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txn ©enroll tnt'Ui«f«cr. Athens,' July 12,' 1833.. To the Editors of the Federal Union. Gentlemen—I see with regret that Mr. Crawford’s letter to the Savannah Republi can is likely to bring the University before the public in a political point of view. 1 see this with regret, because I am confident there is justly no ground for the suspicion which a discussion*of this kind is calculated to awaken in the minds of some—and because I believe the best interests of the State are connected with the prosperity of our literary institutions. Whatever may be our party political strife, and however unchristian may be our religious sec- tarian controversies, it seems to me that there is ope common ground on which all can|heet,and cordially unite, and unitedly and efficiently act for the good of the State: and that ground is purely literary and scientific. Here it would seem the angry politician might, and we should suppose would rejoice for a short time, occasionally to lay aside the bitterness of party, and engage With even his rival, in the delightful work of promoting the cause of knowledge. For it must now be evident to every reflecting man, that the purity and sim plicity of our Republican institutions cannot be maintained without a general diffusion of knowledge among our people. And as I be lieve the great majority of our citizens, to whatever party attached, are honest, 1 should suppose each party would feel anxious to en lighten, a3 far as possible, every citizen of the Republic. If we wish truth to prevail, we should certainly give our people light, and if we wish to give them light, we must have respectable institutions of learning at home. The rich can go abroad, but the poor and those in the middle walks of life cannot go from their own State, to obtain an cduca- tion. Wealth will produce aristocracy, and in spite of all our Republican simplicity, we harmony has prevailed in all the meetings since the union of the two parties with respect to the Institution. I am told that nothing even bordering upon party has ever come before them, and that an examination of their votes upon any subject shows that the distinction is wholly unknown in their meetings. They all feel anxious to promote the prosperity of an institution which is intended to subserve the voted to the interest of any peculiar party or sect, is the fact of his havi.ig been so offen ded at what was called the union of the *W parties, that be at ouce resigued his seat >• the Board. Now, had Mr. Crawford sui<l what I have understood some illiberal Troup men have said, that the Trustees were fesi^v ing the institution into the hands of the Clark party, in order to obtain their patronage, we great interest of knowledge in general, and J migh^ have supposed he was sincere, or at which under proper management cannot sub. I least intended to arouse the jealousy of his serve party purposes. I have never heard I party and if possible withdraw them from their the first intimation that one of these members I support of the institution. But to suppose he of the Board suspected the faculty or a single could for a moment think it possible to moke member of it, of attempting to use any undue the community believe that such a set of men influence with the members of College ; and as now compose the Trustees, would suffer the yet, two of these trustees, Mr. Thomas and University to be made the engine to batter Dr. Tinsley, reside in Athens, and must know down their party influence in the State, is to if there be any improper interference of this me altogether improbable. But who is Mr. kind; I know from personal observation, that Crawford, or Mr. any other man ? What ar the faculty do not engage at all in the party the facts ? What is the University doin.<; ? strifes of the day; if most of them have any 1 And what would be the consequeuces, shoul predilections in favor of either of the parties, any man or set of men succeed in exciting these predilections are not known, and I am such prejudices against it, as have once exis- assured, that they have never been known to ted ? Amidst all the angry contests of th< introduce the subject into any of their exerci- day, I do hope for the honor of the State, anu ses—but on the contrary, have at all times the good of our citizens, and the permanence endeavored to persuade the students to leave of our civil and religious institutions, that no politics until they leave the institution; the i combination against this rising seminary will consequence of this course has been to calm I bo permitted to prosper, much of that angry feeling which too often | reigns in the hearts of young men. No con siderable excitement for some time past could be gotten up among them; not even with all the steam which was sent over from the high pressure engines at Columbia last winter, could any considerable movement be produ ced ; the great body of the students took the advice of the faculty, which was, to let those who were engaged in active life see that the Republic received no injury,” but, by ap- A FRIEND TO LEARNING. tains. The poor man is often dependant up on his wealthy neighbour, and it is impossible to raise him entirely, abovo this dependance. Now unite with the power of wealth, the su- perior power* which knowledge ever gives, . and youraise the rich man to aheight utterly in consistent with the Democratic institutions of this . Republican country. I know it is often said, the advantages of a liberal education can at best be enjoyed but by few ; this is true, and perhaps it is not desirable that they should be. But h6re is. the advantage of having an institution at home, viz: it will be within the reach of numbers of the poor and the mid. die classes; it will break the regular succes sion of aristocratic families whose power and influence would otherwise be perpetual. Ma ny parents and many young men, seeing a i LETTER ON MANUAL LABOR SCHOOLS. To Dr. VV. VV. Waddel: Dear Sir—I cheerfully take up my pen to fulfil a promise made you when we last met, that I would give you my views on the sub jeet of Manual Labor Schools—Institutions in which labor should be made a part of the system of education I will not fatigue you or myself, by going over the repetition of the commoa-pl ice rea- plicatiou to their studies, to prepare them- SOIl j u g to prove the benefit or necessity of selves for future usefulness. The sorry at- exerc j se . I take it for granted—it is self.to. r r ,, j, _ tempt at burning Gen. Jackson in effigy, IOent—that m.in is a complicated machine, of see every day the influence which wealth ob- • w hcn no one . dared to acknowledge himself w hich all the parts hang together in the clo the marker of the man of straw, or had the gest conilcc tion of reciprocal sympathy. That courage to put fire to it in, public, or even to if one set of organs be ncg l uc ted, and be seen in its neighborhood w hile burning, is fo e j r functions ill performed, the other organs conclusive evidence of the fact, that these and fanctions wil , nIso 1;l!1 guish. That with- young men are not spending their time in po. out exorcise or 1;l5or> the Inusclcs wi!I witllfir , litical trolics. I and the power of digestion become enfeebled; As to the different religious sects of th e I and that thought being one of the functions of State, I most sincerely wish they could all se® the complex machine, will ultimately be ill ex- thc harmony and peace, and I believe, chris* I ecuted, or performed to little purpose by the tian kindness which reign among officers and indolent or supine. All this, I say, I take students ; there are ministers and professors ! for granted. The proverbial expression of perhaps five different denominations, and yet I mens sana in corpore sano, expresses a con- I have to learn, that thp very first jar has been I ncction which none, at the present day, I sup- felt.I see the Ministers often in the pulpits of each I pose, will doubt to be essential andinsepora- other; I see the people promiscuously throng- blc. ing the different churches ; I behold the tarn- I The question for present consideration ilies attached to different churches, living in seems to be narrowed down to this limit— u the most cordial state ot friendship and recip- whether we shall leave the physical educa- flourishing College in their own State, and j rocity, ell those kind hospitalities which ren- tion to the will or caprice of the youth him- knowing the advantages and the influence j dcr society a blessing; I behold the students self, taking care of him only as regards his which a good education ever gives, will make ' ol College of different religious sentiments I mental orintellectual improvement; or wheth- extraordinary efforts to place their sons or j walking arm in arm, and hear them declare e r the health, growth,- and development, of themselves upon an equality with their more that in all the explanations and lectures of a his body, shall engage any portion of our fortunate neighbors—while without an institu- ! Methodist professor on moral philosophy, or I systematic attention ? tion at home, they would despair of success. ; a Baptist in his critical examinations of the From the moment of his birth, nature or New Testament, or of a Presbyterian in es- dains that the muscles of the infant shall be, tablishing the truth and importance of Revela- exccptfwhcn he sleeps, in constant exercise, tion, they have never heard a sentiment ad-1 He cries and expands his chest—he crows vanced, which would have led them’to suspect I a.iid leaps in his nurse’s arms—he throws the peculiar sectarian sentiments of their tea- about his little limbs at random, and in every cher. I am fully convinced from all that I direction—he soon creeps, and walks, & runs see, and from all that I can learn, both with about, and finds his way to the play ground, respect to the Trustees and to the faculty, that w hcn the ball and the top keep him in motion; they intend that the institution shall be what even at school, though this restless vivacity | the founders designed it, viz: a purely litcra- j s repressed for a few hours at a time while ry and scientific one. While therefore every j„ confinement at the desk, it finds vent during thing is doing which could reasonably be ex-1 each recess, and his wild gambols, and agile pccted; while party prejudice is beginning I tricks, shew how oppressive was the constraint, to give way, and even sectarian bigotry is But he enters college, and undergoes a sud- constrained to acknowledge that morality and den transformation. No longer a boy, he religion may be inculcated without the dog-1 emulates the gravity of a man—*ie abandons mas of a sect; while the hopes of the friends I foe play-ground—he becomes ambitious, and ot knowledge are beginning to revive, and I aspires after honors and appointments—he is the blessings of a liberal education are being J never absent from his room during the hours brought within the reach of many who must of study—and his morning and evening walks otherwise have been deprived of them, it is arc abridged by the necessity of retiring unfortunate that even a suspicion should be promptly to his books. He trims the mid- raised. It is much easier to destroy an insti-1 night lamp, and his pate and sallow visage tution of this kind than to build it up ; it i< bears witness to the constancy of his labors, much easier to excite prejudice against it j Ho rises f.st in the estimation of tiis teachers than to obtain for it the confidence of the and follow studeuts, but has felt the necessi- community at large, that confidence without t y of obtaining medical advice. He is put which it cannot exist. We may easily by a J U p on a low diet, and improves at once. He a little effort overthrow our own College; exults that he can study so lightly and sleep drive the sons of the wealthier to other States so we l| ; but the same symptoms return, and to be indoctrinated in all the heresies of poli-1 are not again relieved by abstinence! He tics, and imbued with all the prejudices of an- i s taken from his books, but the privation ti-slavery and Indian rights. We may easily renders him miserable, and he eagerly returns array against each other the various sects of I w jfo or without permission. * He graduates Christians, and have our Methodist Colleges I an d commences the busiucss of life with a and our Baptist and Presbyterian and Epis- broken constitution, but with the reputation copalian Colleges, where instead of science G f high talent and extensive acquirement. In and literature will be found the very essence a ffew years, an asterisk marks his name in ot bigotry, and instead of the pure and hca-1 fo e triennial catalogue of the University, and venly precepts of Christian charity, will be fo e places which once knew him know him enforced the exclusive dogmas of each sect, no more! The hopes of his friends and in- The State has at length done well for its on- stracters, and his own high aspirations, are ly College, and the Trustees are making hon- buried in his silent grave, and the world has ourable exertions to put it upon a foundation I fost a citizen of lofty promise, which will enable our sons to obtain at home, The discipline of our colleges has long an education equal to that which can be ac-1 been such as to require great tenacity of life quired in any part of our country. —strong powers of constitution to sustain 'Whatever may have been the views of Mr. I those subjected to it. 1 Dr. Rush protests Crawford, when he penned the obnoxious sen-1 against the error committed by parents, in be tence, I pretend not to say; knowing the situ- lieving that a weekly or infirm son ought to ation of the College for many years past, he be set apart for the pulpjl, or the bar, or could not have believed when he was writing I some other profession, or avocation, requiring that there was any such political and religious a collegiate course. He is perfectly right in influence exerted there as some are disposed maintaining that such youths cannot hope to to think he has insinuated. He knows the live through the preparatory efforts—or, if Faculty and the Trustees; be has been fa- they do live, will be destined by foe habits miliar with the management of the institution. I formed and built up there, to permanent in- I repeat it therefore, Mr. Crawford could not firmity and comparative uselessness. Must have intended to convey the idea which is at- not such a system be altered ? Can the phi. Now suppose only one young man from each county from the humble walks of like in ten ®years succeed in obtaining an education, which will place him upon an equality in point of talents with his rich neighbour, would not the State derive an invaluable benefit from an institution by means of which this should be accomplised ? send this young man to your Legislature, or place him upon your bench of Judges, or in any official capacity, and will he not bo emphatically the repr sentativc of tht great class of his fellow men from .which he sprung? On the other hand, let the son of tko rich, the descendant of some ancient family, be placed in office, and in spite of all ttie Democratic feelings of society, he will rot, lie cannot forget the interests of that class from which he sprung. I have had the curi osity to examine a number of the catalogues of students', who have been educated at our College, and I have no doubt that more‘ than half of these young men, never would have received a liberal education had there been no College in our State. I have recalled to mind many of the graduates of the University of Georgia, and find that most of them are young men, who have come from the plain substantial farming class of oqr citizens ; I believe many of them are doing credit to the institution, and arc showing by their talents and conduct, that we are capable of educating our own citizens. I do not now refer partic- ularly to the political or religious sentiments