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that persons may come forward in other counties to anticipate my reac dug them, and (o give me their aid, in tins most important un dertaking. 1 intend to persevere until 1 suc ceed all over it eland. Knowing as 1 do, that when a plan of public policy is in itself useful, it requires nothing but a perseverance of exer tions to secure success. I am, therefore, de termined to persevere. All I ask is assistance. It is not too much to expect that one man in each barony will give me his aid. We have every stimulant to urge us to at tempt all peaceable, legal, and constitutional means, of alleviating the present miseries of Ireland. In (lie present moment of political destituti >n when the A Igerine coercion bill of the false Whigs has shed a night of political de solation around Ireland, it is doubly incumbent j on us to leave no stone unturned, no means un tried, which can in any manner contribute to ' restore constitutional freedom and independ ence to Ireland. How often have knaves and drivellers asset t ed that Ireland might commit her fate and for tunes to the kindness and care of the British ! Parliament, which do her justice as soon as ! that Parliament was freed from aristocratic con troul, and weeded of the mock representatives | of rotten boroughs. “Wait awhile,” was the j cry, “until you see what a reformed Parliament ■ will do for the British empire in general, and for Ireland in perticular.” Well, we have a Reformed Parliament, and what have they done for Ireland. First—They have produced a Grand Jury Bill— a trashy involved, confused, impractica ble Grand Jury Bill. A bill which will never pass into a law, or if it do, then for one abuse it may possibly abolish, it must inevitably create ten greater and more permanent. Secondly—There is a Special Jury Bill for Ireland, brought down from the Lords. I will not anticipate the fate of that bill, but this I will assert, that a more impudent specimen of audacious humbug was never obtruded on an insulted nation. I intend to show forth all its deformities the first possible opportunity. Thirdly—there is the Church Reform Bill for Ireland—Ob! monstrous delusion ! I my self was never so deceived as I have been by Lo <1 Althorp’s spe ch on Mas subject. Per haps, in the annals of either private or Parlia mentary delusion, there never was any thing equal to that successfully pactised on me as well as on others, relative to this pseudo Chnrch Reform Bdl. For the present, i will onlv point out these dejects in the bill. 11 does not touch upon, or even once mention Tidies at all. Os course it does not lessen the burthen of tithes by one single shilling. It does not diminish the revenues of the es tablishment by one shilling. It diminishes the income of particula: clergymen; but the people will have to pay the s one amount in monev as before to “tlu* establishment.” That is—die Catholic and Presbyterian population will have to pay precisely the same sum in money to “th<' establishment” that they paid before this bill was brought into parliament. The only t••duction of charges upon the peo pie in the bill is of part — and I now Ji nd of part o»ly— of the vestry cess. Lord Althorp Calculated the reduction at 70,0001. year. It W.ll not amount to 20,000. per annum—perhaps Dot to half that sum. I I Ims the rmtii t extr nt of relief given by the elm cli reform bill is—say from ten to twenty thousand pounds a year spread all over the Irish nation. I will not dwell longer on this sapient mea sure !!! 11 is a reloim which is insulting to th" Protestants of Ireland without being satis factory to the Catholics. II »w 1 long to see the day when the sound sense of lhe lush Protestants will teach them that a snuggle foi ascendency is again in vain. I!i ■ Catholics desetVe no lung but egu litu— They have obtained that • quality of cjvil r gins. Let but the L isa Protestants aiQUiesce in the existence ot that equality which is no longvi capable of being deranged, mid upon the acquiescence we will erect the safe and per manent stiuc u e ol Irish prosperity. Lut the fn st step to attain the peace of Ire land is the removal of Lmd Anglesey. Until he is leun.ved from the adm mistration of lhe afTtirs of that counny, there may be the calm of despotism lor a season, but theie can never be permanent iraqudity, or any thing like pros pvi oy in 11 eland. lu my next letter, whilst I continue to urge the plan ol electoral organization, i will point out moie m detail the various ch cmnstances 1 Which impeiatively demand the recall of Lotd Anglesey. The mte.est of the England re-I quae th.it he should not be any longer permit ted tosacrtfice the safety ol boll! coun ties to I the gratification of his unwise desire for pow- 1 er. r Let but the people of Ireland await cotn- Hii' events. Ibe march ol political improve ni< ii' may be retarded loi a moment, but it wni soon overtime eveiy obstacle, and pro ceed Wl> h acceleiated rapidity. There ate ' bd’ei •lays hi store for both countties, and he triumph ot the democratic principles in the one wdl be the political salvation of both. J have the tumor to be rellow countiymen, \mu faithful servant, Daniel o’connell. Napoleon, by his wdl made at St.' Helena lefi .o h.s son his aims, which he thus described’ —nn o ms. namely, lU> sword, the same winch J woe at AnsiCilitz the s ibre of Sobieski p.matd, my cutlass, M. M. B tnand, IM nchaiid, ami othet companions of Napoleon’s cxde ueie appointed deposit it ies, and were to tr msin. the objects deposited in their hands to th' *.m of N ipoleon on his attaining the age of 21 When young Napoleon became of age h- w<> |,boring under a mortal disease, and die I betoie he c <mld receive his father’s legacy. 1 he objects are still in the " mds of lhe deposi ts ies, who have thought p.oper to take coua- St Is opinion as to what they are to do, in order xi L ' disengaged from responsibility.— IM I ate.nv, an advocate of the Royal Court Ol t .Its, has <lr ,wn up an opinion, to which he piopo.es the following three questions:—“Do Ji' °* belong M , ria Louisa, that is to say, the Austrian ? Do they belong to the father’s TaftrHy «*» i*. flu . r>o imiy long to (he French •i-ilion ?” The opinion of M. Oddlon Barrot, Paillet, and Philip Dtipiti, in conformity with that of M. Paterny, is that the arms of Napoleon are national property, and that the state has a right to claim them, to be deposited in a public establishment. TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH. Blaye May 10. The Commandment of Blaye to JZ. the Presi dent of the Council. Madame the Duchess of Berry was safely delivered of a daughter this morning, at half past three o’clock. The pains of travail lasted i twenty minutes. j M. Dubois, as well as myself, was a witness of the accouchment. The other witness ar j rived afterwards. The verification will be ; made in the manner agreed upon between the Duchess and me. She will herself present the infant, and declare that it belongs to her. The mother and the infant are well, only the j little girl is somewhat feeble. The Duchess is full of maternal affection. She declares that she will not have a nurse. | At the moment of signing the declaration j Deneux added, “Z have delivered Madame ' (he Duchess of Berry, the lawful wife of Count Hector Luchesi Palli, Prince of Combo Fran co, Gentleman of the Chamber of the King of the Town Sicilies.” i DOMESTIC. TO THE PEOPLE. OF THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN DIVISION OF THE STATE OF GEORGIA. Fellow Citizens'. ! To prevent misrepresentation and to enable , you to form a correct opinion of the amend , meats proposed, respecting the reduction of the I Legislature, as recommended by the recent Convention at Milledgeville, I deem it a duty that I owe to the county, to lay before you a plan and distinct view of the reasons which in duced a large majority of your delegates to con cur in those amendments: while performing this duty, Ish dl strictly adhere to facts, leaving every one to form his own opinion of them and instead of attempting to conceal, it is my great desire to spread the whole truth before the peo- I pie of Georgia. So fir as relates to myself, I do not hesitate to say, that I went into the cou ’ vention with a determination, as far as it was ' practicable, to reconcile the various and con flicting interests of the State, I was averse to doing any gross injustice to any of the parts. As soon as the convention was organized, I moved to raise a committee to be composed •of i i three from each judicial circuit to devise some i plan which might form a basis, on which our fu ture operatiqns might be predicated; The committee was appointed and after due consid- i eration, they reported, That the State should be laid off into thirty-six senatorial districts; That the House of Representatives, should consist of 144 membersand no more; that j each county should have one Representative. I and the excess should be distributed among the j most populous counties, agreeable to federal ; members. This report by no means met my I approbat ion, but being, the chairman of the com. I mittee, I reserved my opposition, until it came before lhe convention I had however in com- ' mittee, been a good deal surprised, bv the hon orable delegate from Chatham, offering in wri ting an amendment ; that the senatorial districts should be founded on Federal numbers, and from that time, I beg m to suspect that efforts would be made prejudicial to your best inter- i ests, and which subsequent events realized. Enly in the debate on the first section of the report, I took occasion to avow my predilec tion for a Territorial basis for the Senate, and population for the House of Representatives ; my plan was to divide lhe State into two equal pat ts, and until that could be geographically , done, i assumed a line running across lhe conn- i try from Richmond, to Muscogee county, in cluding all ’he counties it touched, in