Newspaper Page Text
Morehouse Wins Opener
by Michael Huffman
The opening game of the
1981 Morehouse College
football season against
Albany State, answered many
questions about whether our
team was stable enough to
win. Although the game con
sisted of many mistakes by
both teams, the Tigers
showed that they could come
from behind to win a game.
Albany started a drive late
in the first quarter, but that
drive was stopped when
defensive back, Daryl
Hawkins, intercepted an
Albany pass on Morehouse's
44 yard line. Morehouse's
offense then went to work
and moved the ball to the
Albany 1 yard line. On the
next play, running back,
Ashley Lareese, ran the ball in
for the first touchdown of the
game. At the end of the first
quarter, Morehouse led
Albany 6-0.
(Photo by Brevard)
In the second quarter
Albany took advantage of a
pass interference call and
moved 'the ball to More
house's 1 yard line. An offside
penalty by Albany moved the
all back to the 6 yard line, but
on the next play Albany
scored a touchdown and
converted the point after
attempt. At halftime, Albany
led by a score of 7-6.
(Continued on page 7)
Vol. 81, Number 9 Morehouse College October 5,1981
Second Annual Black College Day
Tony Brown's Journal
Black College Day '81, the
second annual march and
rally, took place on Monday,
Sept. 28, in the 6-states under
the gun of so-called desegre
gation (assimilation) orders of
Justice Department lawsuits
which force the black public
colleges to become white and
white colleges to remain
white.
Anticipating the new con
servative emphasis of Presi
dent Ronald Reagan's
"federalism" — the return of
greater spending power to the
states — The Project '81
Coalition for Black Colleges,
sponsor of the highly success
ful Black College Day '80 in
Washington, D C., last year,
focused on statewide organ
izations in the 15 states
where the greatest peril to
the public black colleges
exist: Alabama, Arkansas,
Florida, Georgia, Kentucky,
Louisiana, Maryland, Mississ
ippi, North Carolina, Okla
homa, Pennsylvania, South
Carolina, Tennessee, Texas
and Virginia.
Much of the opposition to
black colleges comes from a
few of the presidents of these
schools who are either out of
step with the times or are
political opportunists whose
major survival tool is
demagoguery.
Although the Reagan
administration has sent
mixed signals on their inte
gration plans previously
adopted by the Carter admin
istration to bring a majority
white faculty and student
body to black campuses, it
has been consistent in its
efforts to carry out then-
candidate Ronald Reagan's
promise to give black
colleges a larger share of the
total federal higher educa
tion budget.
In Jimmy Carter's first year,
he reduced the black college
share to 4.8 percent from 5.2
percent under President Ford.
When Carter's inept perform
ance ended, blacks were get
ting only 4.1 percent. That
was the sorry record that
Ronald Reagan promised the
Coalition for Black Colleges
— in writing — that he would
top.
Area of conflict
There are two major areas
of conflict between the black
community and the federal
government, regardless of
which party is in power; 1) the
share of the total federal
education budget allocated
to black colleges, and 2) the
interpretation of the Adams
case on desegregation by the
Office of Civil Rights of the
Department of Education.
On the former point, the
Reagan people must exceed
the Carter promises or
embarrass the president and
damage his credibility with
black America. Of a constant
$120 million allocation for
Title III under Carter in 1978,
blacks got 42.5 percent and a
paltry 14.3 percent in 1980.
Reagan's Department of Edu
cation proposes an increase
to 41.3 percent in 1982.
On the threat that the inter
pretation of "desegregation"
schemes which will comply
with Jack Greenberg's
NAACP Legal Defense and
Education Fund (LDF), the
Department of Education
seems to be resisting that old
policy of destroying the
chances of a higher
education for black students
by eliminating the source
from which America gets
over 50 percent of its black
college graduates each year.
A transfer of power back
to the states will make the
state governors, legislators
and boards of higher educa
tion the overseers of a new
plantation system. For
example, the state board of
higher education in Ohio has
decided that the president of
Central State University is too
committed to the survival of
his school as an institution
for blacks and some members
are threatening to not renew
his contract next year.
Ohio Gov. James A.
Rhodes, however, talks about
the school's "rich black
heritage" and denies that this
mission is one of segrega-
tional. CSU's predominantly
black enrollment is, "the free
choice of young men and
women in Ohio." The
national alumni of CSU is
politically active in the state
and nationally defending the
college and the right of free
choice in higher education.
ON THE INSIDE ...
Mayoral candidates speak out
in King Chapel
... see page 2
The Maroon Tiger is under the services
of a new Editor
. . . see page 2
Morehouse alumnus makes big
in Rome, Italy
. .. see page 7
Football picks for the week of
October 3,1981
. . . see page 7
(photo by Brevard)