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ANSWERS Received by flic Richmond Com mittee of Correspondence, n 111 subject of JYuHiflrution. Albemarle Countv, Va., Sept, 4, 1832. Gentlemen: I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your circular of the 20th nit. Iienr- ingtho Augusta post mark ofthe 24th. You ask moat tho instance of a public mooting of in v fellow citizens of Richmond County, to com municate to them, through you, iny sentiments in regard to Nullification, and forward me tho proceedings of the meeting, ns the host ex planation of the acts and motives of those who composed it. Such a request, so urged, de mands, for my own credit, tin immediate nnd ex plicit answer. The election is rapidly approach ing, and any intentional delay or disguise, would be inconsistent with iny habits, and unworthy of your Representative, I consider nullification ns a proposed remedy for the evils ofthe tariff, unsound in theory, and unsafe in practice. This opinion, proiiably o' little conscquonco to anyone hut mvself.thougli uttered frnnkly, is I hope without any tinge of arrogance or dogmatism. Having answered tho question put to me, ns one in the catalogue of candidates, I might, if this were an ordinary occasion, lie permitted to conclude, with thojtpproved formula, of grati tude nnd devotion to iny generous constituents, and to tho personal friends, through whom lh< ir communication has been made. Hut the time —tho circumstances—tho great interests at stake—tho danger of tho crisis to our comitiy and the cause of freedom—all admonish me not to deal in tho common places of holiday ceremo ny, or to shelter myself behind dry nnd barren generalities. My sentiments are not, demanded, on account of any personal suspicion, or tho apprehension of peculiar danger from nullification in (‘ongre They have been required most probably from a flattering hut mistaken estimate of their possible influence with the public; ami as in our day arid land, every man judges, well, or ill, tbr himself, you look not fer opinions only,hut some reasons tu support them. Though usually regarding the insignificance of mero party controversies with contempt, and their intolcmnco and malignity with disgust,eve ry personal wish, and taste and feeling, is lost in a question like the present. Its intrinsic magnitude and enduring effects no one will de ny; and my views of it, although neither novel or profound, are due to the solicitation of a com munity among whom the bust and longest part of my life lias past, in tho interchange of mutual good will, and to you, the compan ions of fny youth or boyhood. In such an intercourse concealments would he pitiful —professions misplaced. Thoughts opened without rcservo—emotions the deeper for sup pression, may ho safely commend 'd to the fa vourable interpretation of men, whose experi ence of tho world, must ere this have taught them, there is ulways least heart where there is most tongue. It iH impossible for me to defend, palliate or deny tho evils of a protective tariff. Atcvcrv stago of my political life I have borne testimony against them. But I cannot—dmo not say, they are unendurable—irremediable—or entire ly to bo imputed to tho grasping avarice of any portion of our country. Writing within view of Montici'.i.lo, once the home and now thegrav of Jefferson, I may not proliino t!i breathe with the language of submission. Nei ther must I hear talsc witness against my neigh bour, for Hid name reminds me, thut some live and twenty yoars ago, the Patriarch of Ameri can Freedom, assisted by Southern politicians laid in tho exclusion of all commerce with for eign nations, the foundation of protection to do mestic manufactures. “ We must bring our workshops from Europe!”'—“Wo must not con- sumo tho productions of those who injure and insult us.”—“ Perish Commerce! let our con stitution live I”—Such was the langiiage which for years found nn echo in every southern bo som, from thu Potomac, to tho Mississippi - Such was tho feeling that bore us through Em- bargu—Non-Intercourso—Non-Itnportatinu— War. Need I tell you, gentlemen, that it was southern votes which, in eighteen hundred and and sixteen, carried n tariff partly lur revenue, partly protective, against the strenuous opposi tion oftho navigating interest? And must I protest, even to you, that this recapitulation, is lint made to defend or accuse, tho post, or the present—to ineulpato or exculpate, any man, or party, or people—hut simply because it is truth. “The thorns we reap, are