the ' Southern Division. I • ndeavoured to demon stiate that this territory, though less populous than the northern division, had many and im portant interests which required permanent protection. Though its population was only about 140.000, it paid into the Stale Ties ury, three eighths of the revenue. That the agricultural ex torts of the S. ate, only in its gfnt staples, cotton and rice, amount to $7,700,000 of which that section contributed more titan one moiety, of all that produced bv die northern division, though it comprised a representative population of upwards of 300,000 Thai thi six seaboard counties alone furnished in sea isl nd cotton and rice $1,700,000 of their foreign exports, while under the pi esent con stitution they only had 18 votes in bodi branch es. That the southern being the weaker inter est, yet contributing so much in sustaining the commercial character, and fisc d interests of the , State, required protection. I ad veiled to oui | long and irritating dispute with the Federal Government respecting the tariff: showing ' tiiai th‘e 7 southern States supplied upwards of 7-10 ot materials for foreign < xport, notwith-! standing which we were compelled by a major- ' ity m Congress, influenced by the m mufaciur ing interests ot (he north, to pay 2-3 of lhe ex- . penses ot the Government. That the bold , and elaborate discussion on these facts, had . di aw n forth at las-, but one opinion, throughout the V nited States of 'he injustice of our being, thus oppressed, merely b.-cause we were in ./ minority; sustained as 1 conceived I was bv the stiong analogy be ween lhe two cases, 1 feit . a confident hope that our pretensions would re cetve the support of all the enlightened states men in the convention, but in this expectation, I must confess I was most egregiously disap-’ pointed. 1 . h As the business of the Convention progres- > sed, the views of diffeient interests gradually developed themselves. First, a delegate from ' I Gieen proposed as an amendment to the report !' “that lhe State should be laid off mto senatorial districts according to Federal numbers.” To 1 this particular amendment and its operation, fel j low-citizens, I solicit your undivided attention 1 •j because of its oppressive influence on the south ern and eastern parts of the Slate, and the fol lowing short calculation, clearly proves it so. The whole representative population of the State is about 444,000, now divide the number by 36, the proposed senatorial districts, and you wdl find that each district must comprise a representative population of between 12 and 13,000, so that 38 counties which the southern division of lhe slate embraces, would have had a fraction over eleven senatorial districts, the remaining 25 would have been in lhe noithern division. When by the present amendments the same territory is secured 19 senatois, in stead of 11. In forming these districts on the federal basis, in many parts of the southern di vision, it would have taken from seven to four counties; for instance, Camden, Glynn, Wayne, Appling, Ware, Telfair, and Irwin, 7 to have one senator. Thomas, Decatur, Baker, Early, Lowndes and Randolph, 6 one senator. Liber ty, Tatnall Bryan and M’lntosii, one senator, though M’lntosh is the 12ih county, in paying the highest tax to the state. From this brief summary, fellow.citizens, were you prepared to make this iniollerable sacrifice; was the Do mocracy of the county to be bound hand and foot, and delivered over to the Aristocracy ; were you disposed to be thrown into such a mi nority and placed at the mercy of a majority, with whom in a great many instances you have no common interest, either agricultural or com mercial, and to make this sacrifice solelv to sus tain the federal basis ; all the subsequent ma neuvering in the convention, turned mainly on this point and more or less effected the political and local interests in the final adjustment of the important question which we had to decide. Aware of the delicacy, as well as danger of our situation, 1 frankly confess, I did not hesitate to advise aud persue the course which has so fortunately brought us, through. I had long anticipated the quarter from whence, by blend ing mutual interests, founded on principle jus tice and die good of the whole state, we might sustain ourselves. The appeal was made to the highminded and patriotic west, who had with us shoulder to shoulder, sustained the great cause of Union in the state, against the assaults of many deluded citizens. The western peo ple had long cherished a desire to have white population mado the basis for the House of Representatives and to obtain this great object they acquiesced in a territorial basis for the sen ate, and on this reciproci y of interest a com promise was effected which secures to every part ol the country a fair and equal representa tion tn botii branches of the Legislature. The late convention by having made white popula tion (he basis of representation is