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#■ f “The ferment of a free, is preferable to the to*por of a despotic, Government.” VOL. If. ATHENS, GEORGIA, APRIL 20, 1333. NO. 5. The Southern Banner, IS TOBUSilKD IN THE TOWN OF ATHENS, GEORGIA, EVERY SATURDAY, BY 4LBOA CHASE. TERMS.—Throe dollars per year, payable in ad. |vancl-, or Four doll ;ra if delayed to the end of the ye tr. The latter amount will he rigidly e* icted of all who fail to meet their payment* in advance. No subscription received for less than one year, un less the money is paid in advance ; and no piper will |k- discontinued until all arrearage* arc paid, except kt the option of the publisher. A failure on the part f>{ subecrilior* «o notify us of their intention of re linquishment, accompanied with the amount due. will B considered ai equivalent to a new engagement, and ipers sent accordingly. Apvertisemevts will be inserted at the usual rates. 17 All LeMers to the Editors on matters connected rith the establishment, must bo post paid in order to ectire attention. (TVNotice of the sale of Land and Negroes by Ad- jninistrators, Executors, or Guardians, must bo pub lished sixty davs previous to the cay of sale. The sale of Personal Property, in like manner, mist Ik- publish, d forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to deb-ors and creditors of an estate, must be published forty days. that Application will be made to the Court Such l\ r , than him whose Juba thou art! is Juba—aud certainly When Juba dies, Mute nature will mourn her worshipper, And celebrate his obsequies. Thus much tor Juba. Let us now come back to old John—Duke, of Gaunt. “ Old Gaunt indeed; and Gaunt in being old.” The character of John Gaunt—a distin guished citizen of the Republic of the United States. He is one of the most uncommon and cr- ratick productions that nature has given birth to the last hundred years; he is indeed one of the rarest men that any country has yet pro duced. He is not to be judged of by the or dinary rules of creation ; for like those hallu cinations that sometimes appear in the hea vens, he frcquentlv‘shoots out madly from his sphere,’ and conipells the world to gaze in wonder. Nature, in some tilings especially, has marked him altogether different from his species, he has no beard, as most men have. In the length of his limbs and the f Ord'^iiyTfor l ^*ve l to*"8eirL^d"orNegrocB, must j lc.-gth of his speeches he resembles eternity published four months. more than any other man of the present times Notice that Application will te mode for letters of! He is altogether peculiar, and of his own Administration, must lie published thirty days, and for fetters of Dismission, six months. s THE ALBATROSS. The following beautiful lines are taken from the last number of the Knickerbocker:— •Ti* said the Albatross never rests.”—Buffon. ,’bere the fathomless waves in magnificence toss, eles* and h gh sours the wil i Albutross— Jnwouried, undauntee, unshrinking, alone, J’lic ocean, his empire—the tempest, his throne. fhen the terrihie whirlwind raves wild o’er the surge, Ind the hurricane howls out the mariner’s ..irge, thy glory thou spurnest the dark-heaving sea. Proud bin! ol‘the ocean world—homeless and free, RVI.cn the winds are at rest, and the sun in his glow, fAncI the glittering tide sleeps in beauty below, n the pride cf thy power triumphant above, With thy lnatB iliou art holding thy revels of love. I'ntirrd, unfetter’d, unwatched, unconfincd, y - pint liuatlice in the world of the mind, ..ning tor e rth e'er to weary its flight, fre»h a- thy pini- n in regions of light.-Orcalius. A man who practices pistol shooting, for the purpose of making himself formidable as a duellist, is uniformly an arrant coward. Short dumpy women wear their hair dres sed very high, and are partial to lofty combs. At a dinner party, always endeavor to seat yourself close by the landlord, as you thus avoid carving. • Persons who are very finical and dainty, have invariable gross imaginations. I never knew a person of talents who had small nostrils. The most consummate fops and foppesses are to be found among deformed people. It has been well remarked, that a man who has nothing else but his ancestry to boast of, is like a turnip—in consequence of the best part of him being under ground. It is truly disgusting to see the scandalous manner in which ladies pamper those nasty, little, good-for- nothing wretches, called lap dogs. A man who is good at making explanations and apologies is seldom good for any thing else. motives assigned to bring on the con test, (to enforce the law,) are almost iden. tically the same. this digr ession to the consideration of the bill. Whatever opinion may exist upon other points, there is one in which he would sup pose there could be none; that this kill rests on principles which, if carried o^t, will ride over state sovreigntics, and that it will be idle for any of its advocates hereafter to talk of state rights. The Senator Irom Virginia (Mr. Rives) says that he is the advocate oT state rights; but he must permit me to- tell him that, although he may difierin premises from the other gentlemen with whom he acts on this occasion, yet in supporting this bill he ob- literates every vestige of distinction between sort. “ Heterochtc in all his declensions, there are peculiar rules that apply to him.