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*hh sacred awe as (ho palladium of our liber* ties, and, with all the solemnities of religion, hato pledged to each other our lives nnd for tunes here, and our. hopes of happiness hereaf ter- in its defence and support. Were we mis taken, my countrymen, in attaching this im portance to the Constitution of our country? Was our devotion paid to the wretched, im fii dent, clumsy contrivance, which 0n< new doc trine would mnfca it ?. Did we pledge o ir- selves to the support of an airy nothing—a bubble that m iat .be blown away by the first breath of disaffection ? Wns this -elfdesiroy- ing, visiotmrv theory, the work of the pro- found statesmen, the exalted patriots, to whom the tnsk of constitutional reform was entrus ted / D-d the name of Washington sanction, did the States deliberately ratify, such an ano maly in the.history of fudamental legislation? We were not mistaken ! The letter of this great instrument is free from this radical fault; it*, language directly contradicts the imputation : its spirit—its evident intent con- (radicts it. No, we.did not err! Our Con stitution does not contain the absurdity of giv ing power to make laws, nnd another power to resist them. The sages; whose memory will always he reverenced, have given us a practi cal, and. ns they hoped, n permanent constitu tional compact. The Father of his country did not affix his revered name to so palpablo an absurdity. Nnirdid the States, when they aeyerally ratified it, do so under the impres sion that a veto on the laws of the United Stales was reserved to them, or that they could exercise if by implication. Search the debates in all their Conventions—examine the speeches of the most eealoua opposers of Fe deral authority—look at the amendments that ■were propo-ed. They aro all silent—not a syllable uttered, not a vote given, n->t a mo tion made, to correct the explicit supremacy fpvrn.lo the laws of the Union over those of the Slates—or In show that implication, as is now contended, could defont it. No, we have not erred i ' The, Constitution is still the ob ject of our reverence, file bond of our Union, our defenco in dlinger, the source of our pros- jperity.io peace. It shall descend, ns we have received it,’ uncorrupted by sophistical con struction, to oiir posterity; nnd the sacrifices of local interest, ofState prejudices, of person al animosities that were made to bring it into .existence, will again be patriotically offered for its support. The two reiiiiinineohjcctions made by the Ordinance to llirae lawa are, that the aunts intcnifc.il In he raised by them are arealer Ilian are required, and that the proceeds will he unconstitutionally employed. The Constitution lias given expressly to Congress the right of raising revenue, and «f determining the trim the pub- lie exigencies will require. The Slate- have no control over the exercise ol* ibis right, oilier Ilian that which results frnin the power of changing the Representatives who abuse it, and time procure redress. Congress may undoubtedly abuse this discretionary power, hut the oainn mav b« said of Olliers with which they Ure vested. Yet the discretion must exist somewhere. The Con- ■atitution has given it to the Representatives of all the People, checked by the Representatives of the States, and by the Executive power. The South Carolina construction gives it to lite Legislature, or the Conven tion ufa single Slate, where neither the people of the different Slates, nor tho States in their separate caps city, nor the Chief Magistrate elected by the people, bave any representation. Which i» the most discreet disposition of the power '/ I do not ask you, fellow ett- izeoe, which isuho constitutional disposition—that in strument speaks a language not to tie misunderstood But if you were assembled in general convention, winch would you think the sales! depository »*f this discre tionary power in the last resort ? Would you add a clause giving it to each of the Stalt *, or would you .suction the wise provisions already made by your Constitution 7 If this should be the result or your dc. liberations when providing for the future, are you—can toil —he ready to risk all that vie hold dear, to estivlv. iish, for a temporary and a lical purpose, that which yon must acknowledge to he destructive, and even eh- surd, as a general provision? Carry out the const- spt liens of this right vested in the different States, uud you must perceive that the crisis your conduct presents n! this day, w ould occur whenever any law of the Unt- tsd States displeased any of the Stales, and that we should anon cease to ho a nation. The Ordinance, with the aamc knowledge of the fu lure that tharacteriacsa fnrnierobjection, tells you that the nracerds of the tax will bo Iinenilslituliiinnliy ap plied. If this could be ascertained with certainly, tli« objection would, with more propriety, be reserved for the law so applying the proceeds, hut surely cannot be urged against lliclsws levying the ditty. These aro the allegativmsconlained in the Ordinance. Rxamine them seriously, my fellow citixens—juilge !i>r yourselves. I appeal to you to determine whether they are so clear, so convincing, as lu leave no tloubl qt llteir correctness j and even if you should come to this con clusion, how far they justify the reckleas, destructive course, which you are directed to pursue. Review these idyectious, and the conclutions drawn from them, once more. \\ bat are Jhiyt Every law, then, lor raising revenue, according to tho South Carolina Ordi nance, mqy be rightfully annulled, unless it be so fra med ns no law ever wilt or can bo liained. Congress hate • right to pass laws for raiso-g revenue, and each State baa a right t« oppose their execution—two rights dir.-ctlv opposed to each other; and yet is this absurd- Sty supposed te be contained in an instrument diavvn for the express purpose of avoiding collisions between the Stated and She Ceueral Government, by an assem bly of the in'ist enlightened statesmen and purest pa- tpota-crer embodied tor a similar purpose. In ram have these sages declared that Congress shall bare power tn : lay and collect laxre, dories, imposts ami •xcls'ca—in Vain have they provided that they shall lisve pow.ir*!', pax* fine tvlucii shall bo necessary and prop er to carry tlmac powers inio execution; that those laws ar.d that Constitution shall he the “supreme law of the land ; arid that the judges in every State shall be bound 'thereby, any thing in the Constitution nr laws,,f any State to the contrary notwithstanding." In vain hare the people of the several States solemnly sanctioned these provisions,mode tlient their paramount law, and individually sworn to support them whenever they were called us to execute any office. . \ tin provi sions! ineffectual restrict!ins! vile profanation of uotlts! miserable mockery of legislation! if a bare majority of the voters in any one State may, on a real or sup|m- •ed knowledge of the intent with which a law hat been pasted, declare themselves free from its operation—say here it preys too little, there ton much, and operates unequally—here it suffers articles to be free that ought •o he taxed, there it taxes those that ought to be free— in.this case the proceeds are intended to lie applied to purpqeca which we do not approve, in that the amount ntjvd is more than is wanted. Congress, n is true, are invested bfrthfe Constitution with the right of deciding these questions according to their sound discretion. Congress is composed of the Representatives of nil the States, and of all the people of all the Stales; but rr, part of the people of one State, to whom the Constitu tion has given no power on the subject, from whom it has expressly taken it away—ice, who have solemnly agreed that* this Constitution alioll be our law—icr, most of whom have swom to support it—ter now thro- fists this law, and swear and force other* to swear, that it shall i not he obeyed—and we do this, not beet use Congress have no right to pass such laws; this we do But allege; bat because they have passed them with Improper view*. They are uncopslittitionai from the motives of those who passed tlte.n, which we can nev er with certainty know, from their unequal operation ; although it is impossible from the nature of things that they should he equal—and In,in the disjhisitiun which wo presume mav be umie of their proceeds, although ■hat disposition ha* not h»eu declared. Hits is the plain meaning of the Ordinance in relation lo laws which it abrogates for alleged uiicoustitutionality. Kui it does not atop there. It repeals, in express terms an important part of the Constitution itself, and of laws passed to give it effect, which have never been alleged to he unconstitutional. The Constitution tied,ires that the judicial powers of the United States extend to ea arising under the laws of the United States, and I 1 loss .-acred, hccau-e they have' for their common interest made the Genera! Government the depository (f tins powers. The unity of our |»ililieul e'lrtisclcr (as his been shown for another purpose) commenced with its very existence, Undertho Royal Government ue had no separate character—our opposition to its oppressions began as Unitv.p Coi.onibs. We were the U.vtrr.ii •Stvtes under theeonfi-deration, nnd tlienatne was per- iscs j Pyluated. and tltu Union rendered inure perfect, by tlie , I Federal Constitution. In none of these stages did w such laws, the Constitution, and treaties, shall te’ pat- Icousidet ourselves in any other light than a* forming one amount lo the Slate Constitutions anil laws. The Ju- j "aimt. Cfl aties and alliances were untile in the llune diciary Act presetihes the Nesle by which the case may- n ! a * . , v "' n raised for III Mot It d. l. llee. IIow, be brought before a court of the United Slates, by .an. 1 11 'n. W'tth ; :l! these pns<:s, that under .ill eltanges ot om peal, when. State tribunal shall deride against' tin- I"" 110 " we l»‘d, lor designate, I purposes, ami with il.fin- provision of the Constitution. The Ordinance declares I!.' I’owent, created iNalipniil Governments-how is it, there shall he no appeal; makes the State law para- *!"“ , tK> poxfWt „! loose, several modes_of union mount to the Constitution and laws of the United States; "I'",' ro " s, " r f, '*7 ,,,<w forces judge, and ptrors to swear that they wtll disrel *"*>»"< ?• I*' 1 ’'""* ’ " '* '™' »" >" c 01 . * ... . . - ICompU t 18 list'd U* HVnonVlIIOUH With league, idtliotlgii gsrd thetr provision.; and even mate. . penal a j ,|,r tme ie„„ is not employ .cause it Would a! oner u.T rehefby appeal, t I,.niter declares , „ how , uil „ Py asonir.w. It wo,,!,I „„t .Into list tt shall not be lawfu for the author,ties of the Urn- m ollr Constitution was o„lv a league; but, it is lu ted states, nr of that State, to enfo.ee tho payment of ,„; rC(| vc it „ c01M| , ucI (w |,iil. in one sense it is) and dut.es tmpo’ed by the revenue laws within its limits. t , R . n urthat „ s aleajue is a compart, Here is s Is w nf the United Stales, nut even pretend- | |„„ a) j on , IMII st of course he a league, and ed lo he tmconsiilutional, repenlml by the authority ol ,,| mt on „ V ory sovereign pnwri a small majority of the voters of a single Statu. Here j | u ,s a light rceisle. Hut it has been shown, that lit this IS a provision of the Constitution which i* solemnly ab- sense tin States art: not sown ten, ami that e ven if they rotated hy the same authority. were, nnd tho National Constitution had lieen formed b\ On such expositions and reasonings, the Ordinance compact, there would ho no ri«r»it in any one State to ex- grounds not only an assertion of the right to nnmil the onomto itself from its obligations. laws of which it complains, but to enforce it by a threat j So obvious are the reason* which forbid this secession, of seceding from the Union, if any attempt is made to j that it is rwrssary only to allude to them. The Union execute them. j was fonnct! for the benefit of all. It was produced by The right to secede is deduced from the nature of mill uni sacrifices of interests and opinions. Can those the Constitution, which, they say, is a compact he- | mtorifices !>e recalled ? Can the States who niHgnani- tween sovereign states, who have preserved their j niously su.Tendered their title to their Territories of the whole sovereignty, and therefore, are subject to no su- j West, iron II the grant? Will the inhabitant* of the in- perinr; that, because they made the compaci. they can land States agree to pay the duties that may be iui; break it when, in their opinion, it has been departed ' witlnmt their assent by those from by tho other slates. Fallacious a* this course of {for their own benefit ? Shall reasoning is, it enlists state pride, arid finds advocates 1 -.:— in the honest prejudices of those who have not studied the nature of our Government sufficiently to sue the radical error on which it rests. The People of the United States formed the Constitu tion, acting through the State Legislatures in making the coiii(Mict, to meet and discuss its provisions, and acting in separate Conventions when they ratified those provi sions ; but the terms used in its construction, show it to bo a government in which the people of all the States col lectively are represented. We arc onk pkopi.e in the choice of the President and Vice-President. Hero the states have no other agency than to direct the inode in which the votes shall bo given. Tho candidates having the mujority of all the votes are chosen. The electors of a majority of states may have given their votes for one candidate, and yet another may be chosen. The Pcopl-•, then, and not the states, are represented in the Executive branch. In the House of Representatives thorn is this difference, that the people of one state do not, us in the case of Pre sident and Vice-President, all vote for the same officers. The people of all the states do not vote for all the mem bers, each state electing only its own representatives. But this creates no material distinction. When chosen, they are all representatives of the United States, not represen tatives of*tho particular state from which they come.— They are paid bv the Unit'd Status, not by the state; nor are thev accountable to it lor any act done in the perform ance of their legislative functions; and, however they inay in practice, as it is their duty to do, consult nnd pre fer the interests of their particular constituents when they coine in conflict with any other partial or local interest, yet it is their first nnd luglit'stdiity, as representatives of the United States, to promote the general good. The Constitution of the United .States, then, forms a Gortmmmt, not a league; and whether it be formed by compact between the states, or in any other manner, its character is the same. It is a government in which ail the people are represented, which operates directly on the people individually, not upon the states; they retained nil the power they did not grant. But each state having ex pressly parted with so many powers us to constitute joint ly with the other states a single Nation, cannot from that period jiossess any right to secede, because such seces sion does not break a league, but destroys the unity ol a nation ; and any injury to that unity is not only u breach which would result from the contravention of a compact, hut is nil offence against the whole Union. To say that any state mav at pleasure si^cdo from the Union, is to say tlrnt the United States an-not a nation; because it would lie a solecism to contend that any |xu t of a nation might dissolve iu connexion with the other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing any offence. Seces sion, like any other revolutionary act,may he morally jus tified by tlie extremity of oppression; hut to eall it a constitutional right, is confounding the meaning of terms; and ran only be done through gross e rror, or to di’ccivfc those who arc willing to assert a right, hut would pause before they made a revolution, or incur the penalties consequent on a failure. Because the Union was formed by compact, it is said the parties to that compact may, when they feel them selves aggrieved, depart from it: hut it is precisely he- cause it is a coin|»act that they cannot. A compact is an agreement or binding obligation. It may, by its terms, have a sanction or penalty for its breach, or it may not. If it contains no sanction, it may be broken with no other consequence than moral guilt: "if it have a sanction, then the breach i.wrurs the designated or unpli< > d penalty. A league between independent nations, generally, has no sanction other than « moral one; or, if it should contain a pi nultv, us there is no common superior, it cannot be en forced.’ A Government, on the contrary, always lias a 1 the Atlantic or the Gulf, all there be a free |x>rt in one State, and onerous duties in anothei ? No one believ \* that any right exists in a single State to involve nil the others i’n these and countless other evils, contrary to the i engagements solemnly made. Every one must see that tie- o’lier States, in self-defence, must oppose at all ha zards. These arc the alternatives that are presented by tie* Convention : A repeat of all the acts for raising revenue, leaving tin Government without the means of support; or an acquiescence in the dissolution of our Union by the secession of one of its members. When the first was proposed, it was known that it could not be listcnfrl to fora moment. It was known if force was applied to op pose the execution of the laws, that it must Ire repelled hv forte—that Congress could not, without involving itself in disgrace, nnd the country in ruin, accede to the propo sition ; and yet, if this is not done in a given dav, or if any attempt is made to execute the laws, the State is, hy the i >rdinance, declared to he out ofthe Union. The ma jority of a Convention assembled for the pnrposq liavedic tated these, or rather this rrjivtion of all terms, in the name of the |>eoplc of South Carolina. It is true that the Governor ofthe State speaks of the suhmissio.i qf their grievances to a Convention of all tho states; which, he says, they “sincerely and anxiously seek and desire.”— Yet this obvious and constitutional mode of obtainingthr sense of the other Stab's on the construction of the Fed eral Compact, nnd amending it, if ni*cessary, has never l»een attempted hy those who have urged the State on to this destructive measure. The State might have propos ed tho call for a General Convention to the other States; and Congress, if ?i sufficient number of them concurred, must lie.ve called it. But the first Magistrate of South Carolina, when lie expressed a ho|»e, that “on a review hy < -ong ess nnd tie'functionaries of the General Govern ment of the merits of the controversy,” such a Conven tion will ho accorded to them, must have known that nei- tle '-Congress nor any functionary nf the General Gov- cmtTvnt has authority to call such a Convention, unless it be demand? d by two-thirds of the States. This sug the exaggerated language they addfess to Vou. They are not c.mmpinn«o! liberty, emulating tin: fame of our Revolutionary Fathers; nor are you on oppressed Peo ple contending, ns thev repeat to you, against Morse than colonial vassalage. Vou are Ircc* members ol a flourish ing and happy Union. There is no settled design to oppress you. Vou have indeed felt tlie imeipuiop ration of laws which limy have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally passed; hut that inequality must necessarily be removed. At the very mo ment when you were iiiqiIIv urged on to tin? unfortunate course you liave begun, it change in public opinion had coiiiuioiuvd. The neatly appioacliing payment ofthe nobliedebt, and l i ieeonM «|Ueiitiii'ces.sity of a diminution of duties, had already produced a considerable reduction, j and that tiMxm someaitiel- s of general consumption in your State. T'a* importance »>f this change was under stood, and you were authoritatively toll! that no further alleviation of your hurtheiis was to he cx|>cctcd, at the ve ry time when the condition of the country imperiously demanded sucli u inoditicatiou ofthe duties as should re- J duce them to a ju.*t tnd equitable scab*. But, as if u|>* prchnisivc of the cll«*ct ot this change in allaving your discontents, you were precipitated into the fearful state in w hich you now find you selves. I have urged you to hark hack to the means that were n*ed to hurry you oil lo the |>ositioii you have now illum ed, and fu". ward to the consequence* it will produce. Something in.>rc is necessary. Contemplate the condi tion of that country of wliieli you still form an important pait ! Consider its government, unitingiii one bo’id of common interest and gen?*rnl protection so many different State*, giving to all tlu ir inhabitant* the proud title of Awp.me.iN Citizens, protecting their commerce, securing thoi r literature and tneir aits, facilitating their iiitc-coinmmiicution, d?*fending their frontiers, and mak ing their name rr*|Hrt«!d i?i the remotest parts ofthe earth! Consider the extent of its territory, its increasing and happy population, its advance in arf.s which render life agrecum?*, ami die science® which elrvatctlie mind ! See education spri ading the lights of r< ligi«>n, humanity, and genera! information into every cottage ill this wide extent ofotir Territories and States ! Behohl it a* the asylum where the wretched and oppressed find a refuse ami sup- port! L?>ok on this picture of happiness nnd hotmr. ami say—we too, are citizens ok America: Carolina i® one of these proud States: her anil® have defended, her b<**t blood hasremonted this hnpny Union! And then add, if you can, without horror ami remo-m*, this happy Union we will dissolve —this picture of peace and pros- jieritv we will defact—this free inbTcourae we will inter- rupt—-these f •rtilo fi-Ms w*e will deluge with hlooil— the protection of that glorious flag wo renounce— the ve- rv nain? 1 of Amerirana we discard. And for w hat, mista ken men!—for what do you throw away these inestimable hhrssings—for w hut would you exchange your *hnrc in the advantages nnd honor of the Union? For the dream of a separate in?h*j»endcnce—a dream intciTUpfed by blo«>- dy ennffirt® with your neighbors, and a vile dependence on a foreign power. If your leadorscould 8uce«*ed in oata- blishinga sopAration, whntwouhl be your situation ? Are you united at Ihuhc—are you free from the apprehension of civil diseonl, with all its fontfulconHequcnce® ? l>o our neighboring republic®, every dny ®iiff*cring some new re volution, or contending with some new inanrreefion—do they excite your envy ? But the dictate® of a higli duty oblige ine solemnly to announce to you that y*»u cannot The laws the Tfuited State* must he executed. I have no discretionary fmwer on the subject—my duty i* em phatically pronounced in tho Constitution. Those who told von that you miglit |K. , an? , ahly pnoent their et<*cii- tion, deccivml yo?»—they could not have. b<*cn deccivi'd thcniaclve*. They know flint a Ibrcilde op|*tfition could alone prevent the execution of the law®, nnd they know that such op|>o*itin:i must be repelled. Their object is disunion hut he not deceived hy names; disunion hy arm ed foree is Treason. Aro you really ready to incur its guilt ? If you are, on the heads of the instigators ol the act he the dreadful consequence*—on their heads he the dishonor, hut on vours may fall the punishment*—on your unhappy Stub* will inevitably fall til] the evil* ofthe conflict Cotton Market. Mguita, Drr. 20,1835. ltusiiifga in tlie retail line is tirttisunlly brisk litis week, our mprrlmiita ltn»o seldom been mom Ht ttvi lv employed—our Stock of Collon common trsry liffhi, freights 75 cts. and our Steam Homs actively employed. Yesterday llto Collon market ruled extremes 9 lo 11 ct«. Average snle* from vvtggnns 10 lo 101: Mix ed Inis from AVare-lioiiBCH 10 lo 101.—North Auurican Gazelle. Jltaeon, Dee. 19.—Collon is selling from SI lo 9j cent*—extra t|ti:ilitie.s would probably Itring n frnrlion more. MARRIED On Thursday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Rlnnton, si |hn resifffenc® uf the Rev. Mr. Mexanderof Ihiseoua- tv, Dr. JOHN WMFTSTONF.. to Mis® MARTHA SUSAN ALEXANDER, l.oih of Alabama. For Sale, geatiiii, the,., is another instance ofthe reckless inntten- )t>» ton* upon the rover,,, nett t of Vonr conntn.lt tan- rinn to he nr’ivi.ion. ofthe Consthtffion will, which this not seeede to the mail proye of . i.iinion of t lich >o c-ifiM hits he,.,, madly hurried on; or ofthoaltempt to p, r- Would he the hrat victims-,t. hrst A‘7»t™tocan,! su Ido the people tliat . eonstitnfional remedy has been •»> would, avoid the j;, lorntance o Ins n,>---t tine eoncht anil reins,,1. If the Legislature ol South Carol,- (qu<’nce must he fcntfnl for you, dHtres-ngtoyttfl. na “anxiously d.sire" a General Convention lo consider *•'*«•. *'«' “ 1 •"•«•!" ff?’, AV ",, tle-ir complainta. why have they not made application for throughout the world. Its enemies have beheld our pros- peritv willi a vexation they could not etmeval—it standing refutation bf tliilir slavish din-trim*®, and tlie? the way the Coiislitution points out I The assertion that they “earnestly seek,” i® completely negalivcil by •hi' omission. 'Fills, 1 hen, is the position in which wi stand. A small majority of llv* rilizens of one State in tlie Union have ideeuddelegitte-itoasiatrMmc. whiehadomlhe p^e. of ym„ revolutionary If.- lion ia® oitl ii i ? i. • - ' j uu'iiiin'rof tory will not abandon that Union, to Hiip|iort which, so, ;i:i: u;:;;:^t:'v;o^'t ; .’.i,v.n;o„gh,, .,,d b.0,1 r i ^ del to tliu Liuritdati.rO; tho rtusitig of si.jxrniy tocanq^the | 'to*whhrlV^11 s”yVlealxcottlwdr asym,' pri 1?tlwTtat^No 1«» IvWymtr eountry the hv., ae, of violent op !r ition to Ih.lain bu yet boencontnnt- suk UteVisorcaliiring edict of A 8UI.KEY, but little defaced from use, of the first order of work and style; a great bar* gain can be had, by making timely application. Inquire at ibis office. AIiLHA G. I A.TIIIKOlCiU, JllTURNEY AT LAIV, H ASrcmoveil to Gainesville, Hall county. In addi tion lu the Uouria heretofore attended by him- •elf and Col. Jone®, in theCiiattahoochee Circuit, they will attend fo business in any ofthe counties composing the Western or Cherokee Circuits. Letters on busi ness. post paid, directed to Allen <>. Fambrough, Gainesville, or John A. Jones, Vilia Rica, Carroll couti- h, w ill meet w ith kind reception and prompt attention. Dec. 93—40—41. IO* The Editors of the Augusta Chronicle, .South ern Recorder, Macon Messenger, and Columbus En quirer, will each give the above one month's publication. GEORGIA, JACKSON COUNTY. W HKRF.AS Joseph J. Scotf, applies to me for Letter® of Administration on the F.atate of Susannah Scolt, lute of said county, deceased: These are therefore to eite and admonish all and sin gular the kindred and creditors of *aid deceased, to bo and appear at my office within the time prescribed by law, lo shew cause ifsny they have, why said letters should no! he granted. Given under iny hand this 14th day of Doc. 1839. WILLIAM COWAN, c. c. o. Dec. 99—40—30J. GEORGIA, HALL COUNTY. 11,' 11V.RF.AS George Wilkie, applies to me for Let- I f tors of Administration on the Estate of Robert Carroll, late of said county, deceased : These are therefore to cite and admonish all and ain- vpilnr the kindred and creditor® of anid deceased, to bn and appear at my office within the time prcieribcd hy Is*, to shew cause if any they have, why said letters should nol he granted. Uni'll under my hand this lHtli Dee. 1939. (JEOKUE liAWPE, c. c. o. D'C. 92—40 -30.1. UNIVERSITY OF Georgia. T l tod, hut such a state of things i® hourly apprehended, and it i® the intent of this instrument to procl aim not only that the duty imposed on me hy tlie Con slit ution “to toko cure i that the laws !*•? faithfully «x«cutnd, w shall be performed j to the extent ofthe powers already vested i?i me by law, or of such others us the wisdom ot Congress shall devise and entrust to me for that purpose; hut to warn the citi zens of South Carolina, who have been deluded into an opiMisition to the laws, of the danger they will incur by obedience lo the illegal and disorganizing Ordinance of the Convention,—to exhort those who have refus 'd to support it to persevere in their determination to up hold the Constitution and laws ol tle-ir countrv, and to |H»int out lo all the perilous situation into which tlie good lorci’u. A UUYUIIIIHt:nt| W" *»« — •• ~ ........ |n,niiuut , j . . , sanction, express or implied; nnd in our rase, it is both {>,•(,pie of that State have been le?l,—and tirilt.ie course necessarily implied and expressly giwn. An attempt hy ] they are urged to ]»ur®iie is one of ruin and disgrace to force of arms to destitiy a ‘ toveriinient, is an offence, by the very State whose rights they affect to sup|K»rt whatever aieniw the constitutional compact may have hff'en fornml; and such Government has the right, by tin- law of self-defence, to pass acts for punishing the of fender, unless that right is modified, restrained, or resum ed, by tlie constitutional act. In our system, although it is modified ill the case ol treason, yet authority is cx- presslv given to p.ns® all law s ncc**»sary to cany its pow ers into effect, and under this grant provision has been made for punislling a<is which obstmU the duo udmims- tration ofthe laws. tlu Fellow citizens of mv native State I—lot me-not only admonish you as the first Magistrate of our common untry,not toimmr tliep nally ofitslavvs, hilt use the m* tion nnd treason,? i which you stand ? of your staple It would seem supcrfluoti* to add any thing to show tion ofthe value of your staple comm?silty, lowered the nature of that Union which connects us; but aacrron- . by over pio-hi? turn in otlierquarter*, .md the consi-jpienl roil* ojanions on this uiihjecl are the foundation of doc- diminution in the value ofyoiiHands, were the sole el trines tin* most dsatiuctive to our pence, I must give some j feet ofthe TarilTlu 'Hie effi-ct of tt»os« laws are con- inill'N HI" IIIOI'l UfBUUlinx. HI twit n*.i, t . .. .1.. ,1 kt> furllier dcri-lopeim-nt to my views on this subu-ct. No j less, dly my irons, hut the evil was greatly < xa^t .rat thy one, fellow-eitiim®, has a higher reverence for tile nyierv- the mifoiindeil tm-ory y?m wen* taught hi hHu-ve, that ed right® ofthe .Stales,than the Magistrate who now ad- it® burthens were irj pm|»o?1ion to vour cxjioita, not to dressi-HVou. No one would make greater personal aa-■ your consumption nt imi«rt«l article®.. 1 our nrele wn* ofthe cxerdiM* of power. Men of the best intentions and . eon.®ti?u; o ia!lv m.eh—t iri* y-m migut f,t * 1 " aonndest view* may differ in tie ir conatrnction of aojiv* I vnntug?*® oftho tmoii and l>oar none of its hurt Ikuik. j Ktntes. parts ofthe Constitution: but there ave others on which \ Elminent appeals to vour passions, tu your state pndc,, Ftlloxc CHiitt *—.—o -.: i i#>r»i.: d - ol | r nB |j vc ronrage, t«> vour ®?-n*e of real injury, for tin? period when the dispassionate reflection can leave no doubt. Of tin® na ture app-ars to be the assumed right of accession. It rests, as we liave seen, on the alleged undivided sover eignty of the States, and on their haying formed in this sovereign capacity a compact which is colled the Consti tution, Irom which, because they made it, they have the right to secede. Both of tliese |>o«ition® are erroneous, and some ofthe argument* to prove them so have been anticipated. The States severally have not retained their entire sovereignty. It lias been shown that in becoming parts of a nation, not members of a league, tlu-y surrendered many of their essential part® of sovereignty. The ng.it to make treaties—d? elare war—-levy tax***—exercise • x- dusivc judicial and legislative powers, were all ot tliein functions of sovereign pow?r. The States, then, for all them iinportint punaise®, were no longer sovereign.-— The allegiance of their citizens waa transferred, in the first instance, to the Government of Uie United .States-— they ht'cainc American citizen®,and owed obedience to the Constitution ofthe United State®, and to laws made in eonfoimity with the powers it vested in Cungrr*®.—This last position has not b**cn, nnd cannot lie dcni»’?l. How then can that State be aaiil to be sovereign «nd indepen dent, wlmsc citizen* owe obedience to law® not made by it, nnd whose magistrates aro «vom to disregard thos? law®, wlu-n thr-v conn* in conflict with those passed hy nnothcr T Wliat show® conclusively that the Statrscan not Ih- said to liave rrwrved an undivkled sovereignty, is, tliat they expressly rede®! the rghf t/> punish treason—not were ns«*d to prepnn* y musk which concealwl the liKb-ous featur**® of disu nion slionld he trken ?)fT. It fell, ami you Were made to look with co»ni»lacency on object® which, not long sine' vou would have regarded with horror. Look back at tlie nit® which have brought you to tiii® state— lt>ok ifeirwani lo the consequences to which it must int v- v , jlably load! I ,.y>k hack to w’lal wan first told you ns an in- , m i r,,r”!et! to our rMlh eu diict’ment fo enter into this dangerous course. Th«* gr* at .>?*»/ lb fin it ft itnr n IKilitictil truth was repeated to you, that you had the rcvolu- [ionary right of resisting all laws that were palpably uneon- stitutional /k inhdrmbly oppressive—it was added that the right t?» nullify a law rested on the same principle, hut Hint it was a p-:i-'‘*iihle remedy? This character which was •MV«-n to it made you receive, with too much i onfidem e, the a«‘*°ilio:is that were m i*’-' of the imcunsfitvit-.CMnlity of the law. nofl it* oppressive *-(T cts. Mark, mv (fellow ic-ii- izen-;, tliat, hv the ndmission of your (cod r rathe unronsli- tutioiiality must he pal|Mihle, or it will not justify ithe: n*- siatance or nullification! hat i® tin* weaning of toe word palwhU, in tVs-ns" in which it i® here u* -d—that w ?ich i.® apiwrent to every one: that which no man nf or dinary intellect will fail to percoiw. I.® lira iluconslitu- tiotuiityofthe.se laws of that description? L-t those j among you* leaders who r.oce approved an! advocated, the principle of protective ilntie®, nnsw-r the q*iesfi.,n .• and hit them dux*** whctlwrthev will !h* eon®H-n «i n® in- I eajMihle, then, of p»T«:eiving tliat which must have been | npjsir nt t-» i.-vcry man r-f co nn »n *ind»r-taridi »*f, f >r a® HE Prudent ini Committee are desirous to fill tho nrancy in Franklin College, occasioned by tl??» rcHtgiintiou ofooe ol the Tutor.®. The election will take place between tlii® and the lira! of January next, so Ih?il the person elected may enter upon the duties of ,,i„„ bf their slavish d.stnnfs. an,. llH . v ■ His -.ffirann .lmt <!«,. Tl.s s.I.ry i.#900pe, snn.tn, .till point to ..nr tlisconl with tint triumph of m.lietmn, I P*‘‘? nu-rteHs,;. Appl.c.nt. tan itdd.cs. ll.c I rostdtnt joy. It is yi;t in rourpower In tlisappuinl tln in. Tlwro t-1 ™ ,h " Gntver.i y. yot tiintt to sliow tlml llttitlnsccnilitlits of the I’incktb-ys. j Atlmns, Dor. In 3J 3t. tlio Stmiiilors, thnRnllcdgcs, si*! of tiro tUmistunl otfn rj ' B " ro i iii'. pc isiiic. Westward ! Westward, ho !! “ Tito dny-slnr allractvd liis eye's glad devo tion.” Erin go Bragh. The Union Hotel Property LOTTERY, W ILL ho drawn in the Court House at Thnmo®- ton, Upsnn County, Ga. on tho same plan of the Lund and Cold Lotteries, now drawing at Milledgs- villc. The property has been valued by four highly distinguished nnd diriutereitcd gentlemen, at twenty ilioiisand dollars. Forty-nine fiftieth parts of the pro perty consul* of Lauda, Lota and House®, Plantation® and Negroes, valued ni $19,600. and the balance, om- fiftieth pari, lofted off* into small prizes of various arti cles, and valued n» The proprietor iiikea pleasure in returning his uD- f. iiMird iliiink® to hia friend* and that part ol' the pub lic who have encouraged him, for the liberality already ,Manifested in the purchase of ticket® in said lottery. The unaold tickets ore now nil placed in the hands of .-kgenta in most of the principal town® sud counties in the Stale lie furllier (solicits n generous aud enter prising people to lend him their aid hy buying up tho halancuof ilie ticket* ; lor it i* only lending for a very short lime; it will ho paid hack on the 94th of next month (the day on which the Lottery will be drawn) 9560 fold I!! Ye w ho have a hungering after gnin, and )e who orn silting in the valley and ahsdow of poverty, fortunes arc now offered to you: Plantation® for farmer® : Hou se* and Lota for merchant*: shop arid tools (or me chanic* ; and Negroes to cultivate tho land and wait ?m the fortunate; and above nil, the Union Hotel, with »t| ’,t« appendage® and attraction^ in the centre oftlm enstern ami weatern trade, and in oni*of the moat heal thy and beautiful villages in (he State, emphatically and verily tho Traveller's Rest and the Inn-keeper’a delight—valued at twelve thnuonnd eight hundred dol lars, for the trifle, the nothingness, of five dollar* I! 1 A fortune I must have, say you ; Here’s fortune to content a .lew. She's not confin'd to Cherokee, But spend*some pri-eioua (iino with mol You mis® her in I be golden mines— Si ill al the Union, see* she •nines! And lest you catch the poor man's rickets, Make In ste to buy the Union tickets. Fellow citizens of Georgia I upon ihii sulrject, alike intcrcaiing to inc and you, I might be *• *• any ol your splendid oraior* at the late anti-tariff Con vention at iViillerlgevilh-; hni I will only say, known a* you are for your generosity and enter prize- ■ buy ,ip the lislnnre of «l.e lickt-i®. A short speech that may ho worth a long advantogc lo you. Now, some of you, property in lota may possess; Bui by advene events mav l»o brought lo distress; And like me, only a*k a fair chance, just to pay Your debts ; then buy— buy the balance, 1 pray. J. B. BATEMAN, Proprietor. Thomaston, Nov. 27— 39—3t. the archive® of you State, the disorganizing Convention—hidit® member® to rc-us®emble nofl promul gate the decided expression® nf your will to remain in the path which alone can conduct you to safely, prosperity, nnd honor—tell them that compared to disunion, all other evil® arc light, became that bring® with it an accumula tion of all—declare that you will never take the field un- less the star spangled banner of your country ahull float over you—tliat you w ill not bo stigmatized when dead, and dishonored nnd scorned while you live, a.® the au thor® ofthe first attack on the Constitution of your coun try !—Its destroyer® you con not he. ^ cm mny disturb it* |H*aee—you may interrupt tin: course of it* prosperty— you may cloud it® reputation for stability - hut its tran quillity will he restored, its prwqicrifv will return, nnd the »lninn|»onit* national character will he trulwtered, and remam nn etc- rnal blot on the memory of tliose wlio irau*- cd the disorder. Fellow eitiz-n® ofthe United State*! Tim threat of un hallowed disunion—the name* of those, once respccUvl, uiutiti j, ; ••-■-j - , , i hy whom it i* uttered—the array of military force to su|>- iluence that a Father would over his children whom lie | ff lt _,j,. ni)tl . ,]„ approach of a eii.sis in our ntTair® on saw rushing lo certain ruin. In that paternal language,. V|f j | j c ^ of our u:icx«inph®l pro®|»crity, out with tlmt paternal feeling,1**1 met-ll you, my countrymen, j p,,*j|j r;l | ,»xi-<fenee t mid perhaps* that of nil free gov»-m- tliat you are deluded hy men wIm> are deceive®I , n j, v doiN-fid. The conjunction deninndnd n tree, thcm.*elv( »,or wish to deceive you. Mark wider vvliut | a fw „ a , B( )'e.vrvlieil enunciation, not only of my intentions pretences you have been b®l on to tho bnuk ot iu*urrcc- j,utofmy ptiiu-ip'ca of action; nnd a® tfic claim was ns- hirst a dimmu- bright hy a sStat * to ntinul the law® qf tlie Union and even to accede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of ray opinions in relation to the origin and form ot our government, and the construction I gtveto the instrument by which it was created, swvnwlto hopm|»tT. Having tliefullent confidence in the justness ol the h'gnl and I’on- Htitutional opinion of mv duties, which has been cxini.*®®- r-d, I rely with equal confidence nn vour undivided su|»- p*»rt in inydi-tf-nmuntion to execute the law®—-topreserve ** constitutional mean*—to arrest, if |»OK“i- firm u»ea.®?ire.s, the nwitodlV ot a hr: llie will of 11c»Veil that !)»• curse on man f-»r the shedding I faH upon our land, that it he tt< * j not called down hy any ofleiwive act en tie- pait ot the \” ‘ Tb momenta"* cate is he fare you. Or. your iintfiri'lr.f tupjnfl of ywit gorrrn :enf ifrprm/s I Jensimtof the "rent question it inroirrs, irhrthrr your sarretl llnioo mill he premtTnl, nod the Messing it secures to us ns one People shall be prrfHtnntrd. .\‘o one ran doubt th.it lb unanimity trith which *unt decision iriU he e.rprt*»ed % wifi hr such ns to inspire nun roufidenre I® rrjwhHcan institutions, and that the prudmee, the wisdom, and the rouracr srhirh ii mill bring to thrir defence, trill transmit them unimpairid and o f .W>V>n« grunt that the ifgnal blessings trith which he has fneared ours y may uoiJ)y the mad- nets of party or personal ambition, he disregarded and lost: and mny Ills wise providence brine; those who hare produced this rriris, to see th *folly, h- fort they frcl the misery of ririt strife: and inspire a returning veneration for that Cnian which, if we may dure to iwuetrate His designs, he has chosen ns the only means of attaining the high destinies to which ter may reasonably aspire. I,l trs'iinyuy whereof I h ire roused the Seat of the tinned Suites to he hereunto officed, haring signed the same with my hand. Thor at the City of Washington, this )0thday of Dr- uthee, in the year of our Lord, one thousand right To Parents. fflIIIR Kcctorof the Athens QRAMMAR SCHOOL. U respectfully informs Fsrcn's at a distance, that etnihrr, in 0u „n, or our I.or A, m r t|.r«or l..m h«,y. c.b. accor.n.n.talsAwithb-.yl for hm,.Mnni t!:irf,,l<ro.andojthr IndrptuUtnrr ./ the jeer, in the Mm* faintly wHhhltnseir. A. Ihr UniUJ Slot,, Ihr r,Ub. ! ryn.lnol .„p,.rv„«,., ol .rnttretnent. as w.JI (■of .to- .d.YDREIF JJf'KSO.Y. ( die.® will be exercised, and every opportunity will no j improved toy advancing those under hia charge ia «n«- »rulity and uat-ful kuoivh-dgc. Athena, (Vc. 8—S*—«wwtf. fty the President: Euw. I.nivcsTov, b' cert ry o f tftilo