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' 1 ‘ »■' ' r " Xj . . - gm $ u%ii$\tv-M liamw<fv♦ ing any step whatever for their enforcement? For myself, I am free to say, I do not thu9 read my oath to support the constitution of the United States. I do not thus understand my duty to my couutry, or the interest and the honor of my own state. What, sir, will be the consequence if South Carolina be permit ted, without opposition, to nullify the revenue laws of the Union ? Will not that uniformity of imposts, and^hat equality in the fiscal and commercial regulations of the Union, which are guaranteed by the constitution, be at once abolished by the arbitrary act of fc?outh Caro- lina, to her own advantage and to the detri. meat of other states ? Sir, os a representa tive of Virginia, I am not willing that V irgin- ia shall he compelled to pay taxes, while Car. oli*:i, by her own illegal and unauthorized ac tion, is suffered to go quit of them. Yet this must be the consequence of acquiescence in nullification ; or otherwise a result still more distressing to the whole country will ensue— the entire commerce of the country will be drawn to the free ports of South Carolina ; the ports of the other states, with all the im portant branches of industry connected with them, wi-1 be consigned to ruin; and, at the same time, the whole revenue of the Nation will be cut off and destroyed. Bad os these consequences, or any of them, may be, there (s yet another view of this sub- 1 ject of still higher importance. The exa*,i- pie would inflict a mortal wound on the Con stitution. The Government would be thence- forward virtually dissolved, and wa should in evitably fi ll back into the anarchy and con- fusion of the Articles of Confederation—if, indeed, after such an example of weakness, the states should continue connected by any tie whatever. For one, therefore, I feel myself constrain ed, by the highest considerations of duty, to give my assent to such measures a3 may be necessary and proper to provide for the exe cution of the laws, while they remain uarc- ^tcaled. There are some provisions in the bill now,' nnder consideration, of which I do not approve, as 16'iall have occasion to say more - fully, when I conic to explain my own ideas of die legislation best.adapted to meet the cri sis. But we are met at the threshold with a preliminary denial of the right of the Govern ment to adopt any measures whatever, for the execution of a law of the United Stares, which shall have been nullified by the authorities of a state. This position has been maintained by both of the honorable Senators from South Carolina, and especially by the honorable Sen ator who spoke first, (Mr. Calhoun) in the re- marks made by him at the time of submitting his resolutions, which arc now lying on your table. IIow, Sir, has this extraordinary position been attempted to be sustained ? One would have supposed that a power so radic dl v a libe ling the whole operation of our system, as an absolute State veto on the laws of the Union, would have been, in some form or other, ex pressed in the Constitution. Instead of this, we find an express declaration that the Con stitution and the l aws of the United States .shall control, and be supreme over, the Con stitution and laws of the respective States- Yet the honorable Senator (Mr. Calnoun) seeks to do away all this, by setting up the metaphysical deductions, aad ingenious crea- tioris ofhis own mind, i:i the place of the pos itive terms, of the instrument, itself. Sir, I propose to folio.v the* honorable Senator, step by step, in the process of reasoning by which he has attained so singular a result.— And as I am anxious to deal with his argu ment in a}i possible fairness, I will first state what l understood that argument to be, in or- dcr that, if I shall have fallen into a misap prehension of any part of it, the honorable . Senator may set me right. I understand tho honorable Senator, then, thus—after stating that the problem is to as- certain where the paramount power of the system fa, and that that power must be where the sovereignty is, iie proceeds by saying, that the Co istitulio 1 of the United St,lies, is a compact between the several States—that these Spates only are sovereign—th it the Gov- ■cram out of the United St ates i3 not sover eign, because, according to the principles of modern political science, sovereignty is not the attribute of any