn, but its total auniiiilatum- d one State shoti d wjthdriw and le ive the others in the Union, the effect would be the same so tar as that State was concerned. The consmutmn makes provision for admitting new States into! th" Union, but n me !o eject, new >r dd, Iron! it or to permit them to wiltidr iw; a stale can I no more vols tirily rente than -tu- caibe forced from the Union W- will n,t .a empi i review ot pr i tea! < e--e-sion a,,d point on to'at .moracm-a .liny, but leavetua to the < ■•ntemplamm of every man UNION’ —UBER l Y CON-'TI TU ilO < It has ucuti rein rked a-unewhi i>oev.-tdv, that so much was ‘•said a>»ou' U i top, L mon, that one wuuld suppose there was hardly any thing left, worth preserving but U non.” Our love and a* achmrnt to Ameri can liberty, the constitution and the rights of the Slates, is what has made us nuion men. Liberty, the constiiulion and slate rights can ,iot exist without union, t ey depend upon it ■br their existence, they are its offspring. I’.ic colonies could do nothing until they U- Ni TED, and from that period to the time of emeutig into the articles of confederation, hey from one step to another, approached the urns mt UNION. On the 9ih day of July, 1778, tney eu ered n<> “a perpetu.il union,” at that time they did not enjoy liberty, they were si'tigglmg tor ii, and c mn<'t properly be said io have gained Itberiy, uriiil 1783; there is n<> one dial will Laz nd hi-s t fauns to reason so far as io siy ihai liberiy was not depend ent upon union, and ’he offspring of union-.-**- American union is older than American liber*> iy oy at least nine years- LIBERTY >Ve will not attentjM toosti- mate our value ol liberty, it is invaluable; it is above all esum ale or price. CONS I’l TU i li)N.-- The Constitution i-A of m >re recent date , than union or libec-’ ty: indeed without these (he latter is uselesd and cannel exist. Tno constitution did not alter our relationship wnfi foreign nation at all, they had nothing '<» d » with it; it rcgnlates li berty, A n •iican liberty; domesM- liberty, and Slate righ s, and forms tt more “perfect union,” which had already be- ;IJ “oernetual, If mere had ueyn no libenv to regulate there would have been no necessity for the consti tution. The cousin mon is that boundary beyond winch the general government must not go, tha bound iry bevond whi.-li the states mas not pass; placed between the States and General Government, if both parties observe it, we shall never be Called upon to lament tho departure of liberty. Union and liberty can exist without ihe constitution; it has existed without them, but they cannot without uion. Union m .intaming l:be. ty, the constitution and state rights, and the loss of union would bo me destructmu of all. The o f lln ., )ri Irmn our political system would-produce in it as great a disaster as the removal of the suft wo j d cause, in he solar system. So much is state rights, and po liticians appear so tenacious of op.nions on tins subject, that those unacquainted with our system ol government must suppose that eve ry thing valuable consists therein; we yield to none in our attachment to state rights; cun by no means permit their invasion with irn >un ty* but we base our pohtjcal creed <»n a broader, firmer foundation—-Utnoti —-the fimndation of liberty, the constitution and sta'e rights. Resolvd,, Wo will oppose a/Z opposition to union, liberty the corwiitulion and State ri ’hts, Resolved, We wifi opjiose all ojipusj’io.a Union, whether H appears o : ; t ;„ r U)e mas|< -ml .fl • itmn nr other more speernus name. Resolved, We look upon die modern doe- • i nullification, as a deadly foe to union* tnd of course, to liberty, tho constitution and sta o rights. Resolved. Having the utmost confidence in the doctrines forming our oolitical creed, we can and will adhere to them withou affix ing our mines to any set of articles, placed* upon naner. Gn tui of Major Philip Kroft, Resolved, I hat the chairman forward the proceedings of this Meeting to the Federal Union, for publication, with a request to all he other pijiers of this state to republish them; which request is hereby made. Ou motion—the Meeting adjourned. IN PEHN \L I UPHOVEM EXT. A’ a meeting of a respectable number of the citizens ot Floyd. Pudding, Cass and Chero kee roomies, held pursuant to previous notice, 1' Rome. in the said courpy of Floyd, on tho 23d ol June, 1834, 'or (he purpose of diking conside>ai<on (he practicability and itrT- ’ ‘riU'ic >! riavuja opr some of our western ‘aters &<• Judge VVITCHER, ofPmld was . alle.i (o 1.1 Chur, and S. J. JoHM SON E.q. appointed Secretary. 1 he object ,r the m- vting being briefly sto od by Col. Jdm I’o i nsend. of Fbryd 0 n -rm.mo <>i Gen 1 1 -mpl.dl, aco n.rimer, con 'tiuo of Col. VViilmm (Jardm and C«d. It llargrov... ofCass, D.nnd R. Mm-hell, ] ot Gmrokre, I'-rnan Wthmd, Esq; of 1 ‘ < 1 m l Col. J. I'o.vnsend, of Floyd, ■vere appointed to draft and submit a-pre in de and resoi-imms for the consider anon of ttie meeting, winch was dmein a very short "tn-, a n] with s in)A sligip alterations truant.. >u -oslv adop cd, as follows: W " r- ts . m in- order ofthings, it has fell IO our Im, to 1,0 ( .| tz „ , s of thH so ,.(i on of country. wm-m n wi Id seem to be intended hv nature and natures (,„d, a centre market | tor a consul-ruble portion oftbe.se Um ml I Mati s, forth - navigable waters approaching [tiear tills pla-o f ro(ri several directions, and l<be loeilny of lhe country md { e it certain that 'hM wdl Im a complete cc.i.w „„„/», for many of the principal a-e & United Slates Roads, •nd eml>ra< ng all the ad vantages of health,, we ill h, a..d ; musemmts, wnhm a sm ill sec’ non of comnrv. we believe it only necessary '<> i've Hie world eorr.-ct mformation oflocai situation to msuru their good wisnes and uur sr ic es-, A’e u Ih-.refore resolved, Tha< the follow mg named ge lt i| men, to wtt: Gen. J. Hemp, mil a .d Col J. Townsendot Floyd, lurman •'althal a d Ephraim Maberrv Esqrs of Pauidmg, .J ,hn f. S» ,rv ,nd S.m-.el F.rrts, Es-jrs. o| \V Hker. Cm. IVm. X. ihsm-p and J i'.trvin, of Vlmrav, (Jo|. Z. C. Hargrove .md H-m J W. I i m ».>r, o Cass* Col. H. C .l» . a-d D R. Ullcheil, Esq of ' tier.ke., Al I J. K Brooksand ieroni. of Com, Clem-m c. Q .dll m and Iho S .1 B .met . Esqrs. ofG I ner, George Kellogg , U( d Si nd l. r, E-qrs. of Foray h, • d limes .i di a. d Stephen 1). t rane, q- -t Lumpkin, be appointed a cmnmitiee to irreso rid .• i ,nrn citizens of the alate o! Alabama as iu their opptniuus will be most