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captain of cavalry waged with his own soul. It is
easy to see what a brilliant vista of success was
opened before the eyes of the ambitious man had
he been willing to remain with the United States
government. He loved his country and he had serv
ed it well; he had met with recognition and reward;
he stood, personally, very close to General Winfield
Scott, commander-in-chief of the army of the
United States; promotion and honor, success and
advancement seemed assured, and the only price
asked was the continuance of conditions as they
existed. But this price the soldier could not pay
—the secession of Virgina, though so long delayed,
came at last, and with it every fiber of loyalty in
the heart of her devoted son was stirred to the
uttermost and despite the entreaties of his superior
officers, despite the sacrifice of ambition and per
sonal advancement, the man felt his duty lay with
his endangered state, and to feel his duty was to
do it.
His Struggles With Himself.
In writing of her husband’s struggle to a friend
at this time, Mrs. Lee said: ‘‘My husband has
wept tears of blood over this terrible war; but he
must, as a man and a Virginian, share the destiny
of his state, which has solemnly pronounced for
independence.”
In response to General Scott’s appeal Lee replied:
“I am compelled to take this step. I cannot con
sult my own feelings in the matter.” Accordingly,
on September 20th, he wrote his resignation to the
same friend by whose side he had served so gallant
ly in Mexico, and whose friendship and regard he
valued so highly.
From General Lee’s own written statements
it is gathered that he did not altogether approve of
the action of Virginia, nor, indeed, of the attitude
of the South in this great movement of secession.
He was a man of the most tender human sympathy;
he knew the resources of the government, and he
must have foreseen from the very beginning the
ultimate and inevitable result of a conflict in which
a myriad of Southern lives were lost; in which a
fair and fertile land was made desolate in an
effort to adjust a situation which might have been
handled by a wise diplomacy rather than by force
of arms.
But he cast his fortunes with his state, though
knowing in advance that he was sacrificing (many
of the ambitions which make a man’s life worth
while.
From the position of his beautiful home, Arling
ton, he must, also, have known that it would pass
from his possession. Valuing it as he did, venerat
ing all the countless treasures and traditions that
it held, loving it for the associations which made
it dear and sacred to his wife and to himself, its
loss was but one of the many personal pangs which
the outbreak of the war between the states brought
to this great heart.
Lee’s Service to the South.
It is well known that for many years General Lee
was condemned for his “ disaffection ” to the Union
which he had served; he was blamed for disloyalty
—he, whose very soul breathed highest tones of
truth and Christian patriotism. But in the years
which separate that turbulent time from the pres
ent, the injustice of this charge has been slowly
borne upon those who made it. Despite the fact
that he was given charge of the army of Northern
Virginia, it was impossible for Lee not to know that
personal advancement lay with the Union rather
than with the slender resources of the South. “Dis
loyalty” must have some tangible incentive—Lee’s
position admits of but one explanation—a loyalty
and an abundance to his sense of right, which was
strong enough to outweigh all thought of self, and
which carried him through a period of trial, of
suffering and of struggle, the full record of which
would make a mighty epic to resound through all
the ages.
Too well known are the events of the struggle
which ensued during the sixties—it is needless to
consider the battles fought—we remember with
thrilling pulse and fast-beating heart, the six
days’ battle around Richmond; the Second Manas
sas; the fight at Antietam, Fredericksburg and Get
tysburg; the terrible contest at Chancellorsville —
that awful Battle of the Wilderness, where it was
The Golden Age for January 17, 1907.
said Lee killed as many men as he commanded; we
remember the records of Cold Harbor; the defense
of Petersburg and of Richmond, and we know that
the intrepid spirit, the untiring hand, the steady
nerve and the masterful brain of Lee dominated
each struggle and would have fought on and on
until “the thin gray line” of his forces had re
solved itself into the elements from which it came.
The Result.
We shall not attempt to cover any possible dis
cussion of the philosophy of the war of the Confed
eracy, save where it stamps itself indelibly on the
life of the nation, and >we believe that this stamp
is seen today more in the reverence done to the
memory of such men as Robert E. Lee than in any
political or economic condition of the times.
After all, it is character that counts; a high
regard for honor, honesty and truth—a sinking of
personal ends and personal advancement; a loyal
following of a cause—be it what it may—if it
appeal to our ‘individual souls as right. To men
whose lives bear out this policy in every detail
we bow the head in reverence. And such a man
was Lee.
The years are gathering a richer harvest of honor
for him than could ever have been given him had
he held the highest office in the nation’s power to
give. A champion of a “defeated cause,” he yet
commands the homage of the world—.the foes who
opposed him djo him reverence, just as did the
federal generals, on the staff of General Grant
when, at Appomattox Court-house, the gallant, gray
haired commander of the Confederate forces, re
signed his stainless sword.
The record of his life is worthy of a place beside
that of his brave ancestors, who, in the ranks of
the crusaders, sought the Holy Grail and rode the
gallant tournaments to evidence and vindicate the
Cause of Honor. We, in our prosaic life of the
past and present generation, give recognition to
knightly courage and unsullied character; we rec
ognize Christian heroism and we unite, one with the
other, in giving “honor where honor is due”—
hence, on this hundredth anniversary of the advent
into our world of a pure and perfect life, we, to
gether with all the world, render this,, our tribute
to the life and character of Robert E. Lee.
“Dixie After the War.”
There is perhaps no one man in all our country’s
history who has exerted a more powerful influence
on the thought and actions of the people than has
General Robert E. Lee. So potent was his influence
over the minds of the people that the memory of
it is even strong enough today to cause our Pres
ident to use an act of Lee’s to justify a similar one
of his own. We refer to the statement made by
Mr. Roosevelt in regard to his recent discharge of
the colored soldiers “without honor,” when he
said, “General Lee had occasion to do the same
thing once and he believed it was right then as I
believe it to be right now.” So much for the in
fluence of Lee on the people of today—his hold on
his contemporaries was of an even stronger charac
ter. We quote the following instances as illustra
tive of this from a recent valuable publication en
titled “Dixie After the War,” by Myrta Lockett
Avery. (Doubleday, Page and Co., publishers. For
sale by John M. Miller Co., Atlanta.)
“When our beloved General came home, the doc
trine he taught by precept and example was that
of peace. ‘The stainless sword of Lee’ had been
laid down in good faith. We had fought a good
fight, we had failed, we must accept the inevitable,
we must not lose heart, we must work for our coun
try’s welfare in peace. The first heard of him in
his modest unheralded home coming, he was teach
ing this.
“Young William McCaw’, his courier for four
years, rode in with him; and General Lee, before
going to his own home, delivered William safe and
sound to his father. Dr. McCaw came out when
they stopped in front of his door and General Lee
said:
“ ‘Here, Doctor, is your boy. I’ve brought him
home to you.’ William was standing beside Trav
eler, his arm clasped around General Lee’s leg, and
crying as if his heart would break. The General
put his hand on William’s head and said:
“ ‘No more fighting; that’s all over. You’ve
been a good fighter, Will—now I want to see you
work for your country’s welfare in peace. Be a
good boy. I expect a fine Christian manhood of
you. Goodbye.’ . . . General Lee knew the mettle
of the fiery young courier to whom he uttered these
parting words. To many another youth just out
of armor he gave the same pacific counsel: ‘We
have laid down the sword. Work for a united
country. ’ . . . Friction resulted from efforts to
ram the oath (of allegiance to the Federal Govern
ment) down everybody’s throat at once. I recite
this instance because of the part General Lee took
and duplicated in a multitude of cases. Captain
George Wise was called before the Provoist to take
the oath. ‘Why must I take it?’ he asked. ‘My
parole covers the ground—l will not.’ ‘You fought
under General Lee, did you not?’ ‘Yes, and
surrendered with him and gave my parole. To re
quire this oath of me is to put an indignity on me
and my General.’ ‘I will make a bargain with you,
Captain. Consult General Lee and abide by his de
cision.’
“The Captain went to the Lee residence, where he
was received by Mrs. Lee, who informed him that
her husband was ill but would see him. The Gen
eral w T as .lying on a lounge, pale, weary-looking, but
fully dressed in his grey uniform; the three stars
on his collar, the three stars—to which any Con
federate Colonel was entitled—was the only in
signia of rank he ever wore. ‘They want me to take
this thing, General,’ said the Captain, extending
a copy of the oath. . . ‘What would you advise?’
“ ‘I would advise you to take it,’ he said quiet
ly. ‘lt is absurd that it should be required of my
soldiers, for, as you say, the parole practically cov
ers jt. Nevertheless take it, I should say.’ ‘Gen
eral, I feel that this is submission to an indignity.
If I must continue to swear the same thing at ev
ery street corner, I will seek another country where
I can at least preserve my self-respect.’ General
Lee was silent for a few minutes. Then he said, as
quietly as before, a deep touch of sadness in his
voice. ‘Do not leave Virginia. Our country needs
her young men now.’
“When the Captain told Henry A. Wise that he
had taken the oath the ex-governor said: ‘You
have disgraced the family!’ ‘General Lee advised
me to do it.’ ‘Oh! That alters the case! What
ever General Lee says is all right; I don’t care
what it is!’ ”
“At communion in St. Paul’s soon after the oc
cupation (of Richmond) the first person to walk
up to the altar and kneel was a negro man. Man
ner and moment made the act sinister; a challenge
and not an expression of piety. The congregation
sat stunned and silent, not knowing what to do.
General Lee walked quietly up the aisle and knelt
near the negro. The people followed and the ser
vice proceeded as if no innovation had been at
tempted.
General Lee as a Teacher.
E rom the same source we quote the following let
ter written by Mrs. Lee to Miss Mason, dated Der
went, V irginia, December, 1865, and referring to
the General’s acceptance of the presidency of Wash
ington College:
“The papers will have told you that General Lee
has decided to accept the position at Lexington.
I do not think he is very fond of teaching, but he
is willing to do anything that will give him an hon
orable support.
‘‘Training Young Men to Do Their Duty.”
Far more lucrative positions had been offered Gen
eral Lee—salaries without work for the mere use
of his name. Solicitations came from abroad, and
brihiant opportunities invited him across the ocean.
He took the helm at M ashington College with this
avowal; “I have a self-imposed task which I
must accomplish. I have led the young men of the
South in battle. I have seen many of them fall
under my standard. I shall devote my life now to
training young men to do their duty in life.”
Urged in 186/ to run for office, he declined, be
lieving that his candidacy might not contribute to
sectional unification. As nearly perfect was this
man as men are made.