Government—that it re. sides ia the people—that the only people known to the true theory of our institution's, is the people of the several states distinctly —that if the people of any one state in the Union, therefore, shall, in its sovereign capaci ty, interpose between its citizens and the Government of the United States, the act of a sovereign being ilways binding on its citi zens, the citizens of that state can no longer owe obedience to the Government of the U. States, or be properly subject to its action; but that if the act of the state, so absolving its cit. izens firom obedience to the U. States, be a vi olation of the compact with the other states it is the State only as a political, community that is- responsible. I hope, Sir, I have sta ted the reasoning of the Senator lhirly, as I 2m*e wished and intended to do. Now, Sir, in regard to the first proposition laid down by the honorable Senator from S Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun, ) it gives me pleas- tire to say that I am entierly of accord with him. Hero we draw our principles from the same pure fountain—the republican doctrines of’99 and ’99 as asserted at that time, by the legislature of my own state. If there be any thing in politics or history resting oa grounds of incontrovertible evidence and conclusive demonstration, it is that the Constitution of the United States was adopted by the people of the United States, not as an aggregate mass of individuals, l>ut as separate and inde pendent communities. This, Sir, is the foun dation stone of our federal system, and every attempt to displace it has resulted ia acknowl edged failure, and has only served to estab lish it the more firmly. But. Sir, are the other propositions of the honorable Senator, ( Mr. Calhoun,) equally distinctly 1 And here, Sir, as the chief source of difficulty in all discussions of this sort is in the vague use of terms, let us fix tfrhut we mean by sovereignty. The dome .t'ary idea of sovereignly is that of supreme unconirol'ed power; and when applied to political organi zations, I agree with the honorable Sena tor from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) that it cannot, with propriety, be predicated of Gov ernment, which is i delegated aud limited trust, but that it resides exclusively in the body of the community, which creates and establishes the Government. 1 readily grant, then, that the Government of the U. States possesses no soverei'Tity. The honorable S enator (Mr. Calhoun) seems to have supposed that this be ing admitted, it would necessarily follow that the only sovereignty, kuov.n to our political system, is in the people of each State distinct ly, there being, as he contends, no other peo ple, according to its true theory, than the peo ple of the several states separately consider ed. But ibis argument obviously overlooks the pcculi.j naiure of our complex or ganization Wjich embraces two distinct species of communities, the separate com munities balled the states, formed by the individuals who compose those stales res pectively, and the general community called t:*.e United States, formed by an dissociation of all tile states into a political Union. There is one body politic or community as clearly resulting from the association of states, in the one case, as there is such body politic or will of the states individually, as the constitu-1 quivocal language is held in the letter aadres- tion of a state may be at its individual will.” I sod by the Convention to Con gress, on tn.»t But why add to tuis list of distinguished au-1 occasion, and si .pied by General Washington thoritics, farther than to cite the authority .of] as President of the Convention, the honorable senator from South Carolina I “ It obviously impracticable in the Federal himself. In his letter to Gov rnor Hamilton I Government ot these states to secure til the published during the last summer, I find the I rights ot independent sovereignty to each, and following passage—“The General Govf-i- I yet provide for the interest and safety ot all. meat is the joint organ of all the states con-1 Individuals enterin; into society must give up cession federated into one general community.” And I a share of liberty to preserve the rest, &c. again. “ I i the execution of the delegated I Let not any attempt be made to lessen the powers, the Union is no longer regarded in I weight of this declaration, by representing it reference