not the first in setting the example. It has been incorpora , lino most of the constitutions which has been recently formed in the southern slates. An honorable delegate from Oglethorpe of high standing admitted “that it was the true basis, but subjected to be modified by circumstances.” Li the situation in which the southern division then stood, did such ciicumstances intervene? I humbly conceive they did not according to the proposed plan. We were already in a mi nority in the House of R presentatives, consti tuting only abom one thud, in human probabil ity likely so to continue. By the act of the Legislature and “the oath taken,” each county i was secured one representative and but a very few in (he southern division could expect to re tain more by a temporary agreement, much less to gain it by any future ratio ; to us then it was demonstrable, that we could not loose by the white popul ti m as a basis, not giin by in sisting on federal numbers for the lower house, but on the other hand, have we not gamed em inently in the senate. Tne 38 counties as al ready observed are to bo represnted in that body by 19 senators, instead of eleven which j would have be n tlfeir pioportiori by federal I nuinwe* shrill houl in the scn'ito h positive ; veto on any future amendments that may be ■ proposed io ihe constitution ; and with respect to the piotection of our slave properly, by an union with a similar interest in the middle region of the state, a decided majority. Fellow-Citizens, I might rest here my own justification and that of a large m ijority of your delegates for having abandoned the federal basis and thereby securing io the district of country that you occupy, a protection and future weight in the Legislature, which was little anticipa ted when the convention assembled and instead of eliciting censure, ought to draw forth an uni versal feeling ol gratulation. But a high sense of duty imposes on me though an humble indi vidual, and but recently engaged in in the coun cils of lhe state, the necessity of going further into an exposition of this subject and-anticipa ting tue grounds which will be taken to pro duce dissatisfaction and distrust among many good, but uniformed citizens. 1 beg leave to premise the following remarks by asserting that tne frequent attempts, which of late yeais have been made to alter and reduce the representa tion of the state, have invariably proceeded di rectly or indirectly from the rich,populous, and middle counties: as one instance 1 refer to a j meeting held at Milledgevillee about twelve ! monJis ago, to the address and documents ex- 1 hibited to the public by an honorable commit tee of that body ; to their proposed call of a ; convention in February last, to which each | county was invited to send Delegates, in pro portion to their number in the House of Rep- ! resentatives, evidently thereby securing to them selves by this very provision, the control in that i convention, if it had assembled : this was a stioke of policy to perpetuate power, prostrate that of the south and bind the growing west ' with cords which even their increasing popula tion,could not have surrendered: that this would have been their policy is now clearly demon strated by the proposition hereiolore mentioned made in die convention by the honorable and talented delegate from Greene, as well as many who voted on the same side. To obviate this ' pernicious result and that all parts of the state might be represented in the formation of this fundamental law. I used last session in the Senate, my hnnble exertions to get through the law, under which the convention recently as <"tnbled : and 1 feel too strong on the ground, ' I then took to admit that party motives influen ced either the conduct of myself or friends. It was certainly evident that there was a par ticular interest in the late convection, which ■ expressed , A to basis established for the senate and thtee argu ments were urged to sustain it. The first was. that by incorporating it into our fund imental law, it would on lhe floor of Congress, strength en our right, to that proposition of our repre sentation, which was founded on our black population. To this it was replied, that this right was protected by the Federal Constitu tion, and was the result of compromise, and now well understood by all parties, if touched, would produce a severance of the Union: but that Alabama and othet states, had actually in corporated the white basis, in their fundamen tal law, without any of the dangerous consequen ces here anticipated a rising therefrom. The second argument was, that if we did not incor porate it into our state constitution, we should lose a superiority in the Legislature which would always be a protection to this particular species of property from excessive taxation : to this it was answered, that this species of prop erty was now so generally spread over the state that a common interest secured its protection : as another honorable delegate from