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that,* says he. ‘Whinever I bates him well,’ says Darby. . ‘And does your horse ever dhrop gold,’ sys t’other, mighty pullite. ‘Yes at a sartain time of the moon,’ says J )arby. ‘Where did you get the horse,, Darby ?’ ‘Oh, there’s telling of that, avour neen.’ ‘Would you sell him for a good penny, Darby?’ ‘Oh, bedad, masther avick, my horn is harder than that comes to. —, If you’d insure me against Kate Mur-' phy’s putting her tin commandments j m my face tor the bargnin, I‘d talk! to yer honour about it ’ ‘Does Kate wear the breeche ? sys he. ‘I don‘t say as much/ says Darby; ‘but you see, with fighting for it, this ; ould poneen (patched garment) on me is torn to rags.’ ‘Well, sure enough, with one pa- ■ Javer and onother, Darby threw his! come-hedher over him, till Mr. Pur- j cell gav him twenty yellow guineas , for his ould garran, and Darby walk- ’ cd home with the money in his fist,j as proud as a paycock. Dublin Paper. JOHN CLEVE SYMMES. 1 heard an anecdote the other day of this excellent and eccentric man, so characteristic that it appears worth making public. Captain Symmes is notorious through the whole world in conse quence of his theory touching con centric spheres ; but his gentlemanly and mild character, and many virtues are known only to a few. When stationed in N. Orleans, he came in contact with many men who were unable to appreciate him, and w ho mistaking his amiability and for bearing temper for a want of spirit and courage, were inclined to poke fun at him. i’his was done so often, and Symmes, who would never 1 ave dreamed of insulting another unne cessarily, and thought as little that another would insult him, took the matter so quietly, that a friend at last felt obliged to inform him that he 1 must notice the slights put upon him. ‘What do you mean ?’ said hi> friend, ‘Major such-a-one has insulted you several times publicly ; Dow you must insult and light him, or you’ll be ruined with the regiment.’ 1 ‘And how shall 1 do it ?‘ inquired ! the simple hearted man, “How ? why i pull his nose, call him a damned horse 1 or do any thing else to make him challenge you /—‘very well/ replied the cool but determined Captain, ‘it shall be done.* Accordingly, the next day, after parade, the Captain called upon the Major, while yet in the field, and said he wished to say a word to him —‘speak on/ replied the Major, ‘make your request, and be quick about ;‘ ‘I wish to speak to you before both officers and men ;‘ ‘out with it, answered the Major, taking his stand where the eyes of all were upon him. ‘Well; sir. 4 said Symmes, walking up and wringing his opponents nose with Ins knuckles go that the blood came, ‘1 wished to say, sir, tnat you‘re a damned horse, “and turning on h.s heel he walked away again as calm and good natured as ever. He was challenged of course, accepted the challenge, and fought K'nd was never troubled alter b\ having L.’H poked at him. "p, S. 'fhe t/nponent of Capt tin S was badly wounded, and disabled and was afterward m' ag *‘‘ ?t measure supported by the man who had been forced to wound him. Cincinnati t- hronicle. An Indian Chief being aske'd his opinion of a case of Maderia wije, presented to him by an oiiicer. saio, he thought it a juice extracted from women’s tongues and lion’s hearts ; for after he had drank a bottle of it, he could talk forever and tight the devil. -A blind man had a wife whom he loved to excess, though he was told th s it she was very ugly. A physician offered to cure him of his blindness, —he would not consent to it. ‘I should lose, soid he. the love for my •yife, tnd that Hve is happincs*.’ TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS, m rinsr BtrS3i'>p. IN SENATE. Jan. 7. J Extract from .V r . Buchanan's Remarks. ’ Ii ;iny one principle nf constitutional law ( can, at tfue day, be considered as settled, it is, s that Congress have no rtjjlit, no power, over t question of slavery within those States , whero it exists. The pioperty of the mas { ter in his slave existed in full force before 'he . Federal Cun-mulion was adopted. It wa» a t subject which then belonged, as it still be- ; longs, to the exclusive jurisdiction of the sev- t end States. These States, by the adoption of f the Constitution, never yielded to the General , G »vernment any right to interface with the $ question. Ii rem tins where it was previous | to the establishment of our confedrcy. ( The Constitution b is, in the clearest terms. , recognised the right of property in slaves. L . prohibits any State into whit h a slave may | have fled from passing any law to discharge | him from slavery, and declares that he sh ill be , delivered up by tba authorities of such Stale , to his master. Nay, more, it makes the ex- L istence of slavery the foundation of political power, by giving to those States within winch it exists, lepresentative in Congress not onlv , in proportion to the whole number of free per sons, nut also in proportion io three lifihs of ■ ’Le number of slaves. , An occasion very fortunately arose in the first Congress to settle this question forever. , I ’I he Society for the abolition of slavery in , Pennsylvania brought it before that Congress i by a memorial. wh.ci was presented on the ; 11th day of February, 1790. After the sub ject had been else issfd lor several days. i*:.d •illet solemn deliberation, the House of Rep- I reSenuiH ves, in Commit* eof the boh), rm I ihe 23d day of Mar li, 1790, resolved “ That ; Congress have no authority to interfere in the etn inc ipation of slaves oi in this treatment of them within any of he States; it remain ing with the sev ra! States alone to provide any regulations therein, winch humanity and true policy may require.” 1 Lave thought it would be proper to pre sent this derision, which was made almost halt a century ago, distmcly to the view of the American People. The language of the res olution is clear, precise, and definite I' i leaves the question whvre the Constitution ■ left i l , and where, so fur is I arn concerned, I ever shall rtunam. The Constitution of/ the United Slates never would have been! caded into existence, —tns'ead of the intiii- ( merable blessings which have flowed from our i hippy Union, we should have hid anarchy. I. jealousy, and civil war among the sistor Re publics < t which our C*»nf»-derey is composed, | had not the free States abandoned all control over this question. For one, whatever may <>e my opinions upon ihe abstract question of slavery, (and I am free to confess they are those ol the people ol Pennsylvania,) 1 shall I never attempt m violate this fundamental j compact. Ihe Union will Im dissul .■ h7l I I incalculable evile will ris-*'*'Q-Q olll its ashes, ! I the moment any such ath nipt i»; seriously made oy me free a rates m vtmgrrsi. hot, then, are the circumstances n'h^ f/ which these memorials are n »w presented? number of fenatics, led on by foreign incendia ries, have been scattering “ arrows, firebrands, and death” throughout the Southern States. I The natural tendency of their publications is ( to produce dissatisfaction and revolt among J I the slaves, and <o incut' their wild passions to Veugeancf. AU history, as well as the pre- ' ’ sent c«nd lion of the slaves, proves that there j • tan be no danger of the slaves, and thru j ihere-CMJ be no danger of the final result -of u : servile war. Hut, in the mean time, what dieadful scenes may be enacted, before su h • an insurrection, which would spare neither age n<>r sex, could be suppressed I hat agony <<f mind must be suffered especially by the gen ; der sex, in conseqaence of these publications! Many a mother clasps her infant to her bosom when she’retires to rest, under dre id‘ il appre i hensions that she imy be arousad from her 1 slumbers by the sav ige yells of <ho slaves by whom she is Hurrmnided These are the works of the Abolitionists. That their mo ' 'ives mav be honest I do not donbt, but their zeal is without knowledge. The history of! i the human race presents numerous examples : of ignorant enthusiasts, the purity of whose intentions can not be doubted, who hive spread devastation and bloodshed ovor the face of the earth. 