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ree Zionism from Politics
Z IONISM has challenged all prevailing
theories of territorial right, in view of a
unique religious and cultural mission. Re
garded as an article of Jewish faith, the claim is,
subjective. It ceases to he subjective when that
mission or some part of it becomes an article of
faith to the wider world, as when France, the
United States, Arabia, can say with Great Britain,
We believe in the mission of the Jewish people.
A claim of “right” can substantiate itself just so
far as this wider persuasion is forthcoming. Sup
pose, then, that we should attempt to adjudge
rights in Palestine, apart from all Balfour docu
ments or M’Mahon scrip, with the sole question
in mind, how can that soil best be used—the total
interest of mankind being considered? What
guidance could we get
from this view?
First, Palestine is a
land of interest to three
great living faiths. Each
one of these may regard
itself as able to make the
best use of the land; no
one of the three is quali
fied to act as sole judge
in its own case. But,
since the use in question
is primarily religious,
any one of the three
is clearly disqualified
which aims to exclude or
dominate the others. Re
sult: no one of the three
may be in exclusive con
trol ; Christian, Moslem
and Jew r must recognize
the separate status of
Palestine and accept
whatever consequences
this fact may have for
their national aspira
tions.
Second, Palestine is
indivisible. Each faith
is interested in all of it
and in free movement to
all parts. Cantonization
is offensive from every
point of view; and those who propose it thereby
show themselves spurious guardians.
Third, rights in Palestine have nothing to do
with the results of war. Neither the Allies nor
the League nor any other grouping of mankind
is competent to dispose of it on military or political
grounds. The idea of settling the status of Pales
tine by consulting the written promises given by
Cireat Britain or by all the Allies to one group
and to another is the height of solemn imperti
nence. As conqueror, the Allies have the power
to do what they will; if they consult right, they
will regard Palestine as belonging primarily to the
religious interests of humanity.
If these interests remain disunited, the Powers
will consider them politically, that is, in proportion
to the aggressive pressure they exert. 1 should
like to join a group to assert these interests col
lectively, a group of Jews, Moslems and Chris
tians, resolved to prevent as far as possible that
secularizing and industrializing of the country to
which the imperial interests of Great Britain and
the economic drive of political Zionism are alike
committed. I can imagine such a group addressing
the political Zionists in this vein:
“We desire the revival of Palestine, in the line
of its own genius. Carry there the best you know ?
of the arts of life; but conduct your social labora
tories elsewhere, where they are favored by
By William Ernest Hocking
-x
Professor Hocking’s (Professor of Philosophy,
Harvard University) recent statement about the
dangers of political Zionism created a stir in
Jewish ranks. The views of this distinguished
American thinker were assailed by the foremost
Zionist leaders because of their startling frank
ness. Through the courtesy of the MacMillan
Company we present this sensational article deal
ing with Professor Hocking’s conception of Zion
ism. It forms a chapter of his book, “The Spirit
of World Politics."—The Editor.
Palestinian architecture dominates, even in Paris, France. The structure
Pavilion at the French Colonial Fair held sometime ago closely resembles
natural conditions and where they do not disfigure
and secularize. To have meaning for the modern
world, these social experiments must be in the
heart of it, not artificially fostered in a remote
place. Your Einsteins cannot go to Palestine;
they must live in the atmosphere of scientific con
centration, amongst colleagues. Your Bergsons
cannot go there; they must live where they can
sense by intuition the elan vital of contemporary
life. Your great artists cannot live in Palestine,
if they have something to say to this age. Industry
and finance on the modern scale cannot find a
center there, a land without fuel, w-ithout ores,
and with meager power. To our minds, the
poverty of Palestine is its preservation. We do
not w’ant Palestine spoiled, and your attempt, if
you persist, will merely spoil it and not satisfy
yourselves. Bethink yourselves in time and save
yourselves and humanity that distress and loss.
Spiritualize your conception of the National
Home, and for the earthly Zion accept the achiev
able symbol in place of the inachievable completion.
Build your communities there, but let them not
be closed groups—let them be communities that
mingle actually with their neighbors, as befits
those who w’ould understand and interpret.
Strengthen that magnificent university, with its
broad conception of its mission, with its scientific
ministration to the needs of the people and to the
historical interests of the Moslem and the Chris
tian as well as of the Jew\ Through tl it uni
versity and its affiliated institutions, let the
w isdom show itself a comprehensive wis loin in
which all creeds and races may find sus' •nance
‘And all nations shall flow into it. And man
people shall go and say, Come ye and let us •
up to the mountain of the Lord, to the h »u$e < •
the God of Jacob; and He will teach us of Hi*
ways, and we will walk in His paths.”’
And to the Arabs of Palestine and beyond, it
might say:
“With you, we record our rejection of Jewafc
domination in Palestine. We reject also the
political domination of any faith, Christian «
Moslem, in that land. We wish to assume the
Moslem inhabitants of
Palestine of the ecqrih
of their possessions and
of their ways of |jfr;
they shall not b<* placed
at a disadvantage by am
act of any western
Power. We requev
your aid in maintaining
the spirit of reverence in
this ancient land. To
achieve this, we call up
on you to lay aside the
spirit of exclusivenc*
proper to the older era
af Islamic life, and adopt
the spirit of cooperation
proper to the newer
stage. Recognize the re
ligious element in other
religions, the common
bond among mankind
constituted by the wor
ship of God, and the
peculiar bond between
the three religions who*
common tradition cen
ters in this place. Wel
come the situation which
has brought the piety’ ot
Jew and Moslem to
agree in honoring the
site of the Temple:
make it easy instead of difficult for your Jewish
brethren to worship at the Wailing Wall. Cea*
to annoy them there, without profit to yourselves.
Allow’ Palestine to be set apart among the re
ligions of the earth, not for the imperial aims ot
any nation, and not to the disadvantage of the
new Arabia, but as a shrine and place of pilgrimage
in perpetuity, a meeting place for the spirits of East
and West.”
As to the administration of Palestine, there
must be a political order there; and this order
must be either national or international. 1 heo-
retically an international administration as con
templated by the Sykes-Picot program w’ould show
the needed hospitality of interest. On the othe'
hand, it w’ould suffer the curse of neutrality, which
might bring with it a fatal indifference to an'
religious interest as outside the political province.
These deeper concerns are better secured by a
Power w’hich unites a positive appeciation of fait*
wfith a w’ide toleration of temper. No Power, to
my mind, fulfills these conditions so well as Great
Britain—on one of the tw’o sides w’hich she >how>
in Palestine.
On one side, Great Britain is acting as a faith
ful custodian of the wider human interest
is conserving the monuments, clearing the wa
of the city, preventing alterations within the walk
w ithout official approval, (Please turn to p<i r * 1®'
of the Palestine
Rachel's Tomb.
[6]
* THE SOUTHERN ISRAELITt