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mutibtvu . V.UV <l ferment of a tVee, is preferable to the torpor of a despotic. Government.” VOL. I. ATHENS, GEORGIA, DECEMBER 22, 9§S2. NO. 40. D<S>2£&ft£>. rnn tiif. soothers siknkr. « The tail link it broken that bound me to thee, The ecordt thou halt spoken hate rendered me free.” TO Is the last link then broken, that bound me to thee, Hare the wotds that were epoken, then, rendered ine free 7 Oh! I horn not coat from me the hopee of the pant, My heart is thine only, inti thine to the last. .Nor hare I forgotten each moment of bliss, Still brightly they beam thronch the darkness of this ; Like the rays through the summer-cloud breaking, they shine. And light up the “ pleasures of hope” that were mine. Though offended, in anger I turn'd from thy side, And crush’d erery feeling of lore, in my pride: Though I gare back the tokens that render me free, My bosom beats fervent and fundi) for thee. And now in the darkness and stillness of night, While nature’s reposing—while skies are all bright, The soft roicenf memory steals o’er my heart, And lore whisper, sadly—“ why, why did yc part 7" I gave you my pledges—the billets and chain, You hare them—you keep them, yea, all you retain; Whilst I, bow unlike thee in greatness of soul, For ope slight offence;—suffer'd pride to control. f gare hack thy token—! gare up the claim, To thy beauty, affection, thy faror and name; ’Twa'a tho rash act of madness, unkind and unfair, ’Twaa the error of sadness, the fault of despair. That" error is over, the (suit is no more," The gill that you wore me, the name that it bore, Though return’d—its remembrance can ne’er from me part, Affectiou hath woven its links 'round my heart. Then pardon my fully and errors again, !.el the inuse that now wooa thee, no! woo thee in vain, And though ununited the broken link be, My spirit shall cling to remembrance, and thee. political. TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA. Fej low Citizens—The undersigned have been appointed it Committee, by the Conven tion which liue just temporarily closed its sui tings, "to prepare an address to (he People of Georgia, illustrating the ohjocts and procee dings of that body.” In the discharge of this duly, we desire res pectfully, but enrnesily to commune wth you, on questions of deep and solemn import, inti mately connected with the peace and prnsper- tly ul our common counlrv, and necessarily therefore, interesting to every citizen of Geor gia. The crisis at which wo have arrived is one ol uwakjnmg interest. No mnn can he insensible to the dangers which beset its. bal alterations, to the principles contained in the report which was subsequently adopled by the Couvenlion, thought proper to return from their seats, and to present (heir reasons in the form of u protest, which they have given to the public. Thirty seven counties, contain ing as it is believed a majority of the Repre sentative population of Georgia, continued to be represented in Convention after this seces- sion. The Delegates who remained, nut deter red by that secession from the discharge of the duty which they owed to their constituents, proceeded to consider the report of their com mittee, and have concurred with great unanim ity in recommending to the consideration of the people of Georgia, the resolutions which appear in the Journal. Wo propose to speak briefly of the character of those resolutions, and to suggest to you some of the conseqtienees which may result from their ndoplion They announce certain principles which are believed to he at the foun dation of our Government, flowing naturally and ncressarilv from the relation of tho States, and the confederacy—from the limited grant of power to the General Government, and the broad reservation of rights <>f the slates. Pro ceeding to apply these principles to tho sever al arts of congress laying duties on imports, they declare those ants to be unconstitutional, unequal and unjust—and conclude by sugges ting the means by which tho evils under which we lubnr may most probably be relieved.