'l’hese fanatics, instead of benefi ting the slaves who are the objects of their legaid. have inflic ed serious injuries upon them- Sell pre- > set vationis the fit st law of nature. I h' 1 mas ters for the sake of their wives and children f r the sake of all that is near and dear to them on earth must tighten the ret. s of author ity ov' r their sl.i ves. 1 hev must thus cnntior. a< t the efforts of ’he Ab"liil<oiist.s. Ihe slaves are denied many indulgences wbi- h their m isters w< u'd otherwise cheerfully grant.— Th» v must be kep' in such a sta e of bond ige as effect allv to prevent their rising. These art the injurious effects produced bv ’he Abo litionists tipoo the slave himself. M mist, nn die one hand, thev render his condition mt-er able, bv presenting to hi* mind vague notions of fteedom never to bt real zed, on the other they make it doubly m -erabic, by compelling the master to be severe, in order tn prevent ..-v attempts nt insurrection. They thus it impossible for the m»ster to treat hi* >|;nr sc-ording to the du.tales of his heart and his set lit. iiS. Besides d l ’ fol fb‘ Kbuii ionists perceive that the spirit «h>.h is thus loused must pro tract to an md. < u e p« rmd the - mancpa-ton of lhe slave! i ■>* m‘Cr--3ry < fi.ct ot their tff.its is to r< nd r desperate th*.-e to whom ti.e power of em im ipx’mn • \- v belong'. 1 beh-ve, most con»cien luusly, in whatever i * .is subject esn Ue viewed, ihv th*’ be«t p, en-so of me si >ve require lha- the q .es ton 'hon’d be left, where the Coos’i’ution has left •g th? sls' j »ivl I nj Stites the nsc'.'O? without foreign interferendei This being a true statement of the case, as applied to the States were slavery exists, what is now asked by these memorialists That in this District of ten miles square —a District carved out of two slaveholdmg States, and surrounded by them on all sides—slavery shall be abolished. What would be the effects of grinfJng their request ? You would thus erect a ciiafdel in the very heart of these States upon a terr.tnry which lhey have ceded to you tor a far different purpose, from which aboli tionists and incendiaries could securely attack the peace and safety of their citizens You establish a spot within the slaveholding States which would be a city of refuge fur runaway slaves. You create by I>w a central pom from which trains of gunpowder mav be secu rely laid, extending into the surrounding States which may at any moment, produce a fearful and destru i explosion- By passing such a law, you introduce the enemy into the very bosom of these iw o States, and afford him every opportunity to produce a servile insur rection. Is there any reasonable man who can for one moment suppose that V'rginia and Mary land would have ced'd the District of Columbia to the United States, if they had entertained the slightest idea that Congress woulj ever use i’ for any such purpose ?- They ced-.d it for your Use, for your conve nience, and n<»t for their own destruction. — When slavery ceases to exist, under the laws id'V irginia and Maryland, then and not till then, ought it to be abolishel tn the District of Columbia. Reported for ibe Journal of Commerce. UNITED STATES SENATE. Thursday, Jami .ry 7. Mr. Morris presented petitions from Ohio praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. As soon as they were presented. Mr calhoon demanded that they saonld be read , and as soon as they had been read, he demanded that the question should bu firs taken on their reception, whi> h he considered io be the prelimm try, question, which every Senator had. a right to demand. He deman ded H bin behtilf of the Slate which he m part re+ueswnibd , n on account of the false and malicious slanders which they contained against eleven States cdihe Union; because the discussions in ihe other House had produc ed a greah agitation throughout Ihe country; because it involved r violation of the ConsTu tion, inasmuch as the question of emancipation was a ques'ion exclusively belonging to the seveial States, and ov< r which Congress could exercise no right or power. Hu said he undeistood the movement, and that it was intended to make this the first step i< ward general emancipation, and that it ought to be lesisted in liinine Hedidnot fear inceudtaiy publications, but he thought there was the gm.test danger in the agnation of the subject hf* r .