— He tg Long by Position, and /Short by Authority, as they say in Lati.. Prosody when the usual rules do not apply. As a politician,member of Congress, or upholder of a party, he is still the same uncommon character, ns such, he is to be pr..iscd, but like small beer,more few his lively qclitics than his usefulness-.more for his, “ Keen sarcastic levity of tongue,” his lash—his malice but here let us HOME. • * * * “ What so sweet— So : e.uiti'iil on e -rth, and oh ! t.o r..re Vs kindred love and family repose.” * * * » •» ']-j lc | (U ,.y world, With a 11 the tumult and the slir of life, 1’urMCs its -v on ted course ; on pleasure some Ami so-, e on commerce, on ambition bent, And ill on happiness ; while each one loves One littlo spot i:i which his heart unfolds With nature’s holiest feelings, one sweet spot, And c lis i\ Home: If sorrow is fell there, It runs through many bosoms, and a smile Lights up in eyes uround a kindred smile ; Ami if disc .so intrudes, the sufferer duds Rost on the breast:.cloved.” iniMuua— draw a curtain over his character, and strive to forget the frailty of the. man ; a frailty which has left him but few in whose honest friendship, the pilgrimage of existence may be relieved of its loneliness and its dark hours, always except the good people of Bucking, ham and thereabouts. His course, through life has been like that of the arrow which Acestes shot to Heaven, which effected, nothing useful, though it left a long stream of light behind it. Of all the acts of his life the sculptor should select his mission to Russia, as the one by which to hand him down to unborn eyes. He ought to go down to posterity with his Rus- sian Credentials in his hand. But who can tell, whether posterity may after all inscribe upon his monumental marble, the Hie jacit of the man of great and useful services, in stead of that of Erratic genius of the age. In either event we shall be willing to sbed a tear upon the-stone, as we read that he was the Russian Ambassador of the year ’56 of the Re public. iRl0CClU H£. Aphorisms.—I have remarked that men who sport tights, either have or imagine they have, good limbs ; this may be received as an incontrovertible fact. Little fellows generally wear high-crowned hats, tall men low ones. I cannot understand why short, dumpy wo men are so fond of sporting wide-shouldered and full bottomed gowns, to say nothing of inordinate bustles; but such is the fact. If you wish to make yourself agreeable to any one, talk as much as you [dense about his or her affairs, and as little as possible about your own. Young girls of from fourteen to seventeen are very fond of aping the woman in their Mr. Randolph, and after him Juba. ■esc gentlemen seem to have made their ppeurancc again upon tiie stage, but the for- ii r in such a shape as to induce us io believe . dress, and are partial to long shawls, which e now enters to play out the last scene ofi give these young tilings a matronly appear, singular <lrama of bis life. The curtain j ance. When they become women in reality, ill* state continued to retain a considerable por tion of the rights of sovreightv. Every an- qient Teutonic monarchy must be considered But, (said Mr. Calhoun,) to return from j us a federation; it is not an unit, of which the him and them; saving only that, professing the principles of’98, his example will be more ■old Bent must Indore long drop upon his extravagant )er;.irmauces. lie seems however to pur- liis eli iraeieristics to the last. The mas- ;er passion siro..g in death is his. Though low almost worn to the last thread, he is still Ihc same Randolph who always, abroad and It home—in the Capital or in the Public Ta- k’ern, had his hands ujion every man, and eve- man's hand upan him. Bonaparte we are was a soldier to the last—he died cxclai- mug l -tctc d'armc, as if watching the current heavy fight,” says Sir Walter Scott, his historian. The last words of General Charles c, the unfortunate soldier of the Revolution, n died in a tavern in Philadelphia,) were, and by me my