toils parts, but as forming one great I as the expression ot the individual sentiment community, to lie governed by a common I of General Washington by whom the letter will,” &c. I was signed. The draft of the letter was care If, then, the United States do form “one com- fully prepared, under the orders of the coaven munity, governed by a common will,” sover-1 lion,by the same Committee,wluch w*as ea.re- cignty comini Union as sovereignty vidual state, for ^ , , - then, and I flatter mvself a conclusive one, to known to the people : ami understood by them the urgument of the honorable Senator, is that | when the states ratified and adopted the Co .stitution. [To be concluded next tceeJc.] ind fast frie id throu .hout her whole struggle; a struggle that involved ..er inte rity, and ve- r being as a state. He has sf»nd by her at his own hazard, through 'rood and through bad report, and nas, so far, seen her throujh the night of her troubles, and lias now invited a Cherokee delegation to Washi ngton, we understand, in the hope of at last, obtaining a Captiously to leave him now is not to be thou ht of. But lie is mid to have left us. This should be looked into, and it his reui expositor, his conduct, proves it to be so, then let the state take her lasting leave of him with the dignity of sorrow and regret, a id not even then with the virulence of vin dictive spite. His inaugural speech is now before the public, and what every state’s right republican must approve. exists in the people of an indi- It was then the solem « explan .tio i or their own r state purposes. Mv answer, act by the Convention u.emselves, made 11 _ • - It 1 - aL . ..n,l iinMorolAA/1 hv tllPlYl the sovereignty of our Federal system is nci- th ncral tcU'Htticc* community resulting from the association of individuals in the other. In the body of the community, the sovereignty of each system resiles—that of the federal system in the community culle 1 the Untied States, that of the state systems in the body of the commu nity called the state. You will remark, Mr. President, that I here speak of the United States, as contradistinguished from the Gov ernment of the United States; and I contend dint the term United dates, as used in our politic.1 nomenclature, designates one body politic, one integral community, (although a community composed of states,) in which sove reignty resides, as to certain purposes, as tru ly as it resi les in the states, or several com munities composed of individuals, for the pur poses oi‘ their organiz ition. I should not think it accessary, Mr. Presi dent, to dwell on an idea, which, to my mind, is so obvious, if I did not know that the sug gestion of any unity in our fe deral organiza tion had recently given rise to much dissatis faction, and if we did not live in times when inc best settled principles have been boldly called in question. It may not be amiss, therefore, to bring a few proofs to the support of what I have ventured to assert—that the Uuited Slates do form, to, certain purposes, one community—one integral political body We are all. agreed that the United States form a confederate republic. Now, sir, what is the definition of a confederate republic by that writer, wlib, among the political philoso phers of modern times, seems to have best understood its characteristics, and to have most justly appreciated its advantages? Mon tesquieu says, “a confederate republic is a con vention by which several smaller states agre to become members of a Larger one, waicn they intend to form. It is a kind of assem blage of societies, that constitute a new oac,” &c. The writers of the Federalist, in th 9th No. referring to what Mo itesquieu says oa this subject, add: “The definition of confederate republic seems simply to be ‘au assemblage of societies,’ or an associ vtioa of two or more states iato one state. But, sir, let us appeal to a distinguished authority which is ofte n involved by the politi cians of South C irolina, and for which I caal lengc a portion of their respect oathc present occasion. .Mr. Jederson, sir, in a letter to Mr. Edvnu id Randolph, which will be loan in the 3-i volume of his publishe 1 corrcspo id ence, written on the 18th August, 1793, the very crisis of that great stru ggle for con stitutional principles which terminated in the “civil revolution” of 1801, and when he must be supposed to have weighed well all the bcari igs of his words, uses the following I in guage: “Before the revolution, there existed no such nation as the United States: they then first associated as a nation, but for special purposes only. They had all their laws to make, as Virginia had on her first establishment as a notion. But they did not as Virginia had done, proceed to adopt er in the Government of the United States, nor in the people of the individual st ttes sep arately considered, but in that “ great com munity,” or body politic, called the United! From the Georgia Journal. States, resulting from the association of all The Status «guo.