of the graduates of the College. I know it has been said, that formerly most of the stu-' dents belonged to one of the great political parties of the State ; this may have been so, and from the fact the College was almost al together in the hands of that party, and that a strong belief was entertained by* the other that politics were permitted to mingle with the education of the young men, it is reason able to conclude that the majority of students would be of the some character as to politi- ical sentiments with the managers of the in stitution ; I say this may have been so, for I do not know whether it be so or not, but why should any such .prejudice now exist? why should any fears be now entertained? One half of the Board of Trustees are from one party, and the other half from the other; can it be believed that if there were any improp. cr interference with the political sentiments of the young men, it would not have been dis- covered by such men as now compose the Board of Trustees? I will simply name the individuals who are from the Clark or Union ' party; Howell Cobb, Dr. Fort, John A. Cuth bert, Dr. Hook, A. M. D. King, Gov. Lump, kin, Co’. Owens, Dr. Reese, Judge Schley, Stevens Thomas, Dr. Tinsley, Gen. Watson Col. Williams and Maj. Wood; most of these men I understand have attended for the two last years - the regular meetings of the Board of Trustees, and of course inquired into the condition of the College. Indeed I have heard it remarked that they have been more punc tual than those of the opposite party, and have generally if not always been in the • majority of the Board.' And: I learn from members of the Board of. each party that the utmost rom recitations, and that an hour or two in the lay may occur .is intervals between the re- . tired periods of study and attendance on o.lege duties. But when I was at college, mr play ground was little honored with the •resence of those who .shone in the recitation room, and whose names were placed high on the list of appointments. Pale, thin, and languid looking, they took a slow and meas- ured walk, morning and evening, and return, ed to their apartments unsullied with the dust nf the palestra, and wasted 1 no drop of manly sweat in the noisy games which absorbed the attention of the idle and careless. They liv ed apart, a melancholy race, and fondly be lieved themselves to merit all the applause they received from our faculty and their pa rents and friends. But I remember many of them, and meet occ:isionally with one, and another and another. Some I have seen die with consumption. A good number have lin. iered on victims of dyspepsia and hvpochon- iria—undone or two have sunk into entire imbecility and nothingness. Surely a system which produces such re sults must be changed. But what change shall we propose ? Boys at au early age, may with few exceptions be left entirely to them- selves in regard to exercise. Nay, the prob ability is that a majority will ratlier take too much than too little. They are restr lined hy no false shame, no mistaken notions of pro- priety, dignity, gravity, and decorum. But these restraints come to act upon them as they advance in age, and affect principally, as I have already observed, the most valua ble among them—the ambitious, the highly gifted, those destined bv talent and diligence to shine among their compeers. It is these whom we shall find passing the weirisome day in solitary study, and “ watching the stars grow pale.” And it is these in whose favor we are bound to interpose, and to save them from their destructive ambition, from their su- lcdinl habits, from themselves. How shall we best effect this ? You cannot by any in ducement engage them in the voluntary exer cise of the play ground—they look with scorn upon the childish eagerness with which 'their young companions engage in games of muscu lar activity. If you est iblish gymn.istic ex- ercises, they eater upon them with languor and unwillingness, and soon Yetire weary and disgusted—they cannot be brought to im itate the feats of agility there displayed. “ Half-day climbing up a pole—half-day climbing down again”—without an immediate object, a direct purpose, seems to them—as indeed it is—“ stale, flat, and unprofitable.” But address their reason, they do not doubt the propriety and necessity oft physical ac tion—and propose to them some movements of a nature directly subservient to a useful ob ject, and they will enter upon them with new zeal and energy. It is i^rthis point of view that I look upon manual labor in some of the mechanical arts, and in the processes of agriculture,as vastly pre ferable to gymnastics in a system of educa. tion. I like all games of an athletic charac ter. I think the habit of engaging in them not only favorable to the health of the individ- ual, but what is of much more im;>ortance, as ed body—how difficult it is to think to aiiy useful purpose while the head throbs, or the luugs pant, or the heart p.Jpitates, or the limbs uche. And we propose to save him from such interference and impediment and to drive away dyspepsia and consumption with their hj leous and appalling ir.tin o * symptoms and sulterings, from their chosen and most despotically governed regipns, the hall anu chambers of our Institutions of Literature aid Science. S. II. D. tributed to him, unless he wished by slander 1 lanthropist content himself with the present to arouse the prejudice of the community j prospects of our literary posterity ? 1 reply, against it; and whatever might be my opinion j unhesitatingly, in the negative ; and declare of his character, I would sooner suppose that my firm belief that we should never Jet this all h« intended by the expression was, that matter rest, until systematic, regular, and the institution was doing much for the cause I vigorous physical action, shall forma part of knowledge and religion in general; that of the regular course of education in every as information is more generally diffused cor- college in our country. It is true that stu- rect principles both in politics and religion will I dents are in all thdse Institutions advised, and prevail. Another reason, which would be I warmly and earnestly advised by their hist rue. conclusive to my mind that he could not in- j ters to take exercise, and that two afternoons, tend to insinuate that the College is now de-1 perhaps, in each week, are allotted them, free Beautiful Equality.—The proposed a- mendment to the Constitution of Georgia, recommends itself to the favor foie considera tion and adoption of the people, b v au exhi bition of the following beautiful specimens of Equalization ; nor is it less remarkable for its admirable consistency with the professed principle of the majority in Convention, that free white population is the only correct basis of representation, and with the republican doctrine that the majority should govern. It is proposed, that a white population of 133,614 in 62 counties, shall govern, in both branches of the Legislature, 181,682 “ free white persons,” inhabiting the remaining 27 counties of the State. That m a House of 144, the majority of 181, 682 “ free white persons” shall only elect. 69 members, while the minority of 133,614 shall elect 75—a majority of six. Tii.it in a Senate of 45, this majority of free white persons shall elect 14 ; while,the minor- ity elect 31—a majority of more than two-thirds ! ! Now, if the 133,614 are entitled to the 75 members, which the amendment proposes to give them, the 181,682 ire entitled, on every principle of equality, to 100 members, instead of the 69 olfored them, and arc therefore to be deprived of 31 of their just representation in the House. And if the minority are entitled to the 31 Senators proposed to be given them, then are the majority, by the simple rule of three, en titled to 42 instead of 14 Senators, and are therefore to be deprived of two.thirds of their just representation in the Senate. It is thus proposed, that every two white citizens in the 62 counties shall have the same influence in the House as any three,free white persons in the remaining 27 counties, and an equal weight in the Senate with any four in the 27 counties. Again, tins ruling minority pay, for the sup port of government, $ 60,832 37 taxes while the majority they govern, pay for the privilege of being thus governed, S 73,460 62, which the minority may appropriate with out the consent, and without the benefit, of this tax paying majority. % According to “ Baldwin,” an able writer in the Constitutionalist, more than $15,000 will be drawn as pay by the delegation from a certain number of counties beyond the sum which the people they represent pay iuto the Treasury. These specimens of Equalizing present themselves on a comparison of the large and small counties in the aggregate: still more striking examples are exhibited on contrast, ing seperute Senatorial districts. For instance, it is proposed that a white We did suppose Col. Hayne spoke the senti. ment8 of the entire south, but from the posi. tive declarations of Col. Lumpkin, there cvi. dently is« great and important change of public sentiment there on this subject. We feel a strong aversion to' any direct or indi. rect interference of the north with the slave population ol the south, unless solicited, and if -hut is done, let us aid them with a liberality which will show what sincerity and earnest, tesa vie feel on this subject.—Northampton ' 'ourier. At bon Chow and A. HI. Nlsbet, Editors. „ , i . . . , . , ... population ot onlv 1,371 in the counties ot well calculated to improve the physical (if. L * . j o . . « L i ... , . ■ e .-I otewart and Sumter, shall have tin equal rep. not the moral) character ot any race or nation. ... . „ ... c ~ 1 - I I reservation in the Senate with 17,851 “ free On this ground, even the harsher games, boxing, wrestling, cudgel playing, are defen sible, and have been ably defended. But I repeat, you cannot introduce these to any ex- tent in our colleges and schools, and if you do, you will find that they are exclusively, en gaged in by those who need little of thej attention of the philanthropist—the idle, the careless, the hardv—while those’who < , „ , . . . , J c I and Early, Appling and Tatnall, paying alto- best deserve our anxious regard, the infirm r . . , j m , . , . !?. . aether, less than two thousand dollars into the and studious, will b< rarely, if ever, met on.,,, J .... .. . , , . .. * . .. treasury, shall have the power, by their mur the play ground or m the arena. In the sec- r J white persons” in the counties of Hall and Jack- sou—therefore, That each individual in Stewart and Sum ter shall have the same