brave grenadiers.” The last lords of him of Roanoke,must be some point- surcusm, in keeping with his temper and hole life. And from all accounts this seems u- Ins present vei l ; for has he not but other day called i..e I’resident—the Pres- who is his own man—has he not called jm Andrew Jackson, Esquire—and has he sai l of hi) old brother aud compeer in ilitics, Thomas Rithchie, (what is alas! but, true !) tha lie is a mail 01 seven principles -namely five loaves and two fishes'{ All this has said, and many other Randolphomania illicit we will one day collect und arrange under their proper head 1 Julia too is abroad—the honest Juba the faithful Achates of these times. We have a Jiigb regard tor Juba. We class him among Dur distinguished men. And certainly he is Ivot unknown to lame, for he has often figured In the newspapers—those modem trumpeters renown. Juba however is not ambitious t>f distinction. We have been told that he Mights in quiet retirement, and that like his [ace, he is foiid of wandering through the roods and gathering those plants and roots rhich have a medicinal virtue. He is a great pllow for ointments—cures bruised shins and [heumatisms, and broken or sprain legged 8 es. This is his vein. He goes about /ling qf simples, whilst his master goes about 1 hng of simples. O haiipy Juba! happier lot they are rather too apt to go upon the oppo site tack, and to assume the dress and airs of the girl. Never praise or talk of your children to other people, for depend upon it no person except yourself cares a single farthing for them. Blue stockings, arc a most infernal bore, es pecially if ugly, which they generally are. Still greater bores are ladies who keep al bums, and who solicit contributions in the shape of picture or poetry. It is difficult for a man of sterling talent to perpetrate a pun, or solve an enigma. A man who is forever my dRaring his wife, may with great safety he pronounced as hen-pecked. A married pair who show a huge love and respect for each other before company, inva- ! riably fight like dog and cat when alone. The study of the law has a sad tcndcncy to pervert the intellect, and destroy the capa bility of distinguishing between right and wrong. When a mother is constantly stunning you with praises of her daughter, you may depend upo i it she lias some design upon you. A hint to medical men: If you wish to suc ceed in your profession, assume an air of great sanctity,*gct yourself made an elder, and connect yourself with the saints. This done, your bread is baked for life. Never compliment a woman upon her cor- pulency. If she really be fat, the greatest compliment you can pay her, is to remark, in an indifferent sort of way, that she is not looking as stout ;ts usual. There is, perhaps, not an instance of a man of genius having had a dull woman for his mother, though many have had fathers stupid enough in all conscience. Blockheads are exceedingly’ afraid of be ing quizzed, and cannot tolerate the slightest joke at their expense. If you hear a man affecting to be very stu pid, depend upon it he considers himself an exceedingly clever fellow- HR. CAL SIOUX’S SPEECH, ON THE JUDICIARY BILL. In /Senate—Friday, February 15. [concluded.] In the same spirit we are told, that the Un ion must be preserved, without regard to the means. And how is it proposed to preserve the Union ? By force ? Does any man, in his senses, believe that this beautiful struc ture—this harmonious aggregate of states, produced by the joint consent of all, can be preserved by force? Its very introduction will be certain destruction of this Federal Union.. No; no. Yftu cannot keep'the states united in their constitutional und feder al bonds by force. Force may indeed, hold the parts together; but such uuion would be the bond between the master and slave;a uuion of exuction on one side and of uiiquallitiod obedience on the other. That obedience which we are told by the Senator from Penn sylvania, (Mr. Wilkins) is the Union! \ r cs, exaction on the side of the master; for this very bill is intended to collect what can be no longer culled tuxes—the voluntary contri bution of a free people ; but tribute, tribute, to lie collected under the mouths of tire can non ! Your custom house is already trans furred to u garrisou, and that garrison, with its butteries turned, not against the enemy of your country, hut on subjects (I will not say citizens,) on whom yo.u promise to levy con tributious. Has reason Hed lrom our .bor ders ? Have we ceased to rellect ? It is madness to suppose that the Union can be preserved by force. I tell you, plainly, that the hill, should it pass, cannot he enforced.— It will prove only a blot upon your statute book, u reproach to the year, and a disgrace to the American Senate. I repeat, that it will not be executed; it wil! rouse the dor mant spirit d»thc people, and open their eyes to the approach of despotism. The country lias sunk into avarice and political corruption, from which nothing could arouse it, but some measure, on the part of the Government of lolly and madness, such as that now under consideration. Disguise it as you may, the controversy is one between power and liberty,' and he wouid tell the gentlemen who are opposed to him, that as strong as might he the love of power on their side, the love of liberty is still stronger on ours. History furnishes many instances of similar struggles, where the love of liberty has prevailed against power, under every disadvantage, and among them few more striking than that of our own revolution; where as strong as was the parent country, and as feeble as were the colonies, yet under the impulse of liberty aud the blessing of God, they Gionously triumphed in the contest There were, indeed, many and striking anal ogies between that and the present controver sy ; they both originated substantially in the same cause, with tins difference, that in the present cose, the power of taxation is conver ted into that of regulating industry—in that the power of regulating industry, by the regu lation of commerce, was attempted to be con verted into the power of taxation. Were he to trace the analogy further, we would find that the perversion of the taxing power, in one case, has given precisely the same con trol to the northern section over the industry ol the southern section of the Union, which the power to regulate commerce gave to Great Britain over the industry of the colonics;and that the very articles in which the cylonies were per mitted to have a free^rade,and those in which the mother country had a monopoly, are almost identically the same as those under which the southern states are permitted to have a free trade by the act of 1832, and which the nor thern states have, by the same act, secured a monopoly; the only difference is in the means: in the former, the colonics were per mitted to have a free trade, with all countries south of Cape Fi.ustere a cape in the north ern part of Spain; while north of that the trade of the colonics was prohibited, except through the mother country, by means of her commercial regulations. If we compare the products of the country north and south of Cape Fimstere, we will find them almost iden tical with the list of the protected and unpro tected articles contained iu the act oflastyear. Nor does the analogy terminate here. The very arguments resorted to at the commence ment of the American revolution, and the pernicious than that of the most Open and bitter opponents of the rights of the states.— He would also add, what he was compelled to say, that he must consider him (Mr. Rives) as less consistent than our old opponents, - whose conclusion were fairly drawn from their premises, whilst his premises ought to have led him to opposite conclusions. The gcntieniim has told us that the new fangled doctrines,as he choose to call thcni,had brou ght state rights into disrepute. He must tell him, in reply, that what he called new fangled,are hut the doctrines of’98, and that it is he, (Mr. Rives,) and others with him, who, professing these doctrines, had degraded them by ex plaining away their meaning and bfficacy.— He (Mr. R.) had disclaimed, in behalf of Virginia, the authorship of nullification. Mr. C. would not dispute that point. If Virginia chose to throw away one of her brightest or naments, she must not hereafter complain that it had become the property of another.— But while as a Representative of Carolina, he had no right to complain of the disavowal of the Senator from Virginia, lie must believe that he (Mr. R.) had done his native state great injustice, by declaring on this floor, that when she gravely resolved, in ’98, that “in cases of deliberate and dangerous infractions of the Constitution, the states, as parties to the compact, have the right and are in duty bound, to interpose to arrest the progress of the evil, and to maintain, within their respec tive limits the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them,” meant no more than to ordain the right to protest and remonstrate. To suppose that in putting forth so solemn a declaration, which she afterwards sustained by so able and elaborate an argument, she meant no more than to assert what no one had ever denied, would be to suppose that the smaller bodies politic therein contained are the fractions, but they are the integers, and the state is the multiple which results from them. . Dukedoms and counties, burgs and baronies, towns and townships, and shires, form the kingdom, all, in a certain degree, strangers tc each other, and sepavate in juris diction though all obedient to the supreme executive authority. This general descrip tion, though not always generally applicable in terms, is always so substantially and in effect; and hence it becomes necessary to discard the language which has bee . very generally employed in treating on the English constitution. It has been supposed that the king tom was r duced into a regular and grad ual subordination of goverament, and that the various legal districts of which it is compos ed, arose from the divisions and subdivisions of the country. But this hypothesis, which tends greatly to perplex our history, canaot be supported by fact, and instead of viewing the constitution as a whole, and then proceed ing to its parts, we must examine it synthet ically, and assume that the supreme author ities of the state were created by the con centration of the powers ori anally belonging to the members and corporations of which it is composed.” [Here Mr.^C. gave way to a motion to adjourn.] On the next day, Mr. Calhoun proceeded by remarking that he had omitted at their proper place, in the course of his observations yesterday, two or three points to which ho would now advert, before he resumed the discussion where he had left oft’. He had stated that the ordinance and acts of South Carolina were directed, not against the re venue but against the system of protection But it might be asked, if such was her object how happens it that she has declared the whole system void—revenue as well as pro tection, without discrimination? It. is this question which he proposed to answer. Her justification would be found in the necessity of the case: and, if there he any blame could not rttach to her. The two were so blended throughout the whole, as to make the entire revenue system subordinate to the pro tection, so as to constitute a complete system of protection, in which it was impossible to discriminate the two elements of which it is composed. South Carolina at least could not make the discrimination, and she was re ducod to the alternative of acquiescing in system which she believed to be unconstitu tionul, and which she felt to be oppressive state had been guilty of the most egregious and ruinous, or, to consider the whole as oae ; trifling that ever was exhibited on so solemn , equally contaminated through all its parts, by an occasion. the unconstitutionality of the protective por. Mr. C. said that in reviewing the ground I tion: and as such, to be resisted by the act over which he had p .ssed, it would he ap-1 of the state. He maintained that she had parent that the question in controversy invol, j right to regard it in the latter character, and ved that most deeply important of all political questions, whether ours was a federal or a consolidated government. A question on the decision ofwhich depends, as he solemnly be lieved, the liberty of the people, their happi ness, and the place which we are destined to hold in the moral and intellectual scale of na tions. Never was there a controversy in which more important consequences were in volved, not excepting jth»t between Fersia and Greece,, decided by the battles of Mara thon, I’latea, and Salamis, which gave ascen dency to the genius of Europe over that of Asia; and which, in its consequences, has continued to cllect the destiny of so large a portion of the world, even to this day. There is, said Mr- C., often those analogies between events apparently very remote, which are strikingly illustrated in this case. In the great contest between Greece and Persia, between European and Asiatic polity and civilization, the very question between the federal and the consolidated form of govern ment was involved. The Asiatic govern ments, from tlie remotest time, with some cx- that if a loss of revenue followed, the fault was not hers, hut of this government which had improperly blended together, in a man ner not to be separated by the state, two sys tems wholly dissimilar. If the sincerity ol the sta.e be doubted; if it be supposed that her action is against revenue as well as pro tection, let the two be separated ; let so much of the 4uties as are intended for revenue, be put in one bill, aud the residue, intended for protection, be put in another, and he pledged himself that the ordinance and the acts of the state would cease as to the former, and be directed exclusively against the latter. He had also stated, in the course of his remarks yesterday, and trusted he had con clusively shown, that the act of 1816, with the exception of a single