ofthe tree we planted,” they may not wound us the less; lint surely we have nu right to impute nil the injury to others. I do not say wo ought to hear them patiently—or at all. 1 will not presume to tell a whole commonwealth what it can or cannot bear. But I will recall to the recollection »| my countrymen, even at the risk of some odium to myself, that the manufacturing states were made such by our legislation. We destroyed their shipping and they turned to manufactures, Must wo destroy their munuiiicturcs that they may return to their shipping. It is natural enough Unit wc should seek to re move restrictions which ure hurtful to uur indus, try but it is equally natural they should strive to retain what they imagine beneficial to theirs. Considering when—by whom—and under what circumstances they were imposed, it is asking too much of human uaturc, to expect they will be readily abandoned. A part cf the population on which they were forced, once tpoke of seceding from the Union if they wrre persisted in. But the union has survived tlicir discontent. They converted our folly to their benefit ', and now tre meditate secession unless they will instantly relinquish their advantage. Perhaps they have enjoyed it long enough. Pcmapa they havomorc than indemnilieU them selves for the losses.which we made them suf fer. Certainly our injustice, if wo committed anjt cannot justify theirs. Most undoubtedly the interchange of wrong for wrong Is impolitic —inhuman—unchristian. Still the practical question recurs: Must we not suffer something from our own imprudence? Can wc expert tnrkmf concession? Shall wc not be aMji&ed •mpoiling lawfully, or illicitly, in goods or in ) tic opposition. The consequence*.are ob\tons, | most proper course to be pursued under present specie, the oofrexpoiiding millions for which it and ( am not insensible to them. No uavigu- j cxegencies. 1 hat tho burdens of the General is exchanged, must at no distant day oeca-ion tor, howerer skillful, can trim his sails to every J Government are not equitably apportioned new reduct ons of our imposts. Hut before, wind at once. I have but one consolation. 11 seems to me to admit of no doubt.' '1 hr prosem and above all, if we are riglit we have the wea-; have not sought to catch any. Mv notions be-1 Tariff Law, contemplating (he protection of n:a n . pons which seldom fail. 'Am I asked when did ing probably in many respects disrellished by nil | factures, is not founded in u spirit of constitu! reason nnd justice conquer interest and preju- parties, will, at least, not draw down on mo the j tional justice, an 1 operates unequally and op. dice? I point to) all triumphs of Truth and suspicion of seeking popularity, the last worst pressively upon the South. Under this state of Time. To a reform in the English reforma- j ridicule that can lie-tail one; whose honest am-1 things, these questions present themselves; \\ don restoring civil privileges to'a persecuted bition is much more to servo his countrymen | shall be done! To what means shall we resort sect—to such an extension of the elective (ran-, than to please them. for tho purpose of treeing ourselves from t|jj s ehise, as Chatham dared nut meditate, endI have thus, gentlemen, endeavoured to per- system of injustice and oppression ? Are our Fox could not accomplish. To revolutions i form what it is presumed was expected of me. I grievances so intolerable, our liberties so much iiimuicr madness ofdriv- [less bloody, nnd codes less barbarous—to the i In such communications, it is hard to avoid j infringed, and that constitution which is the basis me nut of constitutional! liberty of the press—to our own institutions, the j speaking more ol one’s sell, than is either plea- ol our free system ot government, so grossly, sq restrictions mid concurring majorities! Man’s! hope nnd admiration of all that i> liberal in isant or graceful. I on, I am sure, will he the J dangerously, and so palpably violated and di«- universal, eternal laws, are those of I! i \ snv, or in Christendom—in a word, to the extended and ; first to pardon the egotism into which you have i regarded, os to demand a resort to violent and JIaiiit, or Force, All the checks and haiaii- extending empire of opinion. ! betrayed me; for few know belter, how humbly forcible means to obtain redress, that might,and ees of government, practically resolve them-1 We have heard to be sine, that a total, inline-! I estimate mysell and iiiy opinions, ft is use- in.all .probability would, result in a dissolution of selves into these: nnd every other device for} diate, unconditional abandonment of the prinei- j 'ess to wish that more time had bamr allowed j this (inioii! 