—As the clouds of the the states, for special purposes. Mr. Jeffer- last year’s tempest are cle ring away, we son, in the letter to Mr. Randolph, from which >re disposed to take an obs rv ition, to uscer- read the extract cited a few moments ago, tain somethin? of the latitude of the ship o‘ says, very properly, that “the whole body state, and to notice the be.-rings of the prora- fthe nutio or community, “ is the sove- | inent points around us. The cause of repuh- reijn power for itself.” - I ficaa government, we find, has -gainedground; There is u practical criterion, of very easy ap- it now st aids better assured to ourselves, and licatiunia our American institutions, for deter- vindicated to the world. The gre it regula- mining where sovereignty resides. Sov r.d jnty ting, co trolling conservative principle found resides where the power of amending the Con- in that settled love of the Union, aid a due siiiutiou or fundamental law resides. In a single appreciation of its importance, has interposed state, this power resides in the people ofthe state, its powerful otlice, to stay the storm, and and of course the sovereignty resides in them bring both extremes to a p.usc. What next? also. In the Union, this power resides in the We find an officer at the head of the govem- ederal community composed of all the states, ment- who has very recently been placed and according to an express provision in the there, by acclamation ; but he is said Constitution, requires for its exercise the con- have since proved recreant to the pri .ciples j currence of three fourths ofthe states. Ac- that won the confideuc * oi' the r jpubiic-ns of cording to this plain, practical test, then, the | this country, and gone ov r to t ie l’cd.nl actual sovereignty of the Union is in three- Consolidationists. If this be so, it is pi. in fourths ofthe states. I his friends cannot follow him. If Wushi-n .- Here-, again, I am happy to fortify myself ton himself was to return, they would not sup- by an authority which, if not that of the ho i- port such doctrines iu liis person. They orihle Senathor himself, as it is generally must remain where they are. They must understood to be, must at least command his buckle their armour the firmer on ; and very high respect. I allude to the Report and though it mig it be in a lean mi rarity, they Exposition adopted by the Le gislature of S. I must stand firm us of the old time, and fight Curoliua in Dec. 1828. From that document, out the ,ood light to the end, whether it be beg leave to read to the Senate the following in the hi h places of their recent .scendaiicy, extract: I or upon the bleak field of opposition. If “ Our system, then, consists of two distinct Jackson has in truth, taken the left hand and independent sovereignties. The general path, we must bid aim alien; not indeed powers conferred on the General Government with those male fictions and revili-i s winch are subject to its sole and exclusive coitrol and .re unworthy o ' ourselves ; b .t with a r col- t!ie states cannot, without viol .ting the Con- lection of the ..rood he has do .e, and witii a stitution, interpose tiieir authority to check, | deep regret that such a patriot h ts so strayed they expect Georgia, by means of the Judi ciary bill to be sgain embroiled with the General Government—Chas. Courier. From the Washington Globe. Messrs. Grundy ofthe Senate, Speight and Hubbard of the House of Representatives, the committee appointed by the two Houses of Congress, to wait on the President :nd Vice President elect, culled on Mr. Van Bu- ren since his arrival in the city, in discharge ofthe duty assigned them. Mr. Speight, the Chairman, addressing the Vice President, said. Mr. Van Buren : As the organ of the Joint Committee of both Houses of Congress, I have the honor Accident.—In firing the cannon the oth- er evening, in honor of the passage of Mr. Clay s bill by Congress, a young man ofthe name or Wilder had h» arm so badly mutila ted, that immediate amputation ofit became necessary. Though his foe* and person were otherwise severely scorched and injured, it is expected he will recover Macon Tel. By the arrival at Charleston of the British, ’KXVlT LlVer P° ol > P a P c r3 of that place to the 24 Jan. and London to the 23d. have been received. The British Parliament was to meet on the 29th of Jan. 1 0n tho *&**££*’** csny tMt of i pwverty destroyed during the recent re .dtui nr - at Liv rpooi, is now estimated at a qu rt- r ol a million. r PhA iiicm-nnAn ... qu rt r oi a million. The insurance on it does not exceed 140.000/. The celebr ted Mrs. Hannah Moore was very near the period of her demise. She is in her 84th ear. An armistice had been proposed hv Lord to inform you that on the 13th fast.-the votes J e , Coute ^ n ? fijrcc8 'o»' Don J ~ — • 1 Miguel and Don Pedro. The Miguelite Min. be * ” : — ! * • * * ■ ■ ■ given by the several States for Vice Presi- j • . ' ., . dent ofthe U. States, for four years, from - . , ! ,l shoul ' 1 be and after 4th March next, were canvassed in D ... “ . * lea ua j* P omts werc the House of Representatives agreeably to!.. . ' , ou ' l Jave Portugal, and the provisions of the Constitution, when j 1 l ™ e Maria was found that you were duly elected, h wing ' .. C , a PP°* 1 e * 0! P^ro s affairs _ - ,. J - * k— 51 **usud 10 ho in-a bad state. r -ceived a majority of the whole number of ( ,, , ro J • a -i 1 Torauiand ot Sinm was not exnectod m ro The spontaneous expression of the I .. .... , . . 1 , * 10 re K 1 1 cov r ironi the late s ock his .he .1th Ins re. votes. or in any manner counteract its movement! so long as they are confined to its proper sphere; so also the peculiar mil local powers, reserved to the states, are subject to their exclusive con.rol; nor can the General Government interfere with mem. without on its part also vi olating the Consfituiiou. In order to have fiift. and clear conception of our institutions, it will be proper to remark that th-T" is in our system a striking distinction between -Me gov ernment and the sovereign power. What- -ind fallen. But outfit we to pronounce a hasty senie.icc against au old friend? Ought we rashly to cast him o.i and so force him, and with dm, the udmi is:r tion o the rov- ernmeat, i to the hands o. tne Federalists?— The government must bic rriMo.i in some body, and our caster n i hfiors will cheer, fuliy undertake t.ut labor if we tiiink proper to devolve it on thorn. it seems to us, that Andrew Jacksoa, of ail men in the world, is that one who ought, to ho ever may be the true doctrine in regard to the judged by his measures. We all Know ue soveroi tutv of die states indivi lua iy, it is m- is a plain, strai ;ht onward, practical man, but qu stioaablv clear, that wiiile the Govornmeu nothin i; l.k so keen scented a logician as his oftlio Union is vested in its legislative, execu- predecessor, Mr. Ad.mis. The recent events tive and political departments, the actual sov- are new in our history. W • may very well ereign power resides in the several states, suppose, that such a person when placed in a who ere ite 1 it in their separate and distinct I conjuncture admitted to be as mom mtous and political character. But By an express pro-1 urgent os it was new, would naturally be v.sio l ofthe Constitution, it may be amended looking, rather to what was then to be done, or changed by threc-fourt'is of the st it *s ;— diau to refinements of argument lor or a gainst aad each state, bv issenting to the Co istit l- j my p urticul j mpL* of doin/ it. Now if we tion with this pr msion, h at s irre idere i its look to tne sentiment and, i'eelin : that runs original ri r its as a sov r .i gn, which made its throu jh the Proclamation, we mast see that iadivi lual consent necessary to my change in | as devotion aid habitual promptitude to duty confidence which your follow-citizens repose I . , in you bv calUag you to fill the second office f , , lllere g' “‘.'"i'' 0 '" 9 01 ' roubl « within their A is u sufficient guarmtee on hat “W 09 ,lls •^'“•ton.-Tbere had their part, ot the estimation which they place in vo r moral worth and capacity, to dis charge the duties incident to the station to which they have called you. Mr Van Buren replied: Gentlemen—You are authorized to of Vice nounce mv acceptance of the o.lice President of he United States. I cannot r .Train from s -izi ig tho occasion to express my deep and grateful sense of th honor conferred upon me by my fel!ow-citi. zens, and my determination that no' exertion been disturb mens in Madrid uni Toledo. The pro] ct of a Convention submitted by Lord Palmerston and Prince Talleyrand, to the Belgian and Dutch Governments, had not been deci led on by the powers interested on the 19lh of Jan. A counter project is sta. an-1 ted to h ivc been offered by Holland. Ti.eD itch Government had issued an order pernuiti ig all vesse's to navi ar,.- tile Scheldt, except those bearing the British, Freuca. and 3 1 ion lings. London, J.in. 22—By former accounts from tne East it a; peared that Ibrahim Pacha lud broke i up his cuuto. ments Kouish, and shall be spared to render myself worthy of the generous confidence they have reposed I adv inped upon Constantinople, but advices iu nte. from Alexandria, coming down to the 20th I beg you, gentlemen, to accept my thanks I Dec. r present the Turkish army to have ad. for the friendly manner in which you have vancod more r ipiJly than the Pacha had ex- been phased to discharge the duty assigued j p e cted, which obli red him to fall back and re- to you. From tiic Bolti nore American. " The following are the vo es i 1 the House of Representatives, on the bill more ellectu- all to provide for the collection of revenue, commonly c died the Forca bill, arranged ac cording to the States. reiguty, known to our political system, than (hat which resides ia the people of each state whole system of laws ready in lie to their hand; as their associ ition as a nation was on ly for speci d purposes,” &e. Sir, it would be easy to show, if the time of the senate were not too precious to be consumed in unnecessary disc ission, that th recognition here made of the United Stales as forming one nation, for certain purposes, is |> urticul.tr weight, from the nature of the question which .Mr. Jefferson was then dis cussing, and wliich would have re.tiered his course of argument much shorter and simpler if he could have denied altogether the exist ence of any nutioual individuality in the Uni- ted States. But, sir, without insisting on the p articular weight of Mr. Jefferson’s authority in this view ofit, I would ask if the same language has not been habitually used by'all of our great men who were cotemporary with the formation of the constitution, and with the vital questions of construction to which the first ten years of its operation gave rise? We ill remember, Mr. President, that Gen. Washington, in that noble monument of patriotism and wisdom, his farewell address,.speaks ofthe “unity of government which constitutes us one people,” and ofthe states as bound together by “au indissoluble community of interest as one na tion.” Mr. Madison, than whom -certainly no higher authority can bo appealed to, in re gard to that constitution which is the work- manship of his own hands, thus writes in liis letter to the Editor, of the North American Review : « The Constitution ofthe U. States, being a compact among the states, ia their true? Is it true that there is no other sove. .highest sovereign capacity, and constituting the people thereof oae people for certain pur poses, camiot be altered or annulled at the its polilic.il co idition, and has placed this im portant power in the hands of three-fourtns of | the states, in which the sovereignty of the U .. ion u tier the Constitution dues now actually reside.’’ Here, then, Mr. President, we have a dis. tinct acknowledgment, in accordance witii the principles 1 have laid down, that the sover- eiguty ofthe Federal system is not in the peo ple of any one of the st ites, acting separately, us the honor foie senator now conte ids, but in three-fourths of the states acting concurs ally Tne ho mr tble senator nos Lold us that tin paramos it power of controlling the General Government must reside, where the sover- ci ;nty of the system resi los. The problem stated by tii n was to ascertain where tli a power does reside, and is here couclusivel, solved by his ow.i st ite, in a solemn exposi tion drawn up by himself. The plain resui* is ihut the pinraou.it or sovereign power is not in the people of any one state, but in three- fourths of Ml the st hes. Tuis important document, also, in acknowl edging that “ there are two distinct and unL pendent sovereignties,’.’in our complex or r .ii