item, to which he had alluded, was, in reahty, a revenue meas ure, and that Carolina, and the other states, in supporting it, had not incurred the slight est responsibility in relation to the system of protection, which had since grown up, and which now so deeply distracts the country Sir, said Mr. C., I am willing, as one of the cepuous on the eastern shore of the Meditcr- i representatives of Carolina, and I believe, I ranean, has been based on the pri iciple of consolidation, which considers the whole com munity as but a unit, and consolidates its pow ers in a central point. The opposite prin cipal has prevailed in Europe—Greece, throughout all her states, was based on’ a fed eral system. All were united in one common speak the sentiment of the state, to take that act as the basis of a permanent adjustment of the Tariff, simply reducing the duties, in an average proportion on all the items, to the re venue point. I make that offer now to the advocates of the protective system; but I must in candor, inform them, that such an adjust- hut loose bond, and the governments of the | meat would distribute the revenue between several states partook, for the most part, of a complex organization, which distribut d po litical power among different members of the community. The same principles prevailed in aqcient Italy; and, if we turn to the Teu tonic race, our great ancestors, the race which occupies the first place iu power, civilization, and science, and which possess the largest and the fairest part of Europe, we will find that their governments were based on the federal organization, as has been clearly, il- lustr ted by a recent and able writer on the British constitution, (Mr. Pnlgravc,) from w!»ose writings he introduced the following extract : v ‘ In this manner the first establishment of the Teutonic states was effected. They were assemblages of septs, clans, and tribes; they were confederated hosts and armies, led on by- princes, magistrates and,clucftains, each of whom was originally independant, and each of whom lost a portion of this pristine inde pendence, in proportion as he and his com peers became united uuder the supremacy of a sovereign, who was superinduced upon the state, first, as a military commander, and af terwards as a king. Yet notwithstanding this political connexion, cach^ncmber, of the the protected and unprotected articles more holding up her rescif ed rights as the shield of her defence against further encroachment, ,T, his attitude alone, unaided by a single state, arrested the further progress of the system, so that the question from that day to this, on the part of the manufacturers, has been, not how to acquire more, but to retain that which they have acquired. He would inform the gentleman that if this attitude had not been taken on the part of the state, the question would not now be, how duties ought to be re- pealed, but a question as to the protected ar ticles, between prohibition on one side, and the duties established by the act of 1828, on the other. But a single remark will be suf ficient in reply to what he must consider the avid ions remark of the senator from Virginia (Mr. Rives.) The act of 1832, which has not yet gone into operation, and which was passed but a few months since, was declared by the supporters of the system to be a permanent adjustment, and the hill proposed by the treas ury department, not essentially different from the act itself, was in like manner declared to he intended, by the admiaistration, as a per manent arrangement. What has occurred since, except this ordinance aud these abused' acts of the calumniated state, to produce ihis mi hiy revolution in reference to this odious system? Unless the senator irom Virginia can assign some other cause, he is bound upon every principle of fairness, to retract this unjust aspersion upon the acts of South v Car olina. After noticing, said Mr. 0'., another omis sion, he would proceed with his remarks.— the senator irom Delaware, [Mr. Clayton,] as well as others, had relied with great em phasis on the fact, that we ar* citizens of the United States. I, said Mr. C., do not ob ject to the expression, nor shall 1 detract from the proud and elevated feelings with which it is associated ; but lie trusted that he migiit be permitted to raise the inquiry, in what manner we are citizens of the U. States, without weakening the patriotic, feeling with whicli he trusted it would ever be uttered. If by citizens of the United States he meant a citizen at large, one whose citizenship ex tended to the entire geographical limits of the country, witnout having a local citizenship in some state or territory, a sort of citizen of fie world, all he hud to say was, that such a citizen would he a perfect non-descript; that not a single individual of this descri pfiou could be found in the entire mass of our pop ulation. Notwithstanding all the pomp and display of eloquence on the occasion, evpry citizen is a citizen of some state or territory, and, 03 such, under an express provision of the constitution, is entitled to all the privile ges and immunities of citizens in the several states; and it is in this, and in no other sense, that wc are citizens of the United States.