Oglethorpe had stated on the floor of the convention, that the middle counties possessed upwards of 70,0b0 slaves, so that, that district of country, connected with the east wouid always secure the owntfr from any onerous burthen, that might hereafter be attempted to be laid on it besides the mineral region of the state uould draw large numbers theie, as black labor was cheaper than while : the third argument was intended to op erate more on our fears than on our reason : it was that striking out federal numbers from our organic law, would encourage visionary philan thropists, as well as sectional demagogues to push the principle of universal emancipation. To this it was rejoined that lhe interest in this property was so genearl in the southern states, that no fears ought to be entertained on the sub ject. That the reduction in the representation may not have been carried as far as some may have anticipated, is admitted but still it has been considerable: The senate heretofore compo sed of 90 is now reduced one half and the other bouse has lost near one seventh of ns members; perhaps it is more congenial to the spirit of these people, that neither branch should be re duced too low, as it would have a tendency to throw the control of legislation into the hands of the. wealthy of the country ; nor can any unjust conplaint be now made, against the number in either branch, especially when we comp ire them with our sister state. South-Carolina whose senate consists of 45 and house of representatives 125 She is an old state fur less than our own while we have an extensive and fertile region yet to fill out and ought to be represented, if the expense, as heretofore alledged, as one of the principal causes of complaint io be great, let the people instruct their members to reduce the pay in i proportion io the length of the session; for the ' first 20 days so much per diem, half that sum for the next 10 d lys and one fourth for the re mainder of the time—such a provision would he an effectual remedy and is always in (be hands of the people. Having now fellow-cit izens with as much brevity, as the subject would permit performed the duty, which a sincere re gard for the peace and happiness of the whole state, has imposed on me, I have but little to add, but what is of high import to yourselves, (here can be no doubt, but that a great struggle and powerful opposition wdl be m ide to pre vent the ratific ition of the proposed amend ments : a strong appeal wdl be addressed to the northern and middle region of the slate, back ed by all the demonstrations which arithmetical calculation can array and enforce and every I argument will be used to show that their inter |est has been sacrificed. Still i have no fears but that the patriotic citizens of the west will ! soon discovei that they have gained a great and important point, by elevating their character as free men, and raising it above the servile grade—that having now established white pop ulation as the true basis they secure in future an increasing preponderance in the House of Representatives solar as relates to our own sec tional interest. I pray you fellow-citizens to euquue, and calmly calculate before any of you decide against adopting lhe proposed amend ments: if they are now rejected, and any other convention hereafter assembles rest, assured that you will be at the mercy of an overwhel ming m ijority. Perhapse you may now be tauntingly fold, that it was proposed to make but 33 senatoiial districts, each to be composed of three contig uous counties, by which the southern division would have been put on an equal footing with the northern, and with the same breath the mo-' fives of your delegates may be impugned. I deny that there would have been the same e quality, for the obvious reason that the south ern division contains but 38 counties while the northern has but 25—besides this proposition came too late, it was made when the midland ! counties found that the sceptre was passing | from their hands, it was suspected to be made ( on t.;e political maxim, “divide and conquer.” it has believed to be made hereafter, to nro duce political effect, and to be used as an ar | gument against the ratification of the amend | ments, but in addition, it was made to men of I principle and patriotism, unaccustomed to vio- pl, ? h ' ed and th at faith having r.ts foundation the peace and harm-mv of lole state. The great question must then tud±± ’he calm and unbiassed judgement of every citizen—of such let me ask > do you wish a reductmn in the representation, 1 dyou do vote to ratify the proposed amend ments. Is the southern division of the State ! anxious to preserve their rights, be protected . and have a respectable voice in the Legislature then unantmously ratify the amendments, for be assured you wdl never again have a like op portunity of seeming your vital interests. List en not citizens of Georgia to those, who as a party, or from sectional interests, have not obi