1 his last is, to me, a question of to win back again, step by step, and with the arms of truth and reason, the ground which we lost by an abandonment of both ? But are we to endure forever? What right have we to expect relief from those who are in terested to oppress us ? This is mv answer.— Either the theory office trade is not Hue; or if true, it must ultimately triumph. If we asstitn" that man cannot distinguish right from wrong, truth from error—is incapable of self government—w ill not pursue his own happiness—or can promote it by injustice, *>ur| institutions are a lie,and a federal representativ rcpublick, the very ini' oiling imbecility. T< bending the w ill of the greater, tt smaller number, however subtle and ingenious, is too delicate to be useful, l!ail habit ' stablish- ed nullification as a remedy for federal usurpa tions, it might be submitted to, ju»t us long a the constitution could remain unaltered, hilt u longer. If it is so hard for a minority to sub- mil, would the hardship be diminished if a ma jority had to bear it! From habit however, nul lification has no sanction. Is it an appeal to the Reason ofthe Tariff slates! After tho ob noxious law has been solemnly annulled as un constitutional by one member of the confedera cy—in an assembly ofthe whole collected peo ple, unanimous, if you plcasr—nnd until the re quisite majority ofthe other states decide wheth er it is constitutional or not, is the offensive sta tute to lie operative er inoperative on tho state which has annulled it! To concede i»s opera tion, would bo n solecism reducing the proposed remedy to a more formal method oi' remon strance. To suspend its execution, is giving to the dissent ol one state, a veto on tho com mon legislation ofull: a veto assuming iri its exorcise, tie; iinconstitution-.ility of the statue, which yet remains confessedly snhjntlice, and liable to lie confirmed by the teqiiisite majority of states. Nothing short of ancient usage, or the most explicit constitutional provisions, could prevail on the majority, to ncquicsce in such a slate of things; nnd every dispassionate observer will perceive, that in the absence of such usage of provisions, attempts would be—must he made, by those administering the government, to execute in the dissenting state, the same law which prevailed in all others. However con ducted, and however opposed, this must end in Force—forOe used to uphold the law, and force employed to resist it. Long the then, before the complicated post- iiullilyiiig process of revision could pass through its labyrinth of its tribunals—its maze of forms —before three and twenty legislatures could as- Miible, deliberate mill decide, the swonn, that keen and clear interpreter ol'iiKiiiT imd just, would have solved the constitiitimml difficulty, and when the snail-paced rescript came, it would ecmie to men, clad in angry steel, to ho burned iiigdcri fien, by the torch of civil war. Nullification, however qualified, disguised, or explained, has then this attribute of an evil spir it. It is swift of foot only on bad errands. It Hies to seutter discord: it limps to bring peace. Let me not bo understood. In speaking freely, of what I feel strongly, the dangers ofthe doc trine; it is tin- from my intention to impeach the motives of its advoc ates. I have heard it umili- itir I tuined v.-ith arguments tho most plausible, and eloquence tho most Reductive, by men whoso talents may receive my humble admiration, but to whose unquestioned patriotism, I cannot, without insolence, even oiler to bear witness. In the heat of conflict—ill the exasperation of d leal—lltn sense of southern wrongs bus ollen overcome my own habitual calmness. And is it possible for me to deny indulgence to the words or projects of follow companions embark- i d in the same cause—contending with the same adversary—men of more ardent tempers, and only resentful perhaps, in proportion us they are bravo and generous? .Such spirits are never first in an unworthy feud. It it becomes so, the hlame iim.-t rest with a portion of their follow ers. Nor is it hard to draw the line. The en vious, desperate, or interested arc soon known. They court every party and betray all. As for those imii.ible enthusiasts, bearing in their veins the blood of liberty's martyrs, who are iudiller- ent counsellors, it may be, at the commence inont of (i difficulty, but excellent companions to stand bv you in tho end, they are not more to be c heeked than cherished. That they have tailed to convert me to their favourite faith, may perhaps be owing to my phlegm or dullness.— Certainly not to any want ol ability in them, or any prejudice in me. Far limn reproaching whnt I believe to be their errors, I du not even think it wonderful, that in honestly seeking a remedy for tho disordeis ofthe republic, many should entangle themselves in refinements that confuse when they do nit convince. Yet the very subtlety of tho urgument is its great defect. that of the! pin of protection is our right.- that wc a-k nnfii- rue; and vain to regret that I di.uld not mingl tug inoro; will lake nothin*-ie«; and must not |in your deliberations. Could I have anticipa- Iniv i'1-.tiee. These are lolly ami cap- j ted the state of public, feeling in Georgia, the stoop t riveting sentiment*; yet a doubt may be indiilg- ]honorable employment which detains me, ne ed, whether they are practical. Justice is a rare commodity, eve n among friends and neigh bours ; and though forbidden to he sold, he is thought lucky w ho pays dearly, and gets it at last, inter enduring tlie oppressor's wren", the proud man's contumely, the law’s delay, the in solence—and v. hut to some, is worse, the Je of office. If indeed we arc resolved to yield no preten sion—In ook no compromise—if tilt; tariff is rc- allv i isrjrpnrlnljr, and u nostrum must be found to cure it now—at on*'e—and forever—secession and not imllficathm, is the melancholy, hut ap propriate remedy. I no mure approve one than I jti.stiiy the other. If heaven hears my prayers, both will he spared me. My life, though short, ami morn fortunate than happy, will be far ton long, should I survive to hear part in a civil war, or to witness a dissolution of the Union. A et the last I mil persuaded would he the least evil. It may lie cfleetcd without the guilt of home- shed blood; which is to me, of itself, a sufficient ground of preference. It is probable tliut if (icorgia or .South-C'arolinn, or both, should think proper to withdraw, no attempt would bo made to prevent them. They may he allowed to de part into obscure independence, if they can maintain it; to settle quietly us a petty princi pality; or sink into an appanage of some Euro pean. I cannot believe that the secession of tho whole South would be seen with equal indif ference. Of this our antagonists suppose there is no danger: and they hug themselves with the belief, that unless all made common cause, the new government will hardly bn formidable o- neugli for freedom. Without the Chesapeake it would scarcely have a port into which a fri gate could enter; and New Orleans would be wanted us an outlet for Mississippi, mid the means of a favourable alliance with the West. But I will not conjecture the effects of such u change. Mav Gon aveiit it! Still less will I imagine that questions so serious and afflict ing can lie agitated merely for intimidation, or to serve or thwart the uinbition of any man or party. It is doubtless important tliut our breth ren—our unjust and selfish brethren, if you choose—but still our brethren—should know the intensity of our feelings and our suflcrings —our deep—settled—unanimous hostility to the protective system, it may he worth re flecting, nevertheless, how lar, at this time, un founded suspicions may be thrown upon our mo tives, by the pendency of a Presidential election —tho pledges contemporaneously given to cer tain candidates, and the eager discussion of even contingent pretensions, which four years yet, ure wanting to mature In this allusion however, as in all I have said or omitted, it is my earnest desire to estrange no ally, to provoke no opponent. More than enough of scoffing and reproach has already past between the members of this Union. Its integrity has been shaken us much perhaps, by mutual taunts, as by reul injuries. Sharp say ings, at all times, leave behind them bitter re collections; lint they are especially unseasona ble at n crisis like the present. Indulge me with a remark or two on the tone of this reply. It may be thought too mild for the temper of the times. Anger will not hear, that his antagonist should be only gently censur ed, mid exhortations to momeruto counsels, grate harshly on tho ears of injured men. Yot, alter all, when delusions, not heads, must he broken the best words for service, sounds the least like blows. I admit, it is not enough, that lie w hom you honor w itli your confidence,should faithfully represent your rights, your wishes, (be effected, I however entirely coincide with you your interests. There should be chords in his in the upiuion, that tho acts of such a convcn- pted as it Was, not merely on the score of health, hut for the gratification of my colleagues and constituents, must have been refused.