*' IV- believed there was a b'»dy in the I other State*, readj to second an insurrection !ef the b'a-ks, and he desired to see some ennrao w wnnl'l p“* «e : —- 1 was fearful lest it should tear asunder the Union, for the more a spirit of that character permitted to prevail, the inure closely she Southern people cling to their inte rests and do.-»ftstic institutions. They would never submit to such interference, and the true I course was at once to put an end to these I petitions, by shewing that they would not be ! received. Anv other course would give them ' importance, and this the abolitionists well ; lllldl‘l Stood. Mi Morris ma tea few remarks, in which be maintained the sacred character of the right j of petition, and declared that the people had a t right to put their feet on the Constitution, and ; demand its inviolability. He dented the right of Congress to m’eifete with the question of Slaveiy in the States, but asserted the power of ex lusive legislation over the District of Columbiu, und any doctrin which denied the existence of sh it power was new to him, and would not be received in the Slate in which he res.ded- Hs considered the claiming of the power to prescribe to the people, how, when and on what subjects, they were to petition !as turning the right of petition into a mere tncockeiy , and that Con.’ress could exercise ;m< discretion beyond the condition that the etiuons should ba worded in respectful terms. THE “SPECIAL MESSAGE.” .Message from thk Pre* dest t*' both H<‘ s r * < f Congress Received, read and refer»d, to the Committee on Foreign Relations tn both Houses. Monday, January 18. To the Senate and ff >use of Representatives. Gentleme : In my message at the open mg of yout 'Psion. I informed vou thut our Charge d’ iff. ire< at P »ns had been instruci «*d »o ask for the find determination of the French Government, in relation to the pay ment of die indemnification secured by ihe treaty of the 4 h of July, [B3l, ami that, when advices of the tesult should be* received it would be made the subject of a spesial communication. I i execution of this design, I now tran.s mil to vou ihe papers numbered from 1 (<> 13, inclusive, e » .taming, arn other things, ihe corre»p uJ* c • on inn sui j-< t between our Charge d’ Affores md ihe French Minister of Foieigt. from which it will be seen that Frame req .r*’«, as c .million precedent io ihe execu v>n >f a r tv unconditionally rd sic-j. .md tu tna p tyme i ot a debt a« kow- Ic ged bv all til’- b».inches ol t.er Government • u be due. that cert im f xplansuons skull be made, of winch she <ii< late* ihe terms. Tuese terms are a i 'li as that Goverment has nkeidv be- i officially informed cannot be com, ho I wi.!’, aad, if pers.sleJ id, they must be considered aa a 'deliberaf refusal oa the part of France to fulfil engagemtens binding by the laws of nations, and held sacre£. by the whole civilized world. The aafurfe of the act which France requires from this Govern ment is clearly set forth in the leltel of f| lf) French Minister, marked No. 4. We will p*y the money, says he, when “ the l of the United Stales is ready on its 'dec a « to us, by ad I. e-ting its claim tirus 'officially in writing, that itr regrets the mis- • understanding mhich has arisen beetween the ‘ two counties; that this misundertanding is ‘ founded on a mistake; that it never entered . into its intention Iq call in question the • faith of the French Government, nor to take • a menacing attitude towards France: 1 " and • he adds, “i/ the United Slates doesnot give ' this assurance, we shall be obliged to think • that tnis misunderstanding is not the result • oj an error.’' In me letter marked No. 9, tl’e Minister also remarks that “ the Government 'of the United Str les knows that upon itself' depends henceforward the execution of tne • Treaty of July 4, 1531.” O.Jiged, by the precise language thus used by the French Minister, to view it as a per emptory refusal to execute the Treaty, except o i terms incompatible with ihe honor and in . d penden e of the United S aes, and - persu aded that, on considering the correspondence now submitted to you, you cat reg aid H other light, it becomes inv duy to call your ' attention to such meanures ail he exigency of me case demands, if the claia of interfering 1 in ihe communications betwen the diflereui , branches ol out Governmentihail be persis- M led in. 'This preientiou is redered the more 1 unreasonable by the fact that te substance of I ihe required explanation his ben repeatedly 1 and Vuluntdiilj given be. re it As mstsiead on 1 as a condition —a condition lhemore J a,,ng because i is demanded as he equivalent ' ol a pecuniary consideration, hies France desire only a declaration that we .ad no inten tion to obtain our rights by an addcss to her ears rather man tier jueucel She’has alrea dy had it, frankly and explicity g ien by our Minister accredited to her Government hit act ratified by inc, and my confirmation of it iffi cially communicated by him, m his letter io im- F.euch Mims er of Foreign Affairs oflhe 25m ot April, 1835, and repeated by my pub fished approval ot that letter after tho sage of the bill ot mdemmfi a ion. I ’inJK Fiance wiM a degrading, servile FepeiifijM* of this act in terms which she shall dictate, and which will involve an acknoledgement of her assumed right to interfere in our de mesne councils? She will never obiainln. Ihe spirit of 'he American People, the dig nity of the Legislature, and the firm resolve of their Exe< u ive Government, forbid it. A s the answer of 'fie J rerith Minister to our Chare d’ AfT.irs at Paris contains an allu sion to a letter addressed by him to the Rep resentatives of France at this place, it now becomes proper to lay before you the cones* neudeiice had between that functionary and ..... —r 47.5. W • il«4l and m accompany the same with such expla nations as will e; able you to understand the the course of tho Executive in regard to it. Recurring to the historical statement made ( at the commencment of your session, of the ori gm pr gress of our d fficuliies wi h France, H will be reco'lected tha : , on the return of our Minister to the U> ied States, I caused my official approval o the explanations he bad giv en to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to be rrnde public. As the French inent had noticed ihe message without its nemg officially communicated, it was not doubted that, if they were diposed to pay the money due to us, they would notice any pub lic explanation of the Government es the IL Slate in the same w*y. But, contrary Io theJP well founded expectations, the French Minis try did not lake this fair opportunity to relieve themselves from their unfortunate position, •ind to do justice to the United States. Whilst, however, the Government of the United Stales wa» awaiting the the movet men sos the French Government, in perfec. confidence that the difficulty was at an end, the Secretary of Stale received a call from the French Charge d’ Affaires in Washington, who desired to read to him a leiler he had received from the French Minister of Fo reign \ffiirs. He wjs asked whether he was .instructed or directed to make any ofpc.al communication, and replied, that he authorized to read the leltor, and furnish a, copy if required. The substance of its con tents, H is presumed, may be gathered /kony; Nos. 4 and 6 herewith trai smitied. Itwas an attempt to make known to the Government of the United States, privately, in what man ner it could make apuearently voluntary, but really dictated by France, ac ceptable to her, and thus obtain payment of ihe twenty-five millions of francs. N<» ex ception was taken to this mode of communi cation. which is often used to prepare the way j for official intercourse; but the auugesj/ns made in it were in their subatcnce admissible. Not beirg in me shape of an of ficial communication to this Government, it did coi admit us reply or official notice, nor could it safely be made me basis of any action by the Executive or the Legislature: and the Secretary of State did not think proper to ask : a copy, because he could have no use for it. Copies of papers marked Ni s. 9, 10, and 11, sh«>w an attempt, on the pail ot the; French Charge d’ Affaires, to pla<* e a copy of this letter among the archives of his Guv- j ermenl, which, for obvious reasons, was not i allowed to be done; but the assurance was n-paamd, that <.ny official J which he migh bi umorized t ll m ike, >n accustomed form would receive a promp 1 a «nd just consideration. Ihe indiscretion ot itiempt was mide more manifest by the, sub sequent avowal »f the French Charge d Af fairs, that the ojeei was to bring ihu letter before Congress and the Atritrtcsn Pe c. if faritfia flgentJi <a a aubject di M g f<i , meat bat ween the'drovernment and this, to prefer an appeal ft. »he American Peoph ’ they will hereaf trt, » H^'ped r better ate their own-right aid 'ho respect due to othersj than lo ( al18 m P , ,s e the Executive as the passijb organ of <heircommsaicairons. It is to the mi r institution* that the diplomatic i£)tercouae of this Govern* ment should be conducted with the Utmest directness and simplicity ; arid that, ip all cases of importance, the communications received: or made by the Executive shvu'd assume official form. Il is nn|y insisting on this foreign Powers be held to full responsibiliiy, that theh- can be officially replied to 0 that thefcdvice or interference of the Legist. tore canwuli propriety be nvited by the. bestc a | cillate( j. on the one hand; to shield tM officer from unjust suspicions, and, on the «her, to subject 'his portion of to publiCs cru( j a , if occasion shall if, to >nstitut’ionwi l animadversion. It was the mon. necejsa to adhere to these principles in tin • in question; inasmuch as, m addiiion () . important interests, it very intimately er ed the national honor—a matter, 1 rn " judgment, much too sacred to be subject of pnyate and unofficial negotiate It will that thia letter oF the French Minister of ftreign Affairs was read to the Secretary of State on the 11th of Sepfqn. ber last. This was the first authentic indiig. tion of the specific views of the French Goren*, merit received by the Governmeit of* United States after tfce passage of ihe bill indemnification* Inasmuch as ibe letter had been written before a | nolce approviTofMr. Livingston’s | ;i3l (xplanMion and remonstrance coJd hive readied Paris, just ground of hope w»s left, Q 3 has b eBQ before ihat the French Government on receiving that information in the satis manner n e alleged offensive message had* reached t> rn , would desist from their extras ordinary and pay lhe money at once. 1 ogiyj them an opporturity to do so und at all erents to elicit lheirfind determina tion, and I it ground ihey intental IO occupr ihe instruct were given to our Charge d’Affiircs whch were adverted lent the mencenetit O|| ie present sessienif Congr« is | Thu resmt, as\pu hare seen j 9 a omanf of wnUejKxpreisicfii of regite, <n( j a , direct expWffon addressed to.Fmce, with a that this is a cmquaton. Mr. having, in pursu.ee of | nr instructionsrctiitoedio Ihe Uied Slatee and ef Fra< having beefi recalltnL|| diplomatic inteourse be tween suspend, a statif t Kings ori ginal susceibihty OQ * the GoVerient, nn d re,) our pnt cir refu " f ‘i lo contamen a treaty lr ' ,in 'h«y ll J o >ng man important comi< •f-” ’ h,,, ‘ ld "’ «’<«!««. ,„ „, cb '' ">'■ •«•» wh 4 ty r « of „, u( | ’7, *'*% and to m the)on S f am , ca..rM|MMML'n , ot «n« and edies IMp bereiot re had<cvasio. and, ton pariiclar ccJ r , nc toexptgssjl conviction tbarepris£,..,i J ne best ac/apqgprio ilHfetWgecy thei » lem- •Spl’ period Frine, ,y a || t h e merits ofjfc Gorvemmsn h« acknov j ihe our (be obli* of tho treay/and has ppopnated the n " winch arddoecessary to ts execution L though is withe) on grounds vii v important t our oxieaegas sn jadepend. *U°°’ to that she c havedetermined, peuaefftly to retain a pa sition so uicrly indenfcle. In the altered state ofthS questions cntroversy,and under all exis ing circums|ce, it appears to me that, until such aJirrination shall have become evident, iCbetroper and sufficient io her piedr.usal to comply with I her debiting the introduc entry o f b Between this l>n a,( ommercial r re ® | es, repre* I n>6t determine. I tjrir <n th present posfuro ofCur lost injurious to ourcomtWg ml albnded with the I least difficult fofrejng tcthe usual state lov friendly imercoulf theGevernmenl of France re j .j ,|sr <j < j ygg "W : '’ 'a'' -v • n s ■ rJwRF'Cp VS • urge iari/e ai ’"TI S : | uicri uie ol t ■ d> b-r,. » I ' , :l’« il.Trt tv, JB t j s ' j r '• :xr a* A -■■ t r<e>’r , • A B