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4 THE ATLANTIAN One thing is certain—we must have a change, or the city of Atlanta will in the next year or two come squarely up against the proposition of being unable to meet its liabilities. The chief trouble lies in the assessment. It seems to be the policy of our assessors to rate property low. As an illustration: The Mahoney property on Decatur Street sold recently at auction for $104,000. A member of the city council who has been inves tigating this question, informs us it has been assessed at $16,000! The Coker estate owns some lots on Pulliam Street, between Bass and Washington Terrace. It is doubtful if the managers of that estate would sell at any price—it is certain that they would not sell at any reasonable price. But these lots are returned for tax ation at $16 and $18 per front foot! These are but two cases taken at random from hundreds of others. The trouble grows out of the domination of city affairs by specu lative real estate interests. It is to their interest to make it appear abroad that Atlanta has a very low rate of taxation—and we, the people who live in Atlanta, must do without things we need in order that a good impression may be made abroad, and people drawn here to make profits for these speculators in real estate. It is not right—and everybody knows it’s not right. But these real estate gamblers are hung around our necks worse than ever the “old man of the sea” was hung on to Sinbad, and it looks as if the people would rise in desperation against our form of government in order to shake loose from this body of death. ; Take the matter of a crematory. It appears that we have no money with which to erect a pubic necessity. 155,000 people have their lives put in daily peril, because there is no money—and there IS no money because the real estate speculators must have low rates of taxation. Beautiful state of affairs! But the real estate speculators are making money. Who Will Be Governor It seems to be generally conceded that Governor-elect Hoke Smith will go to the United States Senate if he so desires. His election to the Senate will make the Honorable John M. Slaton acting- governor, by virtue of being president of the Senate. Several would-be candidates are already in training,* and have their heads about as well hidden from the public as the proverbial ostrich does when he buries his in the sand. Honorable John M. Slaton, Honorable Thomas Hudson, Honorable John C. Hart and Judge Richard B. Russell have been spoken of. It seems to be reasonably certain that Messrs. Slaton and Hud son will be candidates for the nomination, in the event of a vacancy; while Messrs. Hart and Russell are possibilities. Each of these has certain elements of strength. Mr. Slaton is strong in the cities-—a shrewd, capable politician who has always been able to land what he went after. Mr. Hudson is exceedingly strong in South Georgia, and is popular all over the State. It lias been a long time since South Georgia has had a Governor, and this would give him an added element of strength. He has made an efficient Commissioner of Agriculture, and has attractive personal qualities. Judge Hart has filled in a most capable and efficient manner the office of attorney-general; would make a good Governor, but is not a strong campaigner. When it comes to politics, he is a “babe in the woods”—and babes in the woods do not win political nominations—often. Judge Russell would be a formidable candidate. He is one of the best political campaigners in the State; has been in office ever since he was twenty-one years old—and holds on with a tenacity that makes it very difficult for his opponents to shake him loose. He is perhaps the luckiest man in Georgia politics; for some years back, when it appeared likely that there would be an interval be tween offices in his case, the Legislature kindly created a new court, into which he promptly slipped. A most interesting possibility is created by the statement that some of Governor Brown’s friends are determined that he shall enter the contest. Whether Mr. Brown would consent remains to be seen, but should he do so some of the other candidates would have to “sit up and take notice.” As Georgia apparently belongs to the reactionary group of States, Mr. Brown would naturally attract a strong following. Manoeuvring for 1912 It requires no seer to declare that most of the movements and debates in Washington at the present time are political rather than legislative or executive. All parties are very busily engaged in ma noeuvring for coigns and vantage for 1912. The Democrats are finding out the dubious advantages of a position of semi-responsi bility. They are exhibiting to the country indications of a spirit in the party, such as the Republicans are looking at with amused and delighted concern. If the Democratic party has stood for any one thing from the days of Grover Cleveland’s famous message in 1887 up to now, it is free wool. Free wool indeed is the corner stone of all Democratic and ultra-low tariff party principles. But however desirable free wool may be to the country at large, and particularly to the wage earners in reducing the price of their clothing, there is no doubt whatever that politically it is a very dangerous doctrine. There is no escaping the belief that free wool will Lose to the Democrats some of the sheep-raising States of the North which they must have to win. Thus the Democratic party at the outset of the campaign of 1912—for this is really the out set—is confronted with the problem of expediency, which has brought disaster upon every party in the history of the country. If the Democrats' really believe in free wool they ought to stick to it no matter what it costs. But no such virtue has inhered in that party. But aside from the issues for the next campaign there is even speculation regarding candidates. It is surprising to us here, so remote are we from political centres, to learn that there is still a thought among Republicans that President Taft will not be nom inated. Mr. Roosevelt has, for example, conceded that Taft would secure a second nomination and has not attempted in any way to block the path of his protege, however much the latter’s course has disappointed him. But there are many Republicans, particu larly in the West, who are not reconciled to Taft. The tendency toward La Folette, which seems unwise to most Republicans in this neighborhood, is favored by a very large number of political leaders west of the Alleghany Mountains. This in spite of La Folette’s plain unpopularity with many of his own associates in the Senate, and in spite of the impossibility today of figuring out any chance for his securing anything like a majority of the votes in the convention. The La Folette movement, however, is not so strong as the progressive movement, and there are many progres- sive-idead men who believe that Mr. Taft has recently come into their camp. But the stupid speech of Attorney-General Wickersham the other night denouncing some of the principles for which the insurgents stand—the initiative,- the referendum and the recall— and the leaders advocating them, is likely to prove to be as serious a blunder as a speech of his in Chicago about a year or so ago on the same line. If the President wishes to gain any support at all from progressives it would be well for him to call off Mr. Wickersham immediately. The most serious part of this situation is that without the aid of the progressives it will be impossible for Mr. Taft to win. A recent recapitulation of the strength of the Insurgents in the House, made by Medill McCormick, shows that whereas they had twenty- three among the 219 Republicans in the last Congress, they now have fifty-five out of a Republican vote in the House of 162. If this estimate is correct it simply shows that the strength behind these Republicans is too great to be ignored. On the ability of Mr. Taft to secure any sort of support from this faction depends whatever chances he has for re-election next year. There has been