— Were I now able to support a long journey, I should still feel myself bound to return. But tho hope of reaching home in a condition to en gage in any active duty, is yet inure feeble than that of being serviceable by my presence. No thing remains for me then, bat to commend you and our common country, to the protection ol that power without whose aid all wisdom is hut folly. If tho chalice ui her lips must in no wise pass away, her destiny, is my destiny, fer good or for evil. I am, gentlemen, with great respect, and sin cere esteem, your friend nnd fellow-citizen, RICHARD HENRY WILDE. To Col. IFwi. Cumming, Hon. John I’. King, Augustin Slaughter, Esi/. Augusta, lico. Rockingham, Virginia, Sept. Till 1832. To the Citizens of Richmond County. I have seen published in the Augusta Consti tutionalist of the 21st of August, the proceed- ngs of a meeting of Richmond County at which i committee were appointed to ascertain by lircct correspondence with the candidates for Congress, “their sentiments in regard to nullifi cation.” My absence from Georgia lias pro bably prevented my receiving tliecominuiiiction ofthe committee. I have therefore thought it my duty to address you directly, lest the object of tho call upon me should be defeated. My answer is, that I do not believe, that n state can render a law of Congress null and void, which has been passed upon a subject over which Congress has, by the contitution, the exclusive power of legislation. I am therefore no advo cate for the adoption of nullification to remedy the evil ofthe tariff. This answer might he misconceived, were it not extended to tho other important matters em braced within yo r resolutions. I cannot concur with you in the opinion, that “ tho tariff recently enacted is a decided ameli oration of the system.” Its inequalityan l ivunt of uniformity has certainly been increased. I cannot agree with my follow citizens of'j Richmond County, that the evils of tho tariff have been i cully exagerated. It would, in deed, be difhcult to exagernte the injustice and tyranny of ottr present system of taxation and public expenditures, which bus been made so to operate upon different sections of our country, as to render it an object of eager de sire with the majority, for tho purpose of en larging their individual profits, to increase ra ther than lessen their amounts; and especially when that system has been adopted in violation of all the obligations which hind us together as one people. Georgia sutlers more oppressive ly from the system than any other state in the Union. 1 do not therefore think that its evils ought tu be palliated by any portion of her cit izens. I cannot agree with you, “that it is advisable for the present to leave the subject of tho tariff to the state legislature,” because all that can he ilonn has already been tried, by resolu tions, threats and protests, without producing tho slightest cliect upon the fixed majority in Congress, I consider it more advisable to re fer the subject to a state convention, as recom mended at the meetings which have keen held in many Counties, with the hope that it may- lead to one united effort on the part of southern states, to procure a repeal of the tariff, as the only practicable means by which that object can liosuin, respective to your very passions. But tlicir echoes need not reach you, to swell the notes of discord, lie who would nppeose, if ho cannot reconcile contending parties, must he ■areful not to augment their mutual prejudices, lie should rather strive to abate their respective claims and animosities. Too many will lie found, in every country, to flatter nnd inflame When logic is too acute, the edge turns, ll’woi the inclinations ofthe Sovereign—whether peo- wnnt it for common use it must be course and: pie or despot; Compa atively lew* to argue with stronger. Shall 1 he cited to shew that the ta riff is unjust—he told that if unjust we ought to resist it—and if resisted, according to my own urgument, that resistance must be effectual.— Wliat I said concerns appeals to reason only.