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time ruling the world.
The Enlarged Jewish Agency
I was Weizmann’s colleague in
the Zionist Executive in London
during the years 1921-1923. Our
views differed on questions of
organization, in particular with
regard to the “Enlarged Jewish
Agency,” which Weizmann was
planning at that time. I did not
think much of this scheme and I
believe that later developments
proved me right. I said to him:
“Dr. 'Weizmann^ your ‘non-Zion
ist’ half of the Jewish Agency
lacks organizational shape, con
sisting "as it does, only of some
Jews with money who happened
to be picked up by chance. It has
no ‘hinterland’.” Dr. Weizmann
could not be deflected from his
preconceived opinion. The Zionist
Organization which I wanted to
see great and strong, did not mean
very much to him. All he saw
were the urgent tasks in Pales
tine and the lack of funds of his
own organization, and so he
pinned his hopes on the “big
Jews.” He enlisted the support of
-some of them and so got some
money, but a few years after its
foundation the “Enlarged Jewish
Agency” petered out. Its only
representative in the Executive in
Jerusalem was—a young Zionist,
Dr. Werner Senator. Not a single
one of the courted “big Jews”
could be induced to join the
Zionist Executive and transfer his
residence to Jerusalem.
This conflict with Weizmann
induced me to resign in 1923 and
to return to Germany. After two
years I joined the Revisionist
Union founded by Jabotinsky,
but left it again in 1932 when
Jabotinsky, whom I counted
among my close personal friends,
insisted on seceding from the
World Zionist Organization and
setting up the “New Zionist Or
ganization.”
Final Aim
At the Congress of 1931 I made
a speech In which I demanded
the passing of a resolution backed
net only by the Revisionists but
also by other groups, clearly ex
pressing the final aim of Zionism.
This was the reaction to a defeat
ist trend prevailing at that time
in particular among German and
Czechoslovak Zionists, which had
turned away from the original
Zionist aim of a “Jewish State”
and even from that of the “Na
tional Home” and was operating
on politically hopeless phrases,
like: “bi-national State” and
“neither dominate nor be domin
ated.” The Congress was in an
uproar because Weizmann had
stated in a rather rash interview
that we did not need a majority
in Palestine. That was too much
even for many adversaries of Re
visionism. I tried to prove in my
address that we had been right
in Turkish times to work without
openly proclaiming our final aim,
but that after the Balfour Dec
laration and under the British
Mandate a disavowal of our aims
was tantamount to political sui
cide. Weizmann listened atten-
tvely and said to me: “You have
made a noble speech,” although
we were in two opposite camps.
He was always ready to listen to
the arguments of his adversaries
and even to appreciate them, if
they were to the point. He never
bore a personal grudge and petty
animosity was unkown to him.
On the other hand, he made use
of people and soon afterwards,
when he no longer needed them,
he forgot or dropped them. This
was not lack of faith, but a re
sult of the heavy responsibility
that weighed on his shoulders
which induced him to treat people
like test tubes in a chemical lab
oratory, to utilize and to discard
them once they had outlived their
usefulness for him and for his
cause. On the other hand, his
nervous nature was always in
need of some friend to comfort
him in difficult hours. In these
years in London, Bethold Feiwel
was such a friend. Sometimes,
however, he chose for this func
tion people who were too insigni
ficant to be of real help.
Partition
At the end of the '30’s, when I
had settled in Palestine, I met
Weizmann again. The old con
flicts had long ago been forgotten,
and the Movement was confront
ed by new tasks. When the Ac
tions Committee discussed the
Peel Report, I came out against
Ussishkin and for the Partition
Scheme. This appearance gained
me the appreciation of Weizmann
and of a great section of the Left
Weizmann immediately entrusted
me with a political mission: an
old expert on Turkey, I was to go
to Ankara in order to probe the
mood prevailing in the Turkish
capital and to enlist the support
of that country for Partition in
the event of a vote in the League
of Nations. This is not the place
to describe the course of that
mission and its results, but from
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The Southern Israelite