— The senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Dallas;) indeed relies upon that provision in the con stitution which giver congress the power to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and the operation of the rule actually established under this authority, to prove that naturalized citizens are citizens at large, without being citizens of any of the states. He did not deem it necessary to. examine the law of congress upon this subject, or to reply to the argument ofthe senator, though he could not doubt timi he (Mr. D.) had taken an entirely erroneous view of the subject. It was sufficient that the power of congress extended simpR to the establishment of an uniform rule, by w adi foreigners might be naturalized in the several states or territories, without infringing, in any other respect, in reference to naturalization, the rights of the states, as they existed before, the adoption of the constitution. Having supplied the omissions of yesterday, • Mr. C. now resumed the subject at the point where his remarks then terminate*:. To * Senate would remember that he stated) at their close, that the great quest io. ..t.issue was, whether ours' is a federal or a consoli dated system of government; a system-i*x. which the parts, to use the emphatic la; gauge of M. Pal grave, are the integers, and tiie whole the multiple or in which the who:- is a unit,-and the parts the fractions; that he had stated that on the decision of this question, he believed, depends not only the ‘ifier.y and prosperity ofthis country, but the place which .we are destined to hold in the intellectual and moral scale of nations. He had staled, also, in his remarks on this point, that there was a^ striking analogy between this and the great favourably to the state, and to the south, and straggle between Persia and Greece, which less so to the manufacturing interest, than au average uniform ad valorem, and, accordingly, more so than that now proposed by Carolina, through her convention. After such au of fer, no man who valued his candor, will dure accuse the state, or those who have represen ted her here, with inconsistency in reference^ to the point under consideration. . He omitted, also, on yester lay, to notice a remarkofthe senator from Virginia, (Mr. Rives) that the only difficulty in adjusting the tariff, gre\v out of the ordinance and act3 o; South Carolina. He must attribute an as. ceriion, so inconsistent with the facts, to an ignorance of the occurrences of the last few years, in reference to the subject, occasioned by the absence of the gentleman from the U. States, to which he himself b:is alluded in his remarks. If the senator will take pains, to inform himself, he will find that this protec. five system, advanced with a continued and rapid step in spite of petitions, remonstrances and protests, of not only Carolina, but also of Virginia, and of all the southern states, un til 1828, when Carolina, for the first time, changed the character of her resistance, by had been decided by the battles of Marat hon, Platen, and Salamis, and which had immor talized the names of Miltiades and Themis- toclcs. He had illustrated this, analogy by shoving that centralism, or consolidation* with the exception of a few nations along the eastern border of the Mediterranean, had been the pervading principle in the Asiatic Gov ernments, while the federal principle, or, what is the same in principle, that system which organizes a' community in reference to its parts, had prevailed in .Europe. Among the few exceptions in the Asiatic nations, the Government of the twelve tribes of Israel, i» its early period, was the most striking. Their government, at first, was a mere confederation, without aj»y central pow er, till a military chieftain, with the title of Ring, ' vas planed at its head, without, how ever,, merging the original organization of the twelve distinct ticbes. This was the com- • mencement of that central action among that peculiar people, which, in three generations, terminated in a pertnanent division of their, tribes. It is impossible even for a cfari ss reader, to peruse the history of that event, \ * * ... ->MI >