Bulletin (Monroe, Ga.) 1958-1962, April 18, 1959, Image 2
PAGE 2—THE BULLETIN, April 18, 1959
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Cuba's Catholics Regard Castro
Regime With Guarded Approval On
Basis Of Its Three-Month Record
By Jaime Fonseca Mora
(N. C. W. C. NEWS SERVICE)
The regime of revolutionary-
leader Fidel Castro has now
been in power in Cuba for three
months, enough time to gauge
the impact of its rule on the
nation’s overwhelming Catholic
majority and to assess the posi
tion of the Church under the
new government.
Since Castro’s forces over
threw the dictatorship of ex-
President Fulgencio Batista last
New Year’s Day, much criticism
of his policies has been voiced in
the U. S. and elsewhere, most
often in connection with the
mass trails and executions of
war criminals and alleged com
munist influence.
Against this background of
criticism, a look at the attitude
taken by Cuba’s Catholic lead
ers themselves can contribute a
great deal to clarifying and un
derstanding the present situa
tion.
These leaders, although with
important reservations, have
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supported the Castro govern
ment.
Realizing that the new re
gime is strongly entrenched and
that elections are two years
away, Catholic leaders regard
their cooperation with Castro as
having a three fold: forestal
ling the efforts of anti-Catholic
groups, channeling Christian
thinking on vital public matters
and representing a large section
of a population that has almost
unanimously placed high hopes
in the revolution.
On the basis of its three-
month record Catholic opinion
regards the Castro regime as
mainly to correct what it views
as the worst abuses of the
Batista past: social injustice,
public corruption and wide
spread oppression.
On the other hand, Catholic
leaders see a less favorable pic
ture when they look at govern
ment refusals to accede to cer
tain important Catholic de
mands, particularly in the field
of education. They do not, how
ever, view these refusals as war
ranting the charges that have
been made in some publications
of open government hostility to
the Church.
Probably the strongest reason
why Catholic leaders are back
ing the new regime is their
knowledge that forces inimical
to the Church are strongly vying
for control of Cuba’s future.
They know that victory for
these groups—which include
communist s—would doom
Christian influence on the island
and probably lead to the re
turn of dictatorship.
In their opinion the Castro
rebellion against what they re
gard as the tyranny and atroci
ties. of the Batista era was mor
ally justified.
Still another reason for their
support of the new regime is
the Catholic leader’s conviction
that national unity and the coun
sel of Church authorities is
vitally necessary to overcome
the tremendous obstacles to the
moral, social and economic re
construction sought by the revo
lution as it enters its second
and more difficult phase. While-
the Church has differences with
the government, it is possible
to discuss them freely and Cath
olic leaders do not want to let
them become a barrier to co
operation between the Church
and the regime.
They are also supporting Cas
tro because they believe his re
gime has shown strong Chris
tian tendencies in its sincere ef
fort to achieve administrative
honesty and bring about social
reform.
Strongly nationalistic, the new
regime regards the government
as the major instrument to be
used in bringing about the radi
cal changes it believes neces
sary, an attitude which gives it
a socialistic flavor. Church lead
ers go along with the view that
at present government-by-de
cree is the only way to attain
reconstruction and protect the
common welfare, especially
since very little has been done
in Cuba by private initiative to
provide for social assistance or
education for the masses.
Catholic leaders thus approve
of the government’s action in
launching a program of land re
form, starting construction of
housing developments for the
needy, bringing the prices of
food and necessary services
within the reach of the masses
and striving to provide more
and better schools.
They likewise look with favor
on its successful efforts to clean
up governmental departments
and do away with sinecures and
bribes.
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While all these things are to
the credit of the Castro regime,
there are also a number of items
on the debit side.
One of these is the govern
ment’s refusal to grant the re
quest of a number of prelates
and laymen for the introduction
of religious instruction in the
country’s public schools. These
Catholic leaders made their re
quest on the grounds that igno
rance of God and Christian mor
ality had led to the evils of the
immediate past.
The request, however, led to
a storm of protest from Masons,
Marxists and other freethinkers,
as well as from some Protestant
groups. Castro, who had at first
favored religious instruction in
the schools, gave in to the pro
tests.
Minister of education Arman
do Hart then promised to have
Christian morality taught in the
schools but said that, because
of tradition and constitutional
requirements, public schools
will continue to be strictly
secular. At. the same time he
quieted fears that Catholic
schools would suffer restrictions
because of the controversy
aroused by the request.
Now that the storm has died
down, many qualified observers
have noted that, in view of the
difficulties facing the regime in
other areas, raising the question
of religious instruction, while a
valid one for Catholics to bring
up, was untimely and did not
take adequate account of the
state of Cuban public opinion.
A group of priests, after re
portedly discussing the question
with Church authorities, issued
a statement saying:
“As Catholics we have to de
fend the right to (introduce) re
ligious instruction in the schools
and the Church has reminded
everyone of this . . . But no one
is talking about a union between
Church and state . . . Above all
there has been no desire to
create difficulties for the gov
ernment or start religious con
flicts. If the petition (for reli
gious education) is going to
create difficulties at a time
when the need is for unity and
work, we are willing to avoid
any obstacles.”
Another major issue which
has involved the Church is the
manner in which those accused
of crimes against Castro’s fol
lowers and others have been
tried and executed. Catholics
have been united in condemning
the atrocities committed by
Batista henchmen and, when
criticism of Castro’s treatment
of war criminals reached Cuba,
a number of Catholic writers,
including some priests, stated
that the trials were fair and the
death penalties just.
However, Auxiliary Bishop
Alfredo Meller of Havana de
clared that he was against capi
tal punishment. The Church, he
said, tends always to forgive and
only accepts a death penalty
in clearly justified cases. He
did not elaborate.
In Santiago—the hotbed of
the Castro rebellion-—Archbish
op Enrique Perez Serantes, who
had once saved Castro’s life
when it was threatened by
Batista executioners, urged the
Cuban leader to stop the execu
tions. Clemency is a greater
virtue than justice, he declared.
His plea went unheeded. Exe
cutions were halted during Holy
Week, but trials have since been
speeded up in several places and
the total number of executions
is now nearing 500.
Bishop Alberto Martin Villa-
verde of Matanzas, however, has
given the swift trials and harsh
sentences of the military courts
qualified approval. He said that
without them the relatives of
the 10,000 or 15,000 persons tor
tured or murdered during the
Batista era might have taken
justice into their own hands and
started a chain reaction of kil
lings that would have brought
death to many innocent people.
On the other hand, Catholics
have strongly criticized the cir
cus-like atmosphere surround
ing the trial in late January of
a Batista official, Sosa Blanco,
who was sentenced to death.
Many Catholics, too, find it
hard to justify the retrial of a
group of 43 airmen charged
with atrocities. They were first
brought to trial and acquitted
by Castro’s own military tribu
nal. Then, on the order of the re
volutionary leaders, they were
tried by another court and sen
tenced to stiff jail terms.
The question of the trials and
executions, however, is one in
which Catholic leaders do not
(Continued on Page 7)
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