weight in tiie Senate, that any thirteen “ free while persons” have in H ill and J .cksoii. Finally, it is proposed that the counties of . Irwin and Telfair, Lee and Baker, Randolph ond place, the advantages of these games will, in a short time, be concentrated upon a few who shall be found to excel their competitors 1 in strength and agility. Now there is no one so weak, for whom a light and easy task iu mechanics cannot be contrived. He may turn a wheel, or sit .it the lathe, or handle a saw, or plane, or hammer. Or if tlic weuth- votes in the Senate, of controlling the appro priate of the twenty three thousand dollars paid by the counties of Richmond, Columbia, El bert, Oglethorpe, Baldwin and Jones, whose three Senators shall not have the power to prevent it. These striking facts address themselves to the common sense of every individual—com- : meat on them is unnecessary. It might not cr admit, he m y bout the spade, or hoc, or i , T 31 " ‘ u , ^ ~ nmiinir iir«r»lr be unworthy of notice, however, that these use the pruning hook. Nor is there any one so dull that he cannot be taught to labor effi ciently in some of these modes—and thds tie shall succeed in applying the most permanent and effectual of all inducements and modes of excitement, the attainment, namely, of a defi nite end—success is ever within the reach of all, and that reward which proverbially swee tens labor, is never denied.” It has been made a subject of discussion what modes of labor are to be preferred.—me chanical or agricultural. I think it would be well if in all cases they could be combined— if the exercises of the field and the workshop could be alternated, and if as great a variety of modes of mechanical labor should be ar, ranged as the nature of circumstances will ad mit. There are a few trades and occupa tions which I would reject altogether, and but a few. In a great majority of instances those operations which have been considered unhealthy, are so not in their own nature, but from the exclusive and constant confinement.. Our purpose is not to teach any mechanic arts, but to teach the student the habit of frequont and energetic physical exertion. I am ready to acknowledge that the product of such labor will not be of the higher order of fineness and polish. It is an obvious- and unanswerable argu ment to the ambitious young man aspiring to the loftiest eminence, and willing to sacrifice itimself to his ardent desire of reputation—that under such a regimen us I have contended for, he will live longer, and therefore, if his efforts are unremitting, attain as well as en joy more. But farther than this, I fully co, veur with those who maintain that by subtracting three or four hours a day from silent study, uud employing them in mahual labor, you en able the average mass <*jf men to eflect more, ultimately, -in the diminished number of hours that remain. Let any one reflect how much his intellect is tramslled jn its flights by the heavy, burden of an infirm and diseas- admirablc features of Equality in the fundamen tal law, are proposed to the people for their sanction, by the very men they elected to re. duce and Equalize the 1 representation in their Legislature.—Southern Recorder Moral and Religious Condition of tub South.—Col. Lumpkin, brother of the pres ent Governor of Georgia, made an appeal to our citizens in behalf of the Theological Insti tution, at Columbia, S. C.,and also in behalfof religion in the States of South Carolina and Georgia, in the first church in this town last Sunday evening. He stated that the desti tution of these two states in settled religious ordinances, could not be couceived of in New England. Twelve or fifteen thousand inhab itants there often were scattered over districts of country thirty miles in extqnt, and the num. her of clergy in either state scarcely avera, giug one to this large number. He shew, by a variety of conclusive arguments and reason ings, why. the north ought to aid in supplying such deficiencies at the south. He said fur ther, the south had been too proud heretofore to ask such aid of the north, but now they were willing and ready and anxious to re ceive it. He plead for assistance to aid in christianizing the blacks and elevating their mQral condition, and by extending the hand of Christian fellowship and love, to bind ad-, hesively the several parts of the Union more final v together. His decl aration that slave- holders were eager and solicitous to have thoir blacks enlightened by Christianity, was whol- lv new to us. conflicting as it does with sov- eral legislative acts of the southern state? ex pressly interdicting it. Mr. Hayne in the great debate in 1830, reprobated in the sp. verost terms the efforts of “benevolent asso ciatious” and “ missionaries’’ from the north among the blacks of the south, and he re- marked the exertions of these “ false philan. thropists” had well nigh sealed the fate of all the slaves in tl}e. whole southern country. Li' In another column of our paper this week win be found an interesting letter from Professor Samuel Henry Dickson of Charleston, South Carolina, to one of till) directors of the Athens Manual Labor School, on the subject of physical, in connexion with me;, tal education, taken from the Charleston Observe-, It is intended, we underst md, as an introduction to other essays on the 6arne subject which are hereof, ter to ipjiear from distinguished sources. Convinced as we are of the great advantages of this t ystetn of education, and feeling much interest in the success of the experiment now being made near this place, to which Dr. Dixon’s letter is intended to call the attention of tho public, we feel great ple^. ure in 1 tying it before our readers and in reconimta. ding it to their serious perusal.. Ttie Theatie—We dropped in to witness the per. formunce of Messrs. Carter & Morton’s Theatrical Company one night List week, and aro happy to say that we were much pleased with the entertainments. The company, though small, is far moro efficient than would naturally be expected—all of its member, appear to appreciate the parts assigned to them, and desirous to acquit themselves in the best marmot— Without disparagement to tho others, we would re. mark of Miss Carter, tint she is a very promisin’ young actres, and bids fair, with proper attention, e;v long to rank among tho stare of her profession. The company is expected to return here on Monday ner, and will probably remain through the week. \V» wou'. l recommend the lovers of rational amusement to giro it a cull. The Gubernatorial Election.—Tho Editor of tin Augusta Chronicle and his coadjutors throughout the State, have been for some time hack busily engaged in beating up recruits lor a grand nullification meet ing iu this pi .ce next week, for the purpose of set. tling the question—who is to be the next Governor? An etl'ort will oub.lcss he made by them to bring out an opponent to Maj. Cr-wford. We arc inclined to believe, however; tli Jt it will prove a failure. The scheme will be opposed hy the reflecting and judicious portion of that party, many of whom we know are decidedly averse to it. The Macon Messenger, (a leading nullification paper) of Iasi week, speaks of the project as well calculated to produce mischief at this present crisis. Thf Convention.—We have before shown most conclusively, the great inequality of tho scheme pro. posed by the Convention, as regards tho Senate We will now take a view of its bearing on the House of Representatives ; and if we do not show conclu sively that instead of equalizing the Representation in that branch, it goes to make more unequal the in equality which now exists, then we will be willing to retire from the contest^ and acknowledge ourselves incapable of rightly viewing or of fairly reasoning on a question so simple and so easily comprehended. And in doing so we will throw aside the Federal ba. sis entirely, and assume the favorite ground of our opponents—the free white basis. The following counties, viz: Hall, Gwinnett, Habersham, Monroe, De Kalb, Henry, Newton, Franklin, Walton, Jackson, Jasper, Elbert, Jones, Washington, Houston, Richmond, Oglethorpe, Put nam, Wilker, Burke, Clarke, Morgan, Warren, Troup, Hancock and Chatham, have a free white population of 176,139. Tho Remaining counties have but 132,<>96—forty-two thousand four hundred and forty.three less th in the 2G counties above nam ed. Now cannot my one perceive at a glance, that if the ccn vent ion had intended 10 equalize tho repre sentation in the House of Representatives on the free white basis scheme, the redaction would have been made from the minority counties, and not from those having ho great a majority of inhabitants. But what is the fact 7 Why it proposes to make the reduction at the expense of those very counties which have now nothing like an equality of representation, tak ing the free white population as the correct basis.— Instead of increasing the representation of the above named counties in proportion to their population, tbe Convention proposes to take from them 13 members, and to draw upon them hereafter for a further quota of their rights, just so often as a new county is laid off and organized 1 The leaders in this sciiome of usurpation and tyr. anny, say that territory ought to be the basis cf rep resentation in the Senate, and white population tbe basis in tho House of Representatives. The first is anti-republican in principle, and the latter, however true in theory, has not been adopted by them in prac tice. If it had been, the counties having a majority of freemen would certainly have had & majority of Representatives, instead oftwhich a small minorityia to have (If the amendment is adopted) a decided majority of Representatives! Is it right, is it repub. lican, thut 133,696 citizens of Georgia, paying but barely one third of the ta X n P of the State, should have a majority of 10 Representatives in tho legis lature over 176,139 ? which will most assuredly bo the case if the amendment of the convention is adopted. ' This is the question, people of Georgia, which you have to decide on the first Monday in October next. Shall tha minority or the majority of the free citizens of your State hereafter rule 7 If you would have tho minority to rule, then you will support ratification— but if yoii “know your rights, and knowing duo maintain them,” you will vote for no nmncAtiov, and the j»re democracy of our government will prove triumphant. Of what consideration is the pitiful re duction contemplated by tho Convention, if it is to be efiected it the sacrifice of the dearest rights of the people 7 Will you, people of Georgia, for this paltty