— When force becomes the arbiter, it is not jus tice or even courage that deciJcs. My proof is in one word—Poland ! Were it otherwise, trial by ordeal and judicial combat should bo re stored, and the victor in battle would once more become right by the judgment of God. But what hope have wo of redress, if not in nullification I How can wo expect to convince men, rendered deaf by interest to every remon strance ? 1 answer, the interest against us, is less real than nppnnnt. The gain of the farm ing Slates by the tarifl’is imaginary. A Euro pean war, would, in all probability, dissipate their illusion at once. A constitutional n- mendinent in flivor of roads and canals might dissolve the combination of the East and West. It is not impossible, that in the disposition of tho public Isnds, means might bo found, to re store the harmony of our country. Even the necessity of exporting an immense and annually increasing surplus of domestic products, and of tho masters of votes of legions. As the apos tles of political toleration nro scarce, if one should chancu to gain the public ear he ought to improve the occasion, to beat down in what ever party may be his hearers, that self-suffi cient obstinacy, which will allow nothing to he tit, or right, or bearable, hut what wc ourselves approve. For the reason then, that if I were the representative of a manufacturing state, ad dressing at this crisis, implicit believers in the beneficent magic of tho restrictive policy, I should*attempt to mitigate their fire and confi dence ;—for the same reason, appealing to those w ho are convinced of its malignant influence, it is my duty to soothe if possible their just indig nation. Unless this course of conduct is pur sued by all who aspire to he thought honest and patriotic, must not alienation spreau and become incurable ? If an opportunity were afforded me to confine the circulation of this letter to that region for which alone it is intended, I would add much, which I new suppress. But ns that may be im possible, I will not run tho risk of being quoted any where, ns the apologist of Restriction or Xullification; of cravcu acquiescence or fran- tion will not he obligatory upon tho people, without their subsequent approval. I have thus, in answ er to your requirement, very grave and solemn import. It should be ma . turcly considered, and every matter having the least connexion with it should be deliberately weighed and revolved in die mind of every free- man before he ventures a reply. \ m j ss( once tuki n.from the pride of opinion,common to men, is seldom retraced. I would yet forbear u resort to any remedy that might tend to a disso! lution ofthe Union,and a consequent destrueticu- ol this government. If I do not greatly m j, a ' prehend the doctrine of Nullification, it will jf enl'urced, produce this result. I cannot view jt as either a peaceful, or constitutional remedy and that the enforcement of it “would prove most disastrous to the country.” I deem it unneccs sary, and presume that it is not expected,for me to give at length the reasons that have operated in bringing my mind to this conclusion. At the same time that I believe this doctrine dangerous, and that if acted upon, it w ould prove dcstruc. five to tho Union and the best interests of tho country, i know, that among its advocates me ranked many, very many highminded and hono rable men, whose attachment to the constitution and the government, is pure and unfeigned. l!ut why need I name its advocates! it is not against them, but their doctrines that I war. I belevc that a Stale has as much right, as an individual, to investigate lor herself the constitutionality of a law ol Congress, anil to express her opinion accordingly. But I do not believe thut a single State has a riglit, consequent upon her declan, tion ofthe unconstitutionally ol'a law passed liy Congress, agreeably to the forms of the cons in tution forcibly to resist the execution of, and to refuse obedience to that law. I have adoptuhhc vic-.v taken of this subject, by* Air. Madison, m his report tu thu Legislature of Virginia, upon tho Resolutions passed by the General Assem bly of that State, on the 21st December, 1797; That “ the declarations in such cases, are ex pressions of opinion unaccompanied with any other clicct than what they may produce on opinion bv exciting reflection.” “ Where can there be the impropriety ot communicating tho declaration to other States and inviting their concurrence in a like declaration.” It is thus the minds ofthe people throughout the Union may be aroused to a knowledge of a constitutional in fraction, and a sense of their danger ; thus a change produced in a