zation, recognizes the correctness of another oi staa is out is its praminent and disti iguisliing -ture. The geuer -a pervading tone we liuxik bclo igs to A drew Jackson; L-ut the octriuM dialectic p rts smack of other han Is. These portions wer to be sure, admiitc Un to it by him ; but probably without weighing them in Mr. Ad uns* gol !e.i scales, and with out th .t fair searctiia , scru iny o. tneir uli- nate be a rings that they woul. have received roin Mr. Malison. We have never had .m> * r i it confidei.ee in Jackson’s, polemics. When he took the Baraucas, he co isidere- Florida, and so set it dow-i in an olfici.llet- :r written at the lime, as,a co..quere i prov t .ce. Now that single pre licate fully carri ed out, would have wonderfully abrid :ed o.ir ;q -. roversies, by cashiering hot t houses of Jo.igress, the Executive, JudicLiry and all. it could readily have been built up iu a beau- iful specimen of concentrated coasolidatio. of the power of peace and war, and the right of Jurisdiction and territory itself in the breas. of a commanding General ia the field. It w s certainly a wide mistake ; but what then? Dil the American people Listen on the spcc- ul itive abstraction, and lift and loom it aloft io contradict i fife of constant action ? Not Maine Avos 7 Noes 0 New Ilam?,shire 4 1 Massachusetts 13 0 Vermont 5 0 Connecticut 5 0 Rirade Island 0 0 New York 27 3 NAw Jersey 1 2 Pennsylvania 25 1 Del xware 1 0 Mar/lond ‘8 0 Virginia 8 13 North Carolina 8 4 South Carolina 3 6 Georgia 1 G Alabama 0 3 Louisi ma 3 0 Mississippi 0 1 Tennessee 7 O Missouri 1 0 Indiunia O 0 Illinois ■ y.j 0 1 Kentucky 7 4 Ohio 11 1 119 48 0 1 0 0 1 0 4 3 0 0 1 0* 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 - 0 1 0 1 2 15 1 Speaker. may lead to piracy. the positions I have laid down; that there is sove- at all. They saw that he had indeed made rei?nty in the United States, in regard to the j purposes of the Union, as well as sovereigutv in the sovcral states, for state purposes. I has become fashionable, of late, to deny tint there is any sovereignty in the United States I speak of course, of the U. States os n polit- j ic j community, cud not of the Government of the United States, and to claim for the states separately, an absolute, complete, and j unqualified sovereignty, to all inte ts and pur. a wrong stitch in :iis or 'ument; but they saw t-io> that the ge neral web of his conduct was of ri ght good cloth. They did no*, want a professor of logic, but u president to adminis- erlne executive branch of the government. They wanted one who draught the Souiii suould be relieved; aud who held that the Union should be preserved by and throu h the preservation ofthe rights of tho states T ie republican part of tuis Union has alwa s poses whatever. Sir, this .is .a novelty un- judged Jackson by his acts, and not by his known to the founders of the Constitution, and syllogisms ; and they should co ;tuiue to do sn has spruu^ up in the hot bed of excited, local in justice to him, and in justice to themselves, politics. At the period of the adoption of the I We will not disguise the paiu we felt at the Constitution, it was distinctly made known and rank smelt of consolidation that we tivmd i universally understood, that to the extent to some folds of the Proclamation, bun were which sovereignty was vested in the Uniou, slow to believe that the author had taken his that of the states severMly, fvas relinquished I degree in the high School of Hamiltoniaq and diminished.- Wh-Tt is said, sir, by the I Federalism. Convention which framed the Constitution, in I Wo havo all along thought that Georgia, communicating their work to Congress to be I of all the states, should be slow to anger on submitted to the people ? The following une- j this occasion. Jackson has been her steady the President to employ the means provided that Rice had been sold that morning at by the acts of 1795 and 1807, to suppress u .. —that a small cargo just arrived irom avan- lawful or forcible opposition to the laws of th i'V was held -it 13—and adding t at a repo^ U. States. Neither of these provisio istoucli I w s current that WAR • the Cherokee case. The Supreme Court ra-1 >UT BETWEEN FRANCE AND fused to take cognizance ofthe case, becaust the Cherokees were not a “ foreign state,” ’vit'iin the meaning of the Constitution, and therefore could not be a party in Court; and it is almost needless to remark, that the Judi ciary