Newspaper Page Text
8
was
When Passover
turned
into
by HERBERT LEE
The High Holy Day season in
the year of America’s observance
of the centennial of the Civil War
is a fitting time to recall once more
the affinity between the American
Jews and that great, tragic figure
of our history, Abraham Lincoln.
For affinity there was. Indeed,
Emanuel Hertz, an Austrian-born
Jew who had become one of the
greatest of Lincoln biographers,
has drawn a close parallel between
Lincoln and two men outstanding
in Jewish history. Hertz saw Lin
coln’s philosophy as resembling
the beliefs of Hillel: he deemed
Lincoln’s life as the rebirth of a
modern Moses.
It is no wonder then that some
Jewish historians have noted that,
when the word had spread on that
fateful day in April, 1865, that
Lincoln had been assassinated,
joyous Passover services had sud
denly taken on the aspect of Yom
Kippur solemnity. Lincoln, mur
dered in the middle of Passover of
that year, was mourned with great
pain and deep travail in every
synagogue and temple in the
United States — in the South as
well as in the rest of the country.
When the martyd President’s
remains were being carried on that
sad ride, memorialized by Walt
Whitman, from Washington to
burial at Springfield, a committee
of Springfield citizens accompanied
the fallen leader. A member of that
committee was a Jew, an old friend
of Lincoln’s, one who had called
frequently at the White House as
a friend of the Chief Executive
between 1861 and 1865 — Julius
Hammers bo rough.
Lincoln had many other Jewish
friends. Among them was Abra
ham Kohn, city clerk of Chicago
and president of Kehilath Anshe
Ma’ariv, the oldest Jewish syna
gogue in Illinois; “Dtyvis N. Dem-
bitz of Kentucky and Morris
Pinner of Missouri, delegates to the
convention which nominated Lin
coln as the Republican candidate
for the Presidency in 1850; Abra
ham Jonas of Quincy, one of Lin
coln’s closest political allies in
Illinois; the somewhat enigmatic
podiatrist from New York, Isacahar
Zacharia, whom historians con
sider one of Lincoln’t personal Liai
son men with the Confederacy
(and probably a spy for the North)
and many others.
But Lincoln's place among the
Jews rested on a foundation much
firmer than mere personal friend
ship with some individual Jews.
His was far from a case of a politi
cian who could boast “some of my
best friends are Jews.” Lincoln,
when it came to some extremely
vital issues, acted on behalf of the
Jews of America, as in the case
of the shameful command by a
man who was in every other re
spect one of our greatest heroes of
the Civil War — General Ulysses
S. Grant. In an order aimed at
stopping traders from dealing with
the South in violation of the block
ade, General Grant issued an order
declaring: “The Jews as a class,
violating every regulation of trade
established by the Treasury and
also (Army) department orders,
are hereby expelled from the de
partment within 24 hours of the
receipt of this order.”
The reaction, once the phrasing
of the order became known, was
swift and explosive. The very
active Jewish press protested vig
orously. Delegations were formed
to contact the President in person.
Cesar Kaskel, from Paducah, Ken
tucky, received an appointment
with Lincoln. He protested against
the Jews being attacked by a gen
eral “as a class.” The following
colloquy took place between Lin
coln and Kaskel:
Lincoln: “And so the children of
Israel were driven from the land
of Canaan.”
Kaskel: “Yes, and that is why
they have come to Father Abra
ham’s bosom to seek protection.”
Lincoln: “And this protection
they shall have.”
Four days later, the general-in
chief of the Northern Armies, Gen
eral Halleck, directed Grant to
revoke the order, explaining that
the President found such revoca
tion necessary because the order
“proscribed an entire religious
class, some of whom are fighting
in our ranks.”
Another major issue concerned
the question as to whether Jews
were considered first-class or sec
ond-class citizens. Congress had
passed an act providing for the
appointment of army chaplains.
But the law provided specifically
that chaplains must be members
of some Christian denomination.
When the “Cameron Dragoons,”
a New York regiment composed
largely of Jews, elected a Jew as
chaplain. Secretary of War Simon
Cameron — the very man after
whom the regiment was named —
declined to issue a commission to
the Jew selected — a Rev. Arthur
Fischel.
There were wide protests by
Jews — supported by the non-Jew-
ish press and the general public.
This time, too, the matter was
taken directly to the President,
who wrote to Rabbi Fischel: “I
shall try to have a new law, broad
enough to cover what is desired by
you in behalf of the Israelites.”
It took a little time. Congress
then, as now, was slow moving.
Finally, however, within three
months after Lincoln’s promise,
Congress made good, amending the
earlier chaplaincy act and author
izing the employment of brigade
chaplains “one or more of whom
shall be of Catholic, Protestant or
Jewish religion.”
These were but two instances of
Lincoln’s concern for the welfare,
rights and civic status of all
Americans, Jews included. It is no
wonder then that his tragic death
was marked by the Jews with pro
found grief.
On April 15, 1865, Sabbath eulo
gies were made in every synagogue
and temple in the country. In most
of the synagogues it was the first
time the solemn prayer for the
dead had been said for one who
was not a professing Jew.
Throughout the country, during y*
the following week, special serv
ices were held in all synagogues.
The American Jews were mourn
ing not only a great President -
they were mourning a great libera
tor, another Moses.
One of the great monument ; to
Abraham Lincoln is the heroic
bronze of the Emancipator in
Cleveland. Fittingly, a Jewish
artist — the great sculptor Max
Kalish — designed that status
Jews,-perhaps the world ' cr,
certainly in America, know nat
Lincoln belongs to them too in
the spirit of Hillel.
The Southern Isr, lite
Yom Kippur