public opinion,anil then by the intervention ofthe control uftlie people, and the State Legislatures, over the government of the United States, the obnoxious act be repeal ed, ami all is well again. “The Resolutions of Virginia as vindicated in the report on them, will be found entitled to an exposition showing a consistency in their parts, and an inconsistency ofthewhole with tho doctrine of Nullification, (Mr. Madison’s letter dated 1830, to tho Ed. N. A. Review.) VI hencrcrtho oppressions and bur dens ot the people becomes so vast and onerous, that they cannot, with a duo and proper regard to their rights and liberties, submit to them, till they can be constitutionally redressed they have a right beyond tho centroid of all constitutions to redress themselves: or in the language of Mr. Madbon, (in the letter before referred to) “in the event ol'tlio failure of every constitutional resort and an accumulation of usurpations and abuses, rendering passive obedience nnd non-rc- sistance a greater evil than resistance and revo lution, there can remain but one resort, the last of all, an appeal from the cancelled obligations of the constitutional compact to original rights' and self-preservation. This is the ultima ratio under till governments, whether consolidated, confederated or a compound of both, and it can not lie doubted that a single member of the Un ion, in tho extremity supposed, hut in that only, would have a riglit to make the appeal.” I can not conccve that this extremity has yet arrived, consequently am opposed to a resort to forcible and violent means, or to any mode of redress: “ that would endanger the Union, the govern ment and the liberties of tho people. 1 fear, gentlemen, that I have transgressed the limits given you briefly, and, I hope with sufficient was anticipated I ought to occupy. By saving distinctness, my views upon a subject ol great less I could not have done justice to myself; as! interest to us all. I have not thought that the occasion called lor any elaborate reasoning in their support, or that they should lie extended beyond the matter* contained in your resolu tions. With sentiments of great respect, your fellow citizen. GEORGE IL GILMER. Carnesville, September 4, 1832. Gentlemen : Your communication dated 29th ult. addressed to mo in pursuance of a Resolu tion adopted at a meeting ofthe citizens of Rich mond County, on tho iSth of August last, re questing me to express to them, through you, my “sentiments in regard to Nullification,” is now before me. I do not hesitate to comply with that request. I have no desire, neither would it lie justifiable in tnc, to conceal my political opin ions. The deep nnd pervading interest felt am fully aware I have not to a subject that so deeply agitates the country. Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, and those, citizens w hom you represent, the tender of my highest regard and esteem. Very respectfully your fellow citizen, JAMES C. TERRELL. .Messrs. Gumming, King and Slaughter. Monroe, Walton Co., Sept. 10, 1S32. Falsehood Corrected. A report lim ing been circulated that I was an “advocate Ibr thu Protective System,”or at least 1 friendly to it;” which if uncontradicted might with persons not personally acquainted with my feelings, do me an injury, I take this method to declare that wheresoever or however it origina ted, or liy whom propagated, it is irhollij nnd ill- conditionally false—nor can I conceive how it . _ ever was thought ofi unless from my open and throughout tho country, iu regnrd to our griev- j uniform opposition to Nullification, a doctrine ances under tlie protective tariff system, and I which I believe to be neither constitutional nor the firm determination of the people of this sec-1 peaceable. 1 always have been, and still a in tion ol our Union, never, quietly, submit to a j opposed to the protective system, or anv Tariff measure so unequal and unjust in its operations,; recognizing the principle of protection,"and will have induced me to devote to the consideration j go as far us any man in resisting or relieving ot these subjects more than ordinary attention. IJ ourselves of its burden, (short of Revolutionary have endeavoured to deliberate calmly, dispas-1 measures) to which i am most decidedly op- sionntcly and maturely, upon them—that I might J posed, and shall be, until I loose all hope of be tumbled to determine honestly, and satisfue- a returning sense of justice in our National torily, fer myself, what would be the best and Councils. THOS. W. HARRIS.