Bill neither has changed, nor couW c iange this aspect of the case. We feel a strong issurance that the harmo- ny of the countr) is rat about again to be dis. irbed from this quarter. The President will t ike care to ward o-fthe blow, whether aime a. private m.Jice or false philanthropy, if c ia do soconstitutioually, and that we do not doubt. Besides, the military part of the eufor- ctag bil will expire by its own limitatica with the . ext session of Con Tress before a new Cher nke c se could be brought to a decision, and fiui. icism be enabled to light anew the torch old discord. Those false friends of the Union, who, while professing «ardent attachment’ o it, hesitate not to nullify its laws, and threat- eu secession, will be signally disappointed if] enter Koni-ih, aft. r which it appears he passed to the Southward, with the view of dr.nviag the Vizier i; ito a ditncult country, uidin which he would be deprived of the benefit ofhis cav- airy. At he ilen irtare of the accounts, the news of a-decisive b ittle was doily looked for at Alcxandri i. The report of the Treaty of peace therefore tumes out *o be unfo tnded. Letters have been receive;! from Saio .tea, ta the 17th Dec by which it appears that ::rcat activity ot' prepar ;tio prevails in the interior, and consider fide reinforcements are on the inarch, to joiu the standard of the Sultan, who will unfit.»* ar- effort to arrest ib«* progress of the coiHiiier-. r end save th.- Capitol of the Em pire fre ii f.tlii:rt : to :«s hands. Letters from Alexar-drir, of 25th Dec. in IlMian papers, sav, u.-i a Russian uiao-of-war had arrived there to require of the Pacha in demnity for losses sust fined by the R issian merchants t Alex, .urette, frotii the Egyp- ti i fleet, when -ho Ibrahim took possession of that town. The Pacha was disposed to comply with the demand, but desired to- havo a regular account. Soon fterwards, a Tur kish brig, under Russian colours, arrived at Alexandria, which brought o Mehemcd Pa- Ciia dispatches from the Gr aid Vizier,ii.viting him to send a Plenipotentiary to Constantino ple. Patras, Dec. 15.—-Tranquillity is far from being restored in Greece. Tzavell-s still keeps possession ofthe Citadel of Patras, and levies contributions on the inhabit eta oi tho own and neighborhood. He also gires or ders to.the Governor ofthe castle ofthe Morsa. 0- >ri th has been once more taken by the op- The Chekok.ee Case.—The National I Gazette speaks of the Cnerokee case, said to |>osit partv, which leaves the road from Far oe in contemplation, as an “extremely do-fol-1 r sto Nepoli at the mercy of Ml this irreitlar fol story, which s *1- apocryphal writer at band, which in the last instance depends on .Vashiigtoa (the “Spy in VVashin ton”) has I Colocotroni. put in circulation.’’ It also gives place to a The other side of the golf is not in a communication from a correspondent, shewing I more peaceable state. Grivas occupies th© ta.it the fourth and fifth s ctions ofthe en-1 Government town of Missoloughi, but it is sur- forcing bill, do not “open the Cherokee case so rounded b; the Captains ofthe party ot Co- ,s to enable the question of title to the Geor-1 'ocotroni; it is feared that the pr senee oi gia Gold Mines to be brought before the Su-11 rase enemies, who have no resources left, preme Court ofthe U. S.” as alleged by th- Washington letter writer. The 4th see. er- ] -hies tne FederM Courts to proceed on affida vit, were copies of the recor I3 of State Court? cannot be obtained. Important if true.t—We were shewn esterdiv, a letter from Havana, which con- The 5th sec. authoriz< s tained a Postscript of the 15th inst. s * lt,n 8 SIA—the information is stated to have been contained i. a London paper of the 27 This is four days later from that ©'V >ur accounts by the Nimrod. 0 p however, no warlike indication 311 icr Siiili ig.—C. Cour.cr• Cherokee ^herifs tales, for may. 335 33 3 50 18 1 John Baiss do. Willard Boynton. do. R- Blacks lock, do. A. F. Woolly- 74 14 2 and i099 l 9 2, property RWbonJ^* 178 3 3 . 180 14 1 311 ,5 3 175 24 2 970 3 3 22 19 2 485 3 3 307 11 4 257 28 3 kinson in favor of J .W. Worthso. do. Mary P»g®do.S. HiJoms. do. J. Roe, do. E. fcH. By*e. do. Samuel Forba do. Joim Bode, do- H. W. Witerton do. Joan Boilc- do. G. D. Lister, do. d '*' d ®* do. James Eakin do. Hide & Bode, do. W. VV. Barrott do. John Bode, do! D. Strickland do. do, Elijah Nash do. Boyle. & Webb- j • U ti .1 , i . - it