tamed all they sought—they may present you ' calculations, and ofi-r you plausible arguments ’ to dissuade you from sanctioning the proceed mgs of the late convention—but let tne tell vou the final result, if the proposed amendments are not ratified, we shall be thrown back on the ' representation as now organized in the present ' constitution, for believe me, there will bi no fu-. ' , ttlTe convention called : those who have hither . to been such strenuous advocates will hereafter . oppose such a measure, because their situation | wdl every day be getting worse. A whiterep . resentative population is a powerful principle . which the longer it is agitated, the stronger ; hold it will take on the minds of the people 3 and sooner or later must prevail—the alterna- . tive then, is either to accept the proposed ; amendments or continue your existing repre , sentation. Fellow-Citizens, reflect well on t these considerations, and I cannot but hope . that Providence in this, as well as on many oth* . er occasions, will guide vou to a correct result J VCOB WOOD, Delegate from M’lntosh. Potosi t May 27th, 1833. Fram. the Western Freeman. THE TABLES TURNED. Shelbyville, Tenn. May, 28. t To the public— Whereas my husband Ben ' jamin has advertised me as having left his ’ bed and board—but as he has no bed nor t board, he having made over his property to P his children with a view of starving me,’ he has now left me to shift for myself the se- J cond time. This is therefore to forewarn all ' persons from harboring him, until he provides . for mo maintenance, and gives security forjthat ’ and his good behaviour. ( To all good people who wants him descripted, To running away he has long bean addicted; He deserted his country, being scared at a ball, t j And ran home the greatest hero of all. For such service as obtained a pension, How well he deserved it I need not mention; But one thing for all I needs must acknowledge, He’s the worst husband God ever made in my knowl edge. SUSANNA CARSON. DOETBY From the New- York American. The following touching lines are from the . pen of Mrs. Florida White, and were addres sed to Iter father, Gen. Adair, of Kentucky, i late governor of that state, and at present a Member of Congress. , This gifted lady accompanies her husband, ! the Hon. Joseph M. White, of Florida, on a ! voyage to Europe, for the benefit of her health. The best wishes and earnest pray ers of a wide circle of friends accompany 1 the in. F ir ewell to die land of my birth ! Though I leave thee to wander afar, Thou art dearer to me than the rest of the earth— Aye! dear as my own natal star: And though I should see thee not, even for years— I shall think of thee always and often injtears. Farewell »o thee ! land of my sire! Abode of the btave and the free, Zs ever man cherishe’d a patriots fire Aud worshipped his country—’twas he ; Oh how could 1 part from his love’d—native shore, If Z fancied his arms would enfold me no ' more. Sweet home of my mother !—farewell ! As ZZis I recalled thee with pride— As Iters such fond thoughts on my memory swell That utterance choaks with their tide, If the thought of her only tints thrills through my heart, ' Could 1 see her once more—should I ever depart. . Bright scenes of mv childhood !—adieu ! Sweet haunts of my half open’d mind, And ve sports! Love and Youth, consecrated by you, Oh ! how sh ill Zleaveyou behind 1 To part thus from brothers—from sisters— from friends— Is their ought upon earth that can make me amends ? New-York, 7th June, 1833. Cobb Sheriffs’ Safes. FOR AUGUST. VJjriLL be sold at the place of holding courts ▼ ▼ in the county of Cobb, on.the fi rst Tucb day m August next, between the usual hours of sale, the following property, to wit. HiJfHrt n nf n rt er^ U o hUndredand fiVe ’ in tbe sccond distru. of the tim'd sec Hon, levied on as the property of Richard Garner, to satisfy sundry fi f us from a Jus f'i;,P.s,cJ’.urt ' n y a . l ’ on cou,,, y'n favor of Smith & i', S u* th X S Said Gar «er. Levied on and ' retui ned to me by a Constable. f Also, lot number eight hundred and forty eight in the nineteenth district of the third section, levied on as the property of William Greeson lo satisfy three h. fas. in favor of M Jinikin Smith levied on’and re turned to me by a constable. l r t ( r '"?’ b 7, seve n hundred and sixty-one in he first district of the second section, levied on as the property of Matilda Fenn, to satisfy a n fa. from a Justices court of Hall county, in favour of Kellogg and Sanford, levied on and returned to me by a Constable. , n TANDY K. MARTIN. aerif. Georgia— Cass county. ' MARE, about June IS. S'h day of „ ie '■ '■ july 13-22-m. LEATIIEM RANKIN, c. i. e. Doctor M. Montgomery. 4 tv Ga' < || birnse J‘ P er man e ntly in Floyd court the practice C of U tende *’ s his servises to the public in MEDVCLVE SVRGERY, &-C? a ” f ‘ rid calls, in any branch of med« x > ’ ’ „‘ d ,na y ; always be found at the residence of , is XSXiT’ ‘“““ ,heM ““'\ July 13—22