— Tho duty prescribed by the Convention to this committee,will therefore have been perfor med, when we shell consider very brieflv— First. Tho principles announced hy the resolutions. Secondly. The evils op which we com plain. Thirdly. The remedy suggested, and the probable consequences which will result from its adoption. Of theso principles it may with great truth bo said, that up to the present mo ment, it has not been doubted that thev express on the subject to which they re tain, the political creed of an overwhelming majority of the people of Georgia. They have boon repeatedly declared by every de partment of our Government, Legislative, Ex ecutive and Judiciary, and now when for pur poses which remain to be discovered, it has been deemed proper to resist the proposal to submit thorn to you, for yonr deliberate con sideration, the chief, nay, the only objection to them in substance is, that they hnvo been loo repeatedly announced already, to render the repetition of them either necessary or proper. The answer to the objection is simple, nnd it That You yourselves arc aware, that tho*. are not the onl v grounds of complaint which the pen. plo of Georgia may properly urge against the General Government. Out present enquiries are however limited to them. By the provisions of the tarifT act of 1832, a principle of taxation is nflirmed, which imn led power? In the solution of this quesln n, lei it he remembered, tlml a people, united ill anv given purpose, seldom experience defeat, while diversity in sentiment or division in uc- lion, ns seldom meet with success. But it is not only of the unequal and oppres sive opera non ol'ilm prolcciiv ion. Wo carues'ly desire to preserve it in • J its original purity. We still look to it as the ark of our safety, mid will not yot “ despair of the Republic.” Tttc»o expectations may bo frustrated by divisions umung ourselves, or by the refusal of our sister States to make eom- svsietn upon | mon enuau with us in this struggle. Evon in ses burdens on articles or necessary consumn-. uur pecuniary interests, by force of which wn I this event wo shall have the consolation of lion, while those of luxury, and those inuieri are compelled lo pay taxes which uro not re-1 having used our bust efforts for the preserva- als used in manufacturing, such ns dye-stuffs, quired fur tho purposes of revenue, ami to! non of the precious inheritance which we hove &u. are wuh a few unimportant exceptions, j contribute from our own hard and scanty ear- received from our fathers. But we are not nings u homily lo (lie iiiaiiuliictiires of (he j without hope that all will yet be well, for our ni.rih n is mil merely the uiniiunl of dollars , conlidence is in Him, in whose hands are the uml cenlH which u extorts Irom us,of which we destinies of cummuniles ns well as individuals, complain. It is tlml the power which is here who walched over us in ihe infancy of our p«- exercisedr.o.-ls upon a principle which may be liticul existence, and has mercifulfy conducted il to the utter annihilation of all our rights, us to our present elevated rank among tho na tions of tho earth. JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN, A. S. CLAYTON, ROBERT AUGU’S. REALL, Jr. WILLIAM H. TORRANCE, CHARLES I*. GORDON, Committee- Milledgeville, Aon. 21, 1832. No patriot can be indifferent lo tho consequen CCS which may flow from them. A portion of j is believed lo be entirely satisfactory, the people of this great confederated reputilic, which is true in itself, is not 'he loss so, because respectable for their numbers, and principles j it hr, been told before. If tho occasion for of civil liberty, complain of the systematic nod I littering ii ho n proper one, il is not weakened persevering oppression lo which they nro sub-1 hy hiving received the assent of those who jeeted by their brethren. A system of luxa- have gone before us. Bui there is n peculiar lion has been adopted by the Federal Govern ment wilh ihe distinctly avowed object of pro lecling domestic manufactures. I Is character may he thus briefly described : It lavishes bounties upon iffte clnss of our people, which ere extorted from another, and a different por tion of I lie samo people. It denies to the American citizen the fight of regulating' hi own industry according to the dictates of his own judgment, aright which is equally essen tial to individual and national prosperity. Il forbids lo the planter of the South the right of selecting his own mnrket, and makes him trib utary to the manufacturer of tho North for the necessaries of life. It does this by nn usurpa tion of tho power to create and uphold domes tic manufactures within the States, a power which is not conferred upon the Federal Gov eminent by the Constitution, but which was expressly refused by the Convention of States, which framed it, and by the gross nnd palpa ble perversion of the constitutional power to lay and collect duties for the legitimate purp les of the Government. Agnmst this systematic end continued oppression, tho people of Geor gia have for a series of years remonstrated, ns well in primary assemblies of our citizens, as through the medium of the constituted author ities ofthe State. These remonstrances have been Disregarded. The solemn pro test of the Legislature of Georgia,“deposited in tho archives of the Senate of the Untied States, in perpetual testimony of the determin ation of this people not to aubmit to these op pressions, was almost unheeded in the moment of its presentation, and utterly forgotten or disregarded in that which followed it. la this alarming condition of our affairs, a great majority of our citizens assembled in their respective counties, had resolved to meet in general convention for the purpose of con sidering the evils under which we labor, and of devising the most proper and efficient niodo of redress. Delegates from aixty counties ac cordingly assembled at this place on Monday the 12th November instant, and having exhib ited their credentials, proceeded to enter up on the duty assigned to them’ At an udvanced period of the scskion, after having participated in its organization, and shared in ill its pre ceding deliberations, a portion of the dele gates, some of whom had been appointed to, and had served on the general committee which was raised to consider what objects ought to angago tho attention of the Conven tion, and what would bo tho most proper means to effect the same, who had shared in the labors of that committee, and had express ed their assent in substance and wilh some vur- propriety in declaring iliosn principles now, and in the manner which is proposed. W< have arrived at a crisis in our public affairs in which il heroines necessary to ln»k careful ly lo the fundamental nrinciples of our Gov eminent. \Vn allege llinl these have been vi olated hy Federal legislation. The principles pot forth in the resolutions, relate In this state of things. Thev profess to speak tho will of the penpin on the subjects to which ihcy refer, Who can sn properly deride that question as the people themselves? If Ihe different depart menu of our slate government have mistaken the popular will in ibis regard.it is peculiarly pro, per that the error should bo corrected, nnd that il should be rorreeled now. On tho other hand, if thev have rightly understood it, the solemn ratification nf these principles hy the people, will nerve the arm of their functinna ries in their efTorts to obtain relief from the grievances tinder which wn labor. Thereaf ter we can nn longer he represented to our Northern Brethren as a divided people. But what are thn«e principles, which al though thev are admitted to he true, il is con sidered unsafe, or improper to announce?— Th'-v may he briefly stated thus :— The peo ple of the Stale of Georgia, as one of tho States of this rnnfpdernry, have conferred upon Ihe General Government certain defined powers, and no others. If that Govern- ment abuses the trust reposed in it; bv oxer cising powers which have not been granted, nr by pervprting those which have been granted to purposes which are not authorised bv the Constitution, their acts ought not to he hind- upon the several Stales. Tho Federal Gov ernment cannot have the right to decide upon their own use or abuse of the powers confer red, because that would bn to destroy the con stitutional limitation altogether, and would leave us entirely at the discretion nf Congress. There is no arbiter provided hy Ihe Constitu tion of the U. Slates to judge of this matter, nnd because there is not, each state in virtuo of its sovere’gn'v, must necessarily .exercise ibis right. In what manner it shall "he exor cised these resolutions do not declnre, leaving thnt question to he examined first bv Ihe Con vention of the Southern Stales, whose opinion will he communicated to Ihe Conven'ion ol this Stnie, and by whom il will bo ultimately referred to the final decision of tho people ot Georgia themselves. May we not confident ly enquire, if any possible danger can be up- preliended from this source ? The evils of which we complain, are those which result from tho several eels of Congress imposing duties on imports.— declared lo lie free of duly. Thu elf this unwarrantable discrimination is to exempt unprotected iirlicles entirely from luxaiion, and to throw ull iho burden upon the protkc ter articles, Htirli us iron, suit, sugar, woollen and colton fabrics, tie. Those nru articles of neeessnry consumption at the South, the du nes imposed upon which, in many instances amount to an entire, prohibition The spirit which characterized the majori ty in Congress in the adoption of this odios act, cannot perhaps bo better iIIusimjciJ than the rejection by the majority in tho Senate of nil propositions lending to the reduction ofthe duties, to the wants of the government—or limiting those imposed to n cerium definite amount. A distinguished Senator Irmn iho South, during Iho dismission of Ihe act of 1832, in ihe Senate, submitted to that body four d line! propositions. The first was an amend ment to Mr. Clay’s resolution,hy which amend ment it was proposed “ to bring down tho do ties gradually lo the revenue standard, adjus ting them on the protected and unprotected ar ticles, on principles of perfect equality.”— This proposition, fair and equitable in its terms in overy respect reasnunhle in its operation, was treated by the majority, “ as n scheme to destroy manufactures, and as pledging Con gress to an ultimate abandonment of tho pro teciing system, which it was declared hud be come tho settled policy of tho country.” Im mediate reduction was termed, “ sudden de struction to the manufactures;” gradual reduc tion was called “ slow poison.” The propo sition was rejected To tho clause in the hill imposing n duly of 16 cents a yard upon fiunnels, the same ill linguished Senator, proposed to add a proviso, " that tho duty shull in no case exceed fifty FEn cent.” Tho duly of 16 conls a yard on course flannels used hy the poor, would be pqu d lo 160 per cent, while on the finest of ■ hat article it would umounl only to 32 per cent! yet this proviso was rejected. Tim reason ulleged for this rejection was that ‘ 50 per Cunt, would not be an adequate protection lo tlic Domestic manufacturer nf flannels Another proposition was made *’ to strike out the iniiiiiuuins on cottons.” This was also rejected; und this “ fraud ilent device” was relumed m the act, by which an urtirlo coal ing 5 cents, is to be deemed to have cost 30 m-nis, mid to pay a doty us having actually cost 30 cts. 'This was dnnetoo, in the fscenl n dig. line! admission ofthe friends ofthe manufac Hirers of coarse cottons, that they did not at present require proloclmn. But iho majority in tho plenitude of their power, thought it would ho wise “ to keep tho fences up hy which fnicign competition would be excluded.” The fourth and last proposition made hy the southern senator, was that u clause should he added ut Iho end of the art, declaring “ that THE DUTIES IMPOSED BT IT, SHOULD IN NO case exceed 100 rEH cent,” yet this proposi tion shared tho same late of all tho previous ones—it was rejected. Yes, a majority in the Senate secure of tiieir power, calculating on the deceptive features of Ihe ud, und rely ing upon u want of unanimity among iho South- t-rn people, for iho lioal triumph ot the protec tive system, rejected a proviso, winch would have limited Hie maximum of duties to 100 percent, People of Georg, n ! the rejection uf these propositions speak a language not to be mistaken, the direct tendency of which is lo enslave you— to rendcryou tributary to the North. This ronduci of the majority evinces lint loo clearly a determination lo inaiiltuin the protective principle inviolate, regardless of the cost, and reckless of the consequence The character of the act of 1832, is di lincily marked. Its diminished credits, us requisition of cash payments, its increase of the value of tho pound sterling, its discruniin ling duties will show, that Ihe burdens imposed upon you are decidedly m< reused, yet you aiu told that this act is a concession—“an effort to moderaie the burdens of (lie South,” that like the troubled dove it coines with the olive branch, lo give you future security. The treacherous kiss of Judas is not more decep tive—A concession, with tho odious principle of protection retained us ihe permanent policy of the govt rnnienl I—No—it is no concession; its object is rather to lull von into a false seen- toy. The artn is still raised lo crush your lib erlies, the blow is only suspended for a sen- son, until the present excitement is hushed in to careless indifference, then it will fall with such concenlraied, such accumulated power, that you will feel all its forre ; but the oppies- sor will then be secure from resistance. Whoever bus marked the course of congress upon ibis subject, cannot huvo tailed to per- ceive, that all hope from that source Ibr rebel from llm operation of this odiuos, oppressive, and uncnnMilutional act, is at an end ; and (he question now to be propounded 10 the tree- men of Georgia is, will you submit to be plun dered by uiiconstitulinnul exactions; or w ill you resist the unlawful exercise «f undelega- Tliat principle may he, and in some instances has been poshed to Ihe oxtent of prohibition. Il assumes Ine right then utterly to annihilate the foreign commerce nf tho (Juilnd Slate and thus to leave os unreservedly at tho mercy ol the northern matiufuciurer. Il assumes Iho right to raise a revenue not limited hy the le gitimate wants of ihe government, but one which tnav minister to ils patronage, by being employed in schemes of internal improvement, in which we can never beneficially participate. Finally, it claims the startling prerogative of doing whatever in the discretion of Congress may conduce to (he common dofence and gen eral welfare. This is the principle on which the protective system is rested hy the report of the committee of nmniifuctiires of the Sen ate at the last session of Congress, (fit can be maintained, nil the limitations nf Ihe fed eral constitution are scattered to ihe winds, all its safeguards destroyed, all its defences broken down. Our rights, of whatever des cription, will thereafter be held not under tho protection of our own laws, but at Iho discre tion nf the national legislature. One species of our propuity w hich is rendered indispensa ble to us by uur climate, our lialiils, and even by the Nature of our compact with the other stales, will he rendered insecure, if Ihe fanmi- rism of the abolitionist shall receive Iho coun tenance of Congress. Such are sunte of the evils of the system nf which we complain. It rnmnins to state, very lira flv, TI1F. REMEDY SUGGESTED AND SOME OF THE CONSEQUENCES WHICH WILL PROBA BLY RESULT FROM ITS ADOPTION. It is pro- posod if these resolutions slinll meet your sanc tion, io tulto counsel with such uf our sister Status, us have n common interest in this mat ter, leaving to I lie delegates who may he elec ted to settle, hy Correspondence among Ihetti- selves, the tune und place of their assemblage. 11 was believed to be desirable lo huvo a lull meeting nf nil the Southern Stales m the pro posed Convention, nnd llmt with this view it wa. important not lo fix Ihe lime of convening. You will see that this course is free from the objection which was urged against it: namely, that of precipitancy. Tho Convention suppns* ed that this meeting of delegates from Iho .Southern Stales might take place in June next, nnd to be in readiness to receive tho report of (lie delegates from this .State, if iliut should |>p tho rase, havo adjourned lo meet in July next —but should tho Southern Convention not have convened at th.it lime, our own can he ro-asseinhled either hy the same nr any other delegates lo he elected by the people at such lime as may lie necessary. Great pains have been taken lo disseminate the idea, that the other Slates will not meet us in Convention, with tlm exception of South Carolina, and that dm effect of tills measure will he to wed our fortunes lo those of nor Sister Slates, and to put these two Slutcs nlono in opposition to all the others. Tho answer lo this suggestion is obvious, and wo commend it to your nllcnlinn — SUCII A RESULT CVNNOT HAPPEN WITHOUT your own consent. Whatever is done in die Convention i.i Stoles, is first to he submit ted lo tlm Convention of this Stale, and then to YOURSELVES lor your upprnvul er rejection. While it is not possible therefore that any evil can result Irmn this measure, you yourselves retain a cheek upon llm whole prnccedure, moeh benefii may and probably wdl (low from il. It is not in he believed that nor staler Slates, who have a like interest in tins mailer wilh ourselves, will reliiso to meet us in Con vention, and the moral force «<l" their milled counsels cannot hot he salutary. Il is impos sible to suppose that rashness eon ehiimeterizi- die deliberations of u Convention ofthe wnole Southern Stales —and ho must, wo think, very much underrate tlm moral force of their mu ted counsels, who can believe Iliut n deliberate nod solemn appeal from them to nnr brethren of the munuTacturing Males, can he made in vain—meantime hii opportunity will be offered calm and deltlu r ue reflection. Tlu* question which now agitate its, wdl have passed 'nun ihe hinds of pidiiieians lo ihnse ofthe people The erisis will have gone by—our northern brethren may awaken to a sense nf ihe dangers who’ll wdl result from a perseverance in the system of which we complain. We shall not have laboured in vain for the preservation of llm peace and harmony of tin: Union, and with the full fruition of those rights of which we have been deprived, wo shall enjoy iho addl'd gratification ofhnviug successfully vindicated our constitutional charter. Such, fellow citizens, have been the views »f the Convention, hy whom wc h tvn boon d«. poled lo address you on this occasion. IVe believe that Ihe limes in which wo live nro pregnant wilh dangers, which menace tho I?n- From the It arhington Globe. Nullification.—In the Ordinance presented lo tho world by the Nullifiers’ Convention in - South Carolina, there are features more revol ting than any we had imagined as appertaining to that monstrous doulrinc. Heretofore, wu linve considered il only as a heresy fatal to Iho pcaco and union of these States, but it conies In us bearing on its face the most inexorable tyranny to tlm pcoplo of South Carolina them selves. Alter declaring tho Tariff lawa null anil void, forbidding their execution within the lim its of the State, making it the duty of the Le gislature to pass laws to prevent their execu tion, and prohibiting appeals from the Stato to tho federal courts, it proceeds in the following words, viz: “ And it is further ordained, Thnt all per- sons now holding any offico of honor, profit or trust, civil or military, under this State, shall wiihin such time, and in such manner aa the Legislature slinll prescribe, lake an oath, well nnd truly to obey, execute, and enforce this ordinance, anil such act or acts of the Legisla- lure, ns may ho passed in pursuance thereof, according lo tho truo intent and meaning of tlm same ; and nn Iho neglect or omission of my such person or persons so lo do, his or heir office or oflices, shell be forthwith vaca ted, and shall he filled up, as if such person or persona were dead, or rest good, nnd no per- hereafter elected to any offico of honor, pinlit or trust, civil or military, shall uolil the Legislature shall otherwise provide end direct, enter on the cxccuiinn of his office, or bo in any respect competent lo disenarge the duties iln roof, until he shali, in like manner, have taken a similar oath ; and no juror shall bo itmpHiiiielli'd in any of tho Courts of this Slate, in any cause in which shall be in question this ordinance, or any act of the Legislature, pas sed in pursuance thereof, unless ho shall first, in uddilitm to tho usuul oath, have taken nn oath, Unit he will well and truly obey, execute, nnd enforce this ordinnnee, and such ect or arts of tho Legislature, us may bo passed to carry Iho same into operation and effect, nc. cording to the true intent ond meaning theroof.” About two filths of the Freemen of South Carolmu, believe this Ordinnnco itself, subver sive of the Constitution, and destructive of all pearo nnd good government. When they en ter upon a state office, they take an oath “ In support tho Constitution nf tho United States." This Ordinance requires them to lake an oath to subvorl that Constitution, becomo traitors in their country, nnd plungo it into anarchy and civil war! Gun any Union man lake thin mull? No, lie would fed himself guilty of perjury, if lie did. It ia not intended Ihut Union men shall lake it, or uxpecled that they wil!. What then is the object nnd effuot of this provision ? It it the univeranl erputtion and unrelenting protcription of the whole Union l>orly from every •'office of honor, profit or Irutt, civil or military," wiihin the State of South Carolina, Those in office must swear iliut (boy will lie falsa to their country and ita otislilolion, or Ihoy are turned out by tho mere fact of omission or refusal! Not ono of those out of office cun gel in. It will sweep every Union man out of the Executive, Judi cial, and even Legislative Departments. 'Thu people may elect honest and patriotic men lo their Legislature ten limes over; but they are met ul Iho bar of iho House hy this inexo rable nalli, and forever excluded. It expels trout (lint body the whole minority "alonn fell swoop." it cashiers hy iho same despo. tie power, every IJ uion man holding an office in the Militia, from the Commander-in-Chief down to a Corporal, and reduces them to the ranks. It cnlets into ull cities, towns and pub lic corporations, points at, and turns out May ors, Aldermen, Trustees, Clerks, Police-men, and all. There is nothing so low under the power nnd authority ofthe Stale Government, that this sweeping sentence of proscription and exilu does not reach it. As iflo set a new example of arbitrary pow- er in this enlightened age, nnd make a perfect mockery uf tiie forms of justice, it excludes every Union man from sorving on juriea in ca. sjts where this Ordinance or laws panned to enforce it, uro called in question, by requiring of jurors the saroo oath. When an Union