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THE SOUTHERN ISRAELITE
Friday, Oct. 10, 1969
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BULKHEAD
DATE LINE JERUSALEM —
Nasser- itis
By ELIAHU SALPETER
So suspicious are political ob
servers in the Middle East that
when Cairo officially announced
in September that President Nas
ser was ill and under the care
of three doctors, people began to
speculate that he was not ill at
all, and that his medical troubles
were just a political gimmick to
help him out from one of the
tight spots he is now in.
Indeed, Nassser has plenty of
reasons not to feel well these
days. His attempt to utilize the
fire in the El Aksa Mosque in
Jerusalem for the convening of
an Arab Summit_ Conference
failed.? For two years Nasser has
been trying to promote such a
meeting. A “summit” meeting
was held in Khartoum after the
Six-Day War in 1967 and Egypt
and Jordan succeeded in putting
the squeeze on the oil-rich Arab
countries which since then have
been provided close to $300 mil
lion annually to the “victims of
Israel aggression,” to compensate
them for the financial losses
(tourism that dwindled, Suez
Canal revenues that ceased) suf
fered as a result of Arab defeat
in June, 1967.
Nasser’s propaganda organs
made no secret of the Egyptian
view that the “haves” should
contribute to the “have-nots”
much more than was agreed at
Khartoum. For this very rea
son, the rich “non-socialist” Arab
rulers showed very little inter
est in Nasser’s summitry plans,
being less than keen on increas
ing the payment of what is actu
ally “protection money” to Nas
ser. It almost looked as if the
El Aksa fire would compel the
other Arab rulers to give in to
Nasser’s demands, but King Fei-
sal of Saudi Arabia (who would
be target No. 1 for any money
demands by Nasser) proved him
self smarter than the Egyptian.
Instead of an Arab summit, he
proposed and pushed through the
idea of a Moslem Summit. At
such a big conclave Nasser would
not be the dominant figure and
the subject would have to be, at
least officially, the fate of the
Moslem holy places rather than
the Israel-Arab conflict in its en
tirety. All this would make pres
sure by the two “have-nots”
much less effective than in a
purely Arab conclave.
Nasser’s next move was to ask
for a postponement of the Mos
lem summit, osternsibly because
he would be on his official visit
to the Soviet Union at that time.
But the organizing committee ig
nored Nasser’s suggestion and de
cided to hold the meeting in
O'
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Rabat as scheduled. Next came
the official announcement from
Cairo Ihat Nasser was not leav
ing for Moscow nor does he in
tend to in the near future. It
was obvious that the trip was
cancelled in the last moment, but
by which side and why?
There are several theories to
explain the matter. One of the
more plausible ones is that Mos
cow was not particularly inter
ested in having Nasseiv there and
be obliged to promise him fur
ther large quantities of arms at
a time when Mr. Gromyko hoped
to present his best peace-loving
face in New York and Washing
ton. Therefore, the theory goes,
Moscow asked Nasser to post
pone his visit. What with Israeli
Premier Golda Meir going to
Washington and the first Phan
tom jets arriving in Israel, Nas
ser wanted to go to Russia very
much to give some boost to his
waning prestige. When the in
vitation was postponed, Nasser
decided to play the insulted
party and say that he did not
plan to go at all. These events
did not make him more eager to
appear at the Moslem summit
and an announcement of a mal
ady apparently was to be the
most effective wav to gain time.
However, at home pressures
are mounting. Nasser’s policy of
a “war of attrition” against Is
rael has not only failed to show-
results but has started to back
fire. Israel has hit back deep
inside Egypt, demonstrating
more and more the gap between
the boasts and the facts about the
capabilities of the Egyptian
army. Israel’s “ten-hour inva
sion” of the west bank of the
Gulf of Suez obviously was more
than what the officers could play
down in their reports to Nasser
and what Nasser’s propaganda
machine could deny to the Egyp
tian public. Nasser was com
pelled to fire his Chief of Staff
and the Commander of his Navy.
This, on top of a fairly large-
scale purge in the Army (follow
ing rumors of an assasination
plot) caused further demorali
zation in the Egyptian military.
In addition to all this, there
are mounting indications that
friction between Egyptian offi
cers and officials, on the one
hand, and Russian military advis
ers and Soviet diplomats in
Cairo, is attaining critical pro
portions.
All in all, Nasser is in a big
ger mess than at any time since
lie lost the June war. Yet, al
though lus position is more shaky
than ever, he has proved several
times his extraordinary capacity
lor political survival: It would
be, therefore, premature to bet
on his downfall in the near fu
ture.
(Copyright, 1969—JTA)
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