Newspaper Page Text
PAGE 6—THE BULLETIN, January 23. I960
Automatic
Candy Company
of Columbus, Georgia
ays Cuba Reds Have
free Hand"
Their Hate And
icion
ED. BOUCHARD
HARRY KINNEY
BOUCHARD-KMNEY
ELECTRIC SUPPLY CO.
Wholesale Electrical Supplies
and Lighting Fixtures
P. O. BOX 1432 TELEPHONE FA. 7-2689
1448 TENTH AVENUE
COLUMBUS. GEORGIA
The writer of the follou’ing
article is editor of Noticias Cato-
licas, Spanish and Portuguese-
language service of the N.C.W.C.
News Service. Tie has returned
from his third visit to Cuba since
Fidel Castro came to power
there in January, 1959. The
findings he presents are hosed
on visits to five large Cuban
cities and a dozen villages and
towns, and conversations with
scores of persons in all ivalks of
life—both supporters and oppo
nents of Castro—including neu
tral observers and foreign dip
lomats.
By Jaime Fonseca
(N.C.W.C. News Service)
The communist conspiracy
may never control Cuba’s des
tines, but it is certainly stealing
its revolution.
This sums up the reaction of
A Credit to Our Growing Community!
Our New
ST. FRANCIS NURSING SCHOOL
And
PACELLI HIGH SCHOOL
Telephones: FAirfax 7-4444, FAirfax 7-0152
DINO PESCIA, OWNER
American Tile
& Marble Co.
2317 HAMILTON AVENUE
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA
many veteran observers of Cu
ban affairs to the Castro re
gime’s swing to the left.
The communists are making
the most of the freedom of ac
tion given them by Premier Fi
del Castro.
They have taken vital posi
tions in the government, the
land reform administration and
the army. They are using these
posts to step up the radical pace
of the world’s newest socialist
state by fostering class conflict
and infiltration among workers,
students and peasants. They are
spreading hatred and suspicion
among the traditionally good-
natured Cuban people.
Some observers believe this
tide can be reversed. All Pre
mier Castro has to do, they say,
is to repeat what he once said
about wanting “humanism” for
Cuba, not capitalism or com
munism. Then, such observers
say, the Reds will go into hid
ing.
An examination of the facts
shows this view to be naive.
For one thing, there is a for
mal understanding between the
Castro regime’s leaders and the
agents of international commu
nism, according to key men
close to the Castro brothers
during the underground days.
These men report that the un
derstanding dates from the
“black night” of the rebel forc
es in April, 1958. That “black
night” was marked by the fail
ure of a diversionary civilian
uprising in Havana because of a
lack of labor support. At that
time communist agents offered
a deal to Fidel Castro through
Carlos Rafael Rodriguez, now
editor of the communist daily,
Hoy. This agent had twice visit
ed the Castro rebel forces in
their hideout in the Sierra Mae-
stra mountains.
The deal gave the Castro
forces arms and men trained in
guerilla warfare. In exchange, it
gave the Reds a “green light”
for future activities, including
penetration of labor. The pact
was- signed at Kingston, Jamai
ca, where Fidel Castro is said to
have flown shortly after the
failure of the Havana uprising
he had planned.
Most of the eighty-odd gueril
la fighters provided by the com
munists were soon made officers
in the rebel army. They still
hold vital posts today.
Early in 1959 many Reds tried
unsuccessfully to take over sev
eral trade union headquarters
by violence, including those of
construction, oil and railroad
workers.
The Reds did succeed, how
ever, in destroying the incrimi
nating files of the secret police
of former President Fulgenio
Batista. They also managed to
have former officials who knew
the communist blueprint for
conquest imprisoned, and they
even had some of these shot dur
ing the wave of anti-Batista ex
ecutions.
Today the Reds are getting
ready to strike on their own if
armed violence breaks out in
Cuba. I was told that arms and
ammunition are being hidden in
the homes of Red leaders in Ha-
vanna and other cities. Many
fear that the new Castro-trained
militia of workers, students and
peasants may fall under com
munist leadership.
Soviet agents, money and
know-how are behind the local
Reds. Labor conventions and
commercial and other “techni
cal” missions provide a conven
ient means for these agents to
come and go. Some of them
made contact with Anastas I.
Mikoyan, Deputy Premier of
Soviet Union, during his recent
tour of Mexico.
The powerful National Insti
tute of Agrarian Reform (INRA)
has been using these “techni
cians.” Russian, Czech, Chinese,
Spanish and other Reds have
come to INRA training centers,
and dozens of them were later
given Cuban passports to travel
to other Latin American na
tions.
A man who was once in the
travel business estimated that in
1959 some 300 communist agents
entered Cuba apd that in the
same year more than 500 Cu
bans went to Russian, China or
other Red-dominated nations.
One reliable source asserted
that the Reds have spent more
than ten million dollars in Cuba
in the past 10 months.
On the other hand, a sales
man who travels in rural areas,
told me: “The Cuban people at
large will never go communist.
Nobody can forget what the
Reds did under Batista. They
Were his buddies.”
He handed me a copy of a
pamphlet that has a large circu
lation in the island. Entitled
“Batista, Father of Commun
ism.” It gives evidence of the
close relations that existed be
tween the ex-President and
such prominent Red leaders as
Carlos Rodriguez and Juan Mar-
inello, who at one time were
Batista’s cabinet aides.
In trying to gauge the extent
of the Red penetration at pre
sent and in discussing the situ
ation with people of various loy
alties, I found that these people
have differing ideas as to what
constitutes communism in Cuba.
Some have been influenced by
the propaganda of the ousted
Batista regime which saw the
Castro rebels as Reds. This im
age of communism, as synony
mous with the Castro revolution
has been spread by certain vest
ed interests abroad as well as in
Cuba, but is too broad and ma
lignant to be believed by many.
Another face of communism is
the one seen by large landhold
ers and the rich as well as poli
ticians who were active during
the Batista and earlier regimes.
These people see communism in
the social reforms of the Castro
regime and in the people’s cla
mor for social justice.
These ideas of communism
have led to still another image.
Many poor people hear the first
BEST WISHES
GENERAL CONTRACTORS
P. 0. BOX 1179
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA
fcwft groups' identification of
communism with the Castro re
gime and its social reforms. But
rather than oppose what they
are told is “communism,” the
farmer expecting to be given a
piece of land and the city work
er aided by low rents and other
benefits welcome it. “This is
good for us,” a poor seamstress
in Camaguey told me.
Then the large group of
Marxist intellectuals are seen
by many as “communists.” But
they themselves, including re
bel leaders, see communism
only as a tool, an ugly grimace
designed to scare off reaction
aries and imperialists.
The real face of communism
in Cuba — masked under the
People’s Socialist party — is a
compact, disciplined group of
some 20 top leaders, 200 activists
and about 20,000 followers. They
know what to do and where
to go.
Chief links between the So
cialist People’s party, which is
aided by Soviet agents, and Pre
mier Castro are Ministers of De
fense Raul Castro, the Premier’s
brother, and Ernesto “Che”
Guevara, head of the National
Bank of Cuba.
The Premier, who has used
the Red pattern in his drive for
power, is engaged in a danger
ous game of chess in which he
believes he can use the com
munists as his pawns.
The communists, however, are
also trying to use the Premier,
who is valuable to them because
of his electrifying power over
the masses. But he may well
prove to be expendable to them.
As a result of the dealings be
tween the regime and the com
munists, the Reds are able to do
the following things in Cuba.
-—They are training their own
guerillas and militia as well as
deeply penetrating the rebel
forces in all their branches. A
booklet written by Alberto
Bayo, a Spanish communist, is
now being used at army indoc
trination centers. It lists three
“monsters” that must be de
stroyed: capital, the Church, im
perialism.
—They are brainwashing
groups of selected officers at
isolated centers, one of them
near Varadero in Matanzas. “I
am scribbling this letter with
only half of my brain,” wrote a
captain. “My former loyalties
and sense of values are being
upset. I don’t even care for my
family any longer.”
—They are moving Marxists
into government posts as other
employees retire, are fired or
transferred.
—They are pushing' Red litera
ture into government schools,
military bases and farm groups.
Spanish translations of books
published by the Moscow Acad
emy of Sciences are promoted
by the regime’s “People’s Lib
raries” in many communities.
The Reds are also opening book
stores that sell leftist literature
at popular prices.
—They are gaining control of
several regional offices in
charge of the land reform pro
gram and cooperative farms and
are enforcing confiscation of
(Continued on Page 7)
4 i.i
&&■■:<$
W ««« <"•* •*',> ^ >
: •> ••
. .v.v.-.-.v.
■ .s. -> ■ ■■ ■: •• ■
■xxsex < s•.'■'wxv, 4ft <• -■> ,
MARXIST BOOKS IN CUBA — One of the many signs of
the deep communist infiltration in Cuba are these Marxist
works published by the Moscow Academy of Sciences and dis
tributed (in Spanish editions printed by the Reds in Mexico!
through the new People’s Libraries of the Fidel Castro regime,
and now being established in Cuban towns and villages as well
as large city sections. “The center of the Catholic Church, the
Vatican, is one of the most powerful capitalistic trusts of the
world,” reads one of the pages, of “Historic Materialism.” “The
Vatican has drenched its hands in complicity with the brutal
atrocities of the imperialist bourgeose against the people,” reads
another paragraph. — (NC Photos)
INCORPORATED
P. 0. BOX §88
COLUMBUS, GA.
Fred Carpenter
Co.
Contracting, Plumbing, Heating
and Air Conditioning
Dial FAirfax 3-7343
736 7th Street
P. O. Box 825
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA