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aroKflrcm 8i‘Et:IAL OWlER. . . In the Senate Feb. 8, 1833.—Tho hill fur ther In |iroviili> for thu collodion of tho elution on import*, wnn ih"n taken op. Mr. Webster *i;J the Sonator from N. C. who had the floor last evnniiii;, [Mr. Maugum] not being preienl, ho had rison for the purpose of selling one nutter in its proper lieh'.. There is an inecdolo respecting the meeting of two vessels at sea, one of which was English and tory to ask f»r sufficient power to execute the lars. V. r , Brown ' I gentlemen appeared to con- *>d r ttst-nfkvtlc-.—. ee’iml on to moke confession of their noliihal sins. I i the diachargo ol Ins duly, he trusted that he should not bo induced to look to any quarter Tho Senator from Massachusetts, like a skilful commander, had endeavoured to enirencli his bill behind the Executive commendation. As regarded hard mules — If any such had been usod, il pro bably was in imitation of the course hereto fore pursued by that gentleman. For himself. the other American, soon after tho declaration he was not aware of having expressed himself of war. The American communicated the first information of that evnni to ho English man, who enq tired why war had been derlar- in harsh language while engaged in discus*' ing tin; bill. * 1|r. Webster said he would readily admit ed? The American replied, Hint it was | that the gentleman had not used hard names thought necessary to declare w -r. in order 10 j against the President—but only against, the produce n better understand ;g between the lull. The gentleman would have shewn quite parties, \fter the rharg ; that had been ur- I,is gallant hearing to oust his epithets of re- ged against the Kill l.v senator* who had been | proacli upon the origial source of the measure understood to be high in Executive confidence %l - ,, ~ l " :J ,u - M " nl —after the hard names and harsh epithets that hod been applied to it and to tho Committee who had reported it, those Senators ought to be informed that this Bill was founded solely upon the recommendation of the President. That officer was charged l>y the Constilmior. with the execution of the laws, and had, in dis. charge of his duty, enmm uuicatcd to the Sen ate,that resistance to the laws had been threat' ened, which was nut likely to he overcome ty tho ordinnry means and powers of tho gov. eminent. The message hud been referred to the Judiciary Committee, which hud reported this bill.which in no one particular exceeds the Executive recommendation. Yet, tho whole nrgoment in opposition to the hill had procee ded on tho ground that it was n measure of the Committee—or rather the project of a factious opposition. To prevent the repetition of this mistake,and cnablo those who were the trim parties in the matter In come to u better un derstanding with each other, he had felt il due to himself as a member of the Committee, to declare that this hill was the offspring of Ex ecutive recommendation. In waging war ag ainst tho hill,gentlemen should remember that they were carrying on hostilities against the President of their own choice. As to the charge* that had been mado against the bill, he considered them altogether unjust ; not one of them had been established by argument or any thing liko argument, lie should give the bill his support, nsnn independent meinhnr of tho Senate, acting in the conscientioua da chargo of hi* duly, lie thought he was ae-. quninlcd with the sentiments which prevailed throughout the nation relative to the measure* taken by tho Slate of South Cnrolinn. The current every where sets strongly in favour of the Union. Whenever tho public voico call ed on him to support such measures as those recommended by the President, as nil individ ual, he was ready to discharge his duty. If gentlemen differed from him in opinion on this subject,- they should recollect they d.ffercd from tho Executive. If hard names and s'rong reflections were to be indulged in, they should be directed to tho real offender. Mr. Tvlor had opposed tho hill because he thought the measure to ho wrong, nod not be «snso it had met the approbation of tho Son n I or from Massachusetts. In the discharge of tiis duty ho had not permitted himself to en quire nfier tho source of the bill—hut the Se nate were eertninly under obligations to the Senator, fur informing them that il rnme forth from the Executive recesses. Mr. Wehstor had staled that the provisions of the bill had only lolliwed out the recom mendation of the message. The President had recommended tho passage of certain laws to moot specific eases. In preparing thu hill the Judiciary Committee had endeavored to do this. That Cimiinitteo huvu n habit of drawing their own hills. Mr. Bibb would he glad In learn whether any ipsrt of hi* conduct as n member of tho Senate had given the gentleman a right to suppose Shat he did not art upon his own responsibili ty, hut upon Executive recommendation ? In the course of the remarks ho had felt il to lie hif duty to submit to thu Senate upon this hill, he had endeavoured to avoid cvcrv thing which was calculated to rxeitu improper fee lings. But after the statement ef ihn gen tleman he would lie glad to ho informed wheth er there was any unseen link of coinmunicn- lion between the Executive and the bill ? Ho wished to know whether tho Cmnmiilno bad any hidden lights f lie denied that the hill was responsive to the mes«ago" of the Pros!- dent. He denied that the President hnd re quested in his message that t <e powers con tained in this bill should he conferred on him. He never would believe that nnv President of the United 9tntos would have the daring ef frontery to call on Congress to invest him with such pnwera. As far ns the bill wont in aid of enforcing civil remedies, through the Courts of Justice, he would admit the provis ions had been called for by Ilio Message.— But the military powers conferred by the first and fifth sections of tho hill wore not such us could meet the approbation of the Executive. For himself he Imd sought nothing from Exe- cutivo favor. Ha regarded the questions raised by tho hill as involving the great prin ciples of civil liberty—and under such cir cumstances should not shrink from die dis charge of hi* duty Mr. Holmes said tho Senator from Norili Carolina had spoken of a confession of polit ical sins. He had no such confession tn make—he had always shown his fniih by hi- works. He had satisfied liimiolf beyond doubt that there was hut one member of the Senate who had been perfectly consistent throughout his wlio’e polilienl ifurner—und that one was Ins own dear self. Mr. Wilkins now roan to propose some amendment- to the bill—bet gave way In Mr. Dallas, who addressed the Senate nearly four hours in support of tlm general principles of the bill—when he had Concluded— Mr. Miller rose nnd e aid, there appeared In lie n great misapprehension ns to the eourse taken by South Carolina, which he wished to explain—he would proceed at lint time, or give way to n motion to adjourn, ns might host soil the convenience of the Sunaie. Mr. Wuggainnn moved the Senate adj mrn, which wus agreed to. Feb 8, 1833. In the f/nim of Representative*, Mr. Bell from the Committee on the Judiciary to which had been referrcil ihe Messago of the President in relation In the proceeding in Smith Carolina, made n report accompanied by a “ bill more cffactua'.lv providing for the execution of the revenue laws, mill for other purposes,” which was read twice and committed to the Com mittee of the Whole on Ihe stnlo of tho Union. The hill is in substance ns follows: Section one provides, that suits nri-ing un der the revenue laws, commenced in a Sinte Court, may bo removed to ihe Circuit Court oTthe Un'tcd Slates in said district. Section two provides, Hint whenever suit shall be entered in tho Circuit Court of the ITiiilrd Stales, notice sliull lie given tn the Slate Court in which the suit originated which Slate Court ahnll proceed no further: and if the Slate Court shall proceed, nn in junction may issue from thu Circuit Court to slitv proceedings therein. Section three provides, that in ail other pro ceedings in a Stnlo Court by capias in with- trnivn ur distress hy attachment or otherwise against the person or effects of nn ofTleol’ of the customs, Ktc. the Judge of tho Circuit Courts miy issue nn injunction for mainlining further proceedings therein. Section four provides, tlml tho .Marshal shall ex,>01110 any process of injunction aa the Sheriffs of the States may do—nnv person who shall obstruct or resist any officer of tho U. Stales in the execution of such process, shall lie goiliv of a misdemeanour, nnd on couvic- lion lined, not exceeding $5,000, nnd impris oned, not exceeding two years, ut tho discre tion of the Court. Soclinii five provides, that eilher of the Jus tices of the Superior Court, or District Judge of the United Slnles, may grant writs of habeas carpus in ensos of persons committed to gaol hy sentence of n Slate Court, for nnv net dune in pursuance of the revenue Inwatnnd any per son who shall disobey tho said right of habeas carpus, sliull lie adjudged guilty of n misde meanor, and may lie lined, tint exceeding $8, 000, and imprisoned, not exceeding three yenrs, til the discretion nfthe Court. Mr. Bell staled that the Report nnd Bill had reeuived the sanction of a majority of Hie Committee merely. • Tho minority, however, did not object to the provisions of the hill, bm were of opinion that they did not go as far as necessary to meet tho emergency. Tho mi nnrityof the Committor, ho further staled, were not opposed to a portion of the views submitted in tho Report. Tho Report was then read, referred to n Committee of the Whole on the aluto of the Union, and directed In ho printed. details of the bill, in reply to the objections of Messrs. Tyler and Uibb. The provisions of the first section, upon which the greatest 1 stress of criticism hod been laid, went no fur ther, he said, than those of Hie 11th section of the embargo law of]807, which was suppor ted in both Houses of Congress, hy the unan imous voice of Virginia, N. Carolina, S. Caro lina and Georgia. The 6ih section ol the set was co-cxlensive with the resolution of 1791, empowering Marshals to provide pla- cos for the safe keeping of prisoners where the Siam should refuse the usu of their prisons for that purpose. Mr. C, suggested some restrictions ns proper to bn added to tho ope ration of the second and third sections of the bill, winch being done—ho should give it his cordial support. When Mr. Clayton hnd con cluded. Mr. Manguin went on nearly two hours in opposition to the general principles nf ihe hill, which is compared to the Boston Port Bill, at iho onset of the revolutionary war. He regarded the present situation of the South us similar to that of the Colonies at that peri ml, and rend extensive extracts from docu men!* and historic*! narratives, in illusira lion and support of his views. Mr. Mangum resumes his speech to day. <3?ft»criil StitrlUftenrc. From the Olohe of February 8th. Mr. Clayton addressed tho Snnnlo yester day shout two hours, in favor nf tho general principles of the hill further to provide fur the collection of Julies on impnr's. Iln discuss ed llio cnn8iiltiliunnl questions nrising upon he Ordmaneo of South Cnrolinn, nnd tho laws of ihe Slate, passed in consequence, with mneli nhility. Ho contended that upon lie principle laid down hv the South Cnriilinn Convention there could bn hut two forms of government—a pure democracy and nn nhso. lute despotism. Tho doctrines of sovereignly promulgated hy that Convention, ho insisted, wero remind by Ihe history of all government the Correjp>,mJeiit of thi: Charleston Courier. “ IVashington, Feb, 5. Tho cnusc nf the Union and Nullification remains almost in statu quo, \Vo know ol nothing winch has transpired here, that is cal culated to lessen Iho prospect of mi iihiinale adjustment without n resort in itrms. We are Hinnuivhat perplexed tn understand tho course of things in South Carolina. A Convention of ihe Slate meets and passes, or adopts, an Ordinance. Tho Legislature is thereupon convened, and enacts certain lows in confor mity to that Ordinance, and intended to curry its provisions into effect. After performing lltoso functions, tho Convention i:nd the Le gislature adjourn. Tho day approaches when tho Ordinance, and the Laws consequent upon it, aru to lake effict. On a sudden, wn are told iluii Gen. Hamilton culls a Meeting of Nullitiera, who determine, at his suggestion, to suspend the operation nf the Ordinance nnd Laws, and tho General dolermmos that no ci tizen of South Carolina shall have the satis faction of contesting the Laws of the United States, until ho ahull have led Iho way. lie therefore ships a cargo of Rice, for the purposo of obtaining n return cargo of Sugar, nnd on that Sugar issue is to he taken. Now whul wo want to know is, whether Gen. Hamilton and Ins hand of Ntillifiers act under n Carle Blanche, so that they can nullify just what they please. They first determine to nullify a Law of Congress, then they nullify no Ordinance of the People, nnd tho Acts of the Legisla ture of South Cnrolinn. We begin to suspect that Gcncrnl Hamilton mny say with somo truth, “ I am tho State of Smith Curolinn”— If so, all this w hirlwind has been wrought to drown u fly. ** Tits only busmen- ilmw in the Senate to day, was the delivery of a speech of two hours hy Mr. Holmos, in favor of Iho Enforcing Bill. It was discursive, desultory, mid not very profound. Mr. Holmes exhibited n cer tificate of Ins owe consistency as a republican, but fcnid it had no happened, that he had strange bed-fellows, lie did not seek them, bet they enmo to bed to him. This was u side speech to the Ladies, who scorned to he somewhat disuoucortod by the plum and blunt figu rativeness of the orator. In some parts of Ins speech, however, lie made some success ful aspirations tn pniho9, nnd in his close reached the ultima lliule at eloquence. He is to be followed by IMr. Tyler, of Virginia, whose speoclt is looked for with much anxie ty, in consequence of the peculiar situation in which Virginia is placed, in relation to Ihe United States and the Stato of South Cnrolinn. “ Tho Tiiriff Bill will probably lie disposed of in the course of the present wenk, in the House of Representatives. I do not think ihillhe chances of its finnl passage have at nil increased, nntwithsMinding tho rejection to-day of iho motion of Mr. Adams, to strike out tlm first words of Ihe Bi!!. so as to put it to death. Many of the adversaries of the Bill wore opposed to Iho motion, because they cnosidered that the inode of destroying the Bill was *oo summary : nml they desired, with true Indian taste, to eeo it tortured it little, be fore any innrlnl stroke was givnn toil. Some other amendments were disposed nf, nnd Ihe Bill was then left tn run iho gauntlet anew to. morrow, through friend* nnd enemies. In some of these perilous passages, il will ter minate its brief existence.” aid io passing it—bo would ralher be a dog, and buy the moon, than such a Roman. He declared thut ho would fight under the flag which waved over the sanguinary fields of the Revolution, oil which thu thirteen stars, of which Souili Carol na was one, were embla zoned. He w anted no flag fmm which one ■>| these stars, nnd that one of the thirteen, was obliterated. In reference to the mission of Wa 1 kins Leigh, lie said that Rome had her Cur ius, Athens her Leonidas, und Spar ta her band of self-devoted patriots, but Hint the man who should restore peace and harmo ny, mid settle the existing ditference between the United Slates and South Carolina, would otilshino all the patriots of nil limes and all countries, and deserve an imperishable ever green around In* brow. Mr. Tyler commen ced his speerli under evident embarrassment, owing to Hie peculiarity of his situation—but he gathered confidence as lie proceeded, mid finally threw ofl'ull restraint, and spoke with more freedom than he is accustomed to exhibit. “ To-morrow Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, will occupy the floor. His oratory is of a pro found character, nnd weighty in its effect. I expect that he will reply with great acuteness, power und point. Tho Semite is crowded d uly, and the reputation of Air. Clayton will fill il to overflowing to-morrow, I am told Him Air. Alaiiguiii ha* been pitched upon to an swer Mr. Clayton; these two gentlemen will occupy the day. Tho spocial order will be taken up ut 12 o’clock, liereafler, so as to al low lour hours a day for tho di-c.us*ioa ; yet with all this extra allowance of lime, I much doubt whether it can possibly be pushed through the Senate heforo tho close of (l,o next week. It will then have no chnnce of a final passage, uitlvsi the House should agree to net upon it without sending it into Commit tee of tlm Whole on the State of the Union, so ns to ho ublu to hold thu previous question over it. *' No decision yet on iho Tariff. It was expected that the Bill would be got out of Committee of the Whole, hut the expectation was doomed to disappointment. It may he got through Committee to-morrow.” Irum the feiid i^uges in tho present time, nnd Mr. Webster said, no intimation nr charge j with expressly negatived hy the constitution of of subserviency to Ihn Executive had been the U. 8. Mr. C. regarded tho doctrine of made. In answer to the interrogatories nfthe j Secession as far less dangerous than Nullifi gentleman, a* to the connexion helween the 1 cation, nnd instanced the Nullifiea'ion of un Executive and the hill, he would inform ihn 8enator, that ihe Message of the President having been referred to the Judiciary Com mittee, that committee had sat down in their room, and diawn up Ihe bill, with the view nf meeting ih- exigenciee staled in the massage. In that paper, tho President has stated that combinations existed in the State of Smith Carolina for Hie purpose nf impeding the exe cution of the laws { and the present President of tho United States baa bad the daring cfiTron- nlmrgn law passed hy Congress under the *dd confederation hy the Stale of Delaware, a* having been a principal reason for calling Ihe Convention fur forming the Constitution, m or der to obviate such an exercise of power. As in the power of Congress to enforce the col lodion of the r-venue laws, Mr. C. riled the opinions of Mr. Jefferson, that under the old conli'd -ralmn, Congress fully possessed that power, which not lessened hv the Con stitution. Sir- C. went into a defence of the From tho Saino. “ IVashington, Feh. 6. “ We liavo hnd tn-dny a very imposing nnd persuasive speech in Ihn Senate from Mr. Ty ler. Ilia disapproved of the course of South Carolina, nnd expressed the hope that she would listen to the advice of friends, nnd stif- j suppose Mr. Leigh defeated—what then? It fer herself to ho persuaded to suspend her Or-1 may still he said that we have done our duly Fru.n tho Federal Union. To t’ ' Trustees anti Faculty of Franklin College, Gentlemen,—Permit mo, ns n friond of Franklin College, to say to you, that I have seen with concern und mortification, the lute extraordinary proceedings of a number of your students on tho present state of the coun try—You nre not ignorant, gentlemen, oflho injurious and deep rooted prejudices which have long existed against our University, be cause Iho impression lias gono abroad, Hint Athens is the nursery of politicml opinions. Tho fact that politicians annually assemble there, and the exhibition nf political feeling lately manifested in tho meeting, alluded to, give strength and plausibility to theso prejudi ces. I have therefore, felt it a duly to take this mmle of bringing Ihe subject to your seri ous consideration. Young gentlemen nro sent to College n il to meddle in politics, and em broil their feelings with the excitement of politics. This stato of things is manifestly adverse to tlm progress of literature and set- once, o* wall ns io the feelings of all parents and others concerned in llio welfare of youth. Of course, such occurrences aa that meeting, most ni nil limes, do injury to the Institution, —when the wisest and bust men of tho Nation nre nt fault wlmt is bust to bu done for our be loved country, nnd how wo ran host avoid the fearful collision that seems to threaten us. 1 presume, gentlemen, that this hoy’s meeting, nnd their puerile proceedings, wero not had with ynnr privily or consent. But if Franklin College is to remnin “ the University aj Geor gia,” it is incumbent on yon, to iidopt some vigorous mensures to prevent tho recurrence nf such scenes. Tho prosperity of the Insti union depends upon public opinion, ortin through tile Lcgi-luluro. Almost every year,np plication is made for more liberal endowments. Cnn il bo expected, Ihnt these will ho made, when Ihe University furnishes sm-li spectacle ns lhut meeting ? The writer of this article has heretofore sustained the Collegn in more ways than one ; nnd does not moan to boast when he snys that il is in his power to exert no small inflncnrn against it. Should these things not be suppressed, or satisfnrlnty exer tions made for their suppression. I hut influence will be exerted in common with many worthy citizens, who now have Hie good of the Uni versity at heart. GRADUATE. P. S. I would suggoM to Ihn Trustees, n very simple arrangement which would prove of iufioiie value to the College. Change the lime of your Commencement to Ihe secantl .Mon day in October—it may not suit politicians, hut il will benefit Iho College. G. (t^Thn Onzntto and Banner at Athens will he pleased to insert Ihe above, nnd oblige a friend of the College The Richmond Enquirer, in relation to Mr. Leigh’s mission, snvs—“ Suppose wo fail; ing Stales,”and argues with much force again.* subjecting the destiny of twenly-four State, to the will of one. A second letter is to fo| low in further illustration of his view* Cl' Courier. * ilinanro nnd Laws, until after the next session of Congress. With equnl earnestness he in voked tho Federal Government to withhold from the President tho powers which nra granted hv the Hill now under consideration, nnd which ho might he tonipted to use in a manner to peril the tranquillity, tho existence ofthoPninn. Sir, said ho, if you conquer Smith Carolina, if yen hang up her Governor end her Legislature, and doom her citizens, after slaughtering their wives and children, to lake refuge in those morasses which shelter ed Alarion and Sumter, when they worn press ed by the British troops ; if vnu tread down the freedom of Smith Carolina, and mako her Palmetto trail in Ihn dust, what will you have gained ? Will you have preserved the Union 1 In sow. a parts nf his speech he threw out some very seveio sarcasms of an inferential char acter against the administration; and in reference to Iho Bill, said ho would give no —that we have interposed our good offices, though they have been rejected. It will yet have this good effect—it will show that South Carolina is still more precipitate, more •* wnn dering,’’ or her purposes more mischievous, than over wo had supposed them—and Hint it is still more urgently our doty to resist her schemes, nnd to rally around thu Union.” Tho same paper contains n letter from Mr. Stevenson, of Virginia, Speaker of tho popular branch of our National Legislature, in whirti the right of secession is discussed wj-h much ability,and opposed as neither “a constitution al nor penrrable remedy—ns not only dan gerous to the rights and liberties of the Stale, hut as wholly inconsistent with the great ob jects which led tn our Union, and the bles sings it was intended to secure.” Mr. Ste venson considers tho right nf secession nn the pan of one S'ato “ as involving necessarily tho dissolution of the compact of tho remain* AHwh Chase and A. At, fti*bc|. S&TTOBA?. FBBB.TJAIIT 23, 1833, Um. Jackson.—Tlieie is an old adage, and we are sorry to own coat it is (minded on too much truth, t „d will apply too justly to the waytt ard and defect iveehar- acter of human nature, which reads thus;— 44 Do a man ninety-nine favor*—refuse him the hundredth, ond you make him your enemy for life.” For the credit of man- kind, we lament that such an adage should ever have been promulgated, and we blush for our very species when circumstances occur either in public or private* life, which marks the existence of that ” marble heart ed fiend”—ingratitude. And, if, in our humblecuncep. lion, there ever existed a class of people in any Slate or community completely given over to the influences of this unoniiablo and seemingly unnatural passion it isceitainly those who arc now crusading at the South against the character, honor and popularity, of our present Chief Magistrate, Gen. Andrew Jackson.— Their course since the promulgation of Ihe Presidents “ raw head and bloody bones” Proclamation, has com pletely changed fiction into fact, and realized tho spec ulations of the Poet when he says, “ He that doth public good fur multitudes, Finds few thut are truly grateful.” These individuals,not content with condemning that alone which is objectionable in the Proclamation, consign tho good and the bad together, into one common recep tacle, and hold them forth to the people as tho odious offspring of military tyranny, despotism und corruption! And it is tho President of their choice—he who h«s twice saved the South from Foteign and Domestic furs —he who has thrice intervened b's mighty arm, and said to Federal encroachments, thus far shult thou go and no farther, and he who has achieved for Georgia, and put her in possession of that, which no other man in existence could have accomplished, under tlm rime circumstancee, viz: her right of soil, jurisdiction end possession of the Cherokee Country—who is thus stig- matized, and by Georgians too!! Yes, for errors which may have emanated from the head and not the heart — for the committal of one act deserving censure, in a long life devoted to his country, in the field and in the Cabinet—would the alarmists and disorganizes of the day, make his name a bye-word and reproach throughout the wotld. And what, we would enquire, lies brought the w holesale denunciations oftbe»"*nen upon the head of Gen. Jackson 7 Is it the speculative opinions contained in his Proclamation, on the subject of the formation and origin of tho Federal Government? No, they will say, Gen. Juckson should not be denoun ced as a traitor or tyrant for exercising the right of opinion. Is it because he warned the people of Sou’ll Carolina that he would be compelled to fulfil his obliga tions under the Constitution, and 41 see that the Reve nue Laws were enforced in that State ?” No, they will say, this was his duty whilst South Carolina claimed Io bo a member of the Union. Is it because he deni ed that So. Carolina could constitutionnlly and peace fully secede from the Union at her pleasure? Yes! will be the reply— 14 the Tyrant has threatened to co erce a soveroign State, and hold her ns bound to the Government!” This, then, is tho sum and substance of his offence—this it is, that hua cancelled the great debt due him hy a once grateful people, and changed the Patriot and the Hero into tho Tyrant oml the Pol- troon ! But if this sentiment possesses such wonder- .working magic as to change in toto tho nature and character of Andrew Jackson, how in it thnt JcflVitnn nnd George M. Tioupare not nffVctrd by it m the same way? Is Jellersuids moinnry branded note by them with the epithet, Traitor, or Troup’s character with that of Tory ? And yet they both believe with Jack- eon, that a State has no right constitutionally to secede from tho Government. Hear what Mr. Jefferson says in a letter to Jno. Tay lor, which may be found at pago393 and 3d vol. of his memoirs: “B-’ this ns it may, in every free and deliberating so ciety, there inm*t from the nature of man, bu opposite parties, nnd violent dissensions and discords ; and one of these for tho most port, must prevail over the other fora longer or shorter tune. Perhaps this party divis ion is neeessnry to induci* each to watch nnd relate to the people the proceedings of the other. But if, on a temporary superiority oft he one party, the other is to re sort to a scission qflhe Union, no federal government can ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule of Massachusetts and Connecticut, we breok the Union, will the evil slop there 7 Suppose tho New England Stn’es alone cut off, will our nnturca be changed 7 Are we riot men stiff to the South of that and with nil the passions of men? Immediately we shall see a Penn sylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary confederacy, and tho public mind will be distracted with the same party. What a game too will the one parly have in their hands, by eternally threatening tho other, that unless they do so and so, they will Join their northern neighbors. If wo reduce our Union to Virginia and North Caroline, immediately the conflict will be established between the representatives of these two States, and they toil/ end hy breaking into their sim ple units. Seeing, therefore, that an association of men who will not quarrel with one another is a thing which never ycl existed, from the greatest confederacy of na tions down to a town meeting or a vestry j seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with', I had rather keep our New England associates for that purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred to others—a lit tle patience and we shall seethe reign of witches pass ov t, thar spiffs dissolved, and tho people recovering their true sight, restoring their government to its true principles’* it wili he seen that Mr. Jefferson, instead of advocating secession at that gloomy period of our Na tional existence, rather encournges that, as a blessing to the country, which the nulliflers are now resolved to make the instrument of its destruction, vis: party feeling and sectional differences. And ns to George M. Troup, he dearly denies the right of constitutional secession, because the conditions which he prescribes to the seceding State are entirely beyond her control. We say it, and We say it without the fear nf contradic tion, that thrre is not a State in the Union which could secede peaceably, on the terms prescribed by Gor. Troup—not one of them could possibly leave the Un ion without affecting in some way or other the Sove reignty of some one of the others, either ae regards. way, intercourse or commerce